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| <META NAME="Generator" CONTENT="GForce Arts "> | |
| <TITLE>:: GForce :: Yeh Undar Ki Baat Hai</TITLE> | |
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| <p><B><I><FONT FACE="Arial,Helvetica" SIZE=2>GFORCE </font></i></b></p> | |
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| <P>India's False claim on Kashmir.</P> | |
| <P><font size="2">On October 28th 1993, Robin Raphel stated that Washington | |
| did not recognise the Instrument of Accession to India as meaning that | |
| Kashmir is not forever more an integral part of India. She expressed | |
| the view that the whole of Kashmir is disputed territory, the future | |
| status of which must be determined in accordance with the wishes of | |
| the people of Kashmir. </font></P> | |
| <P><font size="2">The International Commission of Jurists (ICJ), based | |
| in Geneva, recently, passed a resolution proclaiming Kashmir's accession | |
| to India as bogus and null and void. The ICJ went further by condemning | |
| the human rights violations in Kashmir. These events serve to highlight | |
| the disputed status of Kashmir by focusing on the fraudulent nature | |
| of the Instrument of Accession which was 'signed' by the Mahrajah of | |
| Kashmir on 26th October 1947. </font></P> | |
| <P><font size="2">The Indians claim that the Instrument of Accession was | |
| signed by Mahrajah Hari Singh on 26th October 1947, in which the Mahrajah | |
| agreed to accede to India in return for military assistance to put down | |
| the popular rebellion against him, seen at that time as an invasion | |
| by tribesmen from neighbouring Pakistan. The details of the accession | |
| were worked out between the Kashmiri Prime Minister, MC Mahajan and | |
| the Indian official, VP Menon, in Dehli. However, there are serious | |
| doubts about the signing of the document. Alastair Lamb (in his book, | |
| Kashmir - A disputed legacy 1846-1990) points out that the Instrument | |
| of Accession could not have been signed by the Mahrajah on 26th October | |
| as he was travelling by road to Jammu (a distance of over 350 Km). </font></P> | |
| <P><font size="2">There is no evidence to suggest that a meeting or communication | |
| of any kind took place on 26th October 1947. In fact it was on 27th | |
| October 1947 that the Mahrajah was informed by his MC Mahajan and VP | |
| Menon (who had flown into Srinagar), the the Instrument of Accession | |
| had already been negotiated in Dehli. The Mahrajah did not in fact sign | |
| the Instrument of Accession, if at all, until 27th October 1947. This | |
| sheds doubts on the actions of the Indian regime. Some Indian troops | |
| had already arrived and secured Srinagar airfield during the middle | |
| of October 1947. On 26th October 1947, a further massive airlift brought | |
| thousands of Indian troops to Kashmir - BEFORE the signing of the Accession. | |
| Therefore, this situation begs the question: would the Mahrajah have | |
| signed the Instrument of Accession had the Indian troops not been on | |
| Kashmiri soil? </font></P> | |
| <P><font size="2">No satisfactory original of the Instrument of Accession | |
| has ever been produced in an international forum; a published form has | |
| always been shown. Further, the document was not presented to Pakistan | |
| or to the UN. In the summer of 1995, the Indian authorities reported | |
| the original document as lost or stolen. This sheds further doubt on | |
| whether the Mahrajah actually signed the Instrument of Accession. The | |
| Governor-General of India at the time, Lord Mountbatten, stipulated | |
| that the permanent accession of Kashmir to the Indian Union will only | |
| be accepted once the people of Kashmir had been consulted. He noted | |
| in a letter to the Mahrajah, "the question of the states's accession | |
| should be settled by a reference to the people". Furthermore, when the | |
| Kashmir crisis broke out in October 1947, the principle of reference | |
| to the people through plebiscite was already established as similar | |
| disputes in some other states had been resolved this way.</font></P> | |
| <P><font size="2"> The Indian Prime Minister J Nehru, accepted this principle | |
| and reiterated his position in a letter to the British Prime Minister | |
| on 25th October 1947, "our view, which we have repeatedly made public, | |
| is that the question of accession in any disputed territory must be | |
| decided in accordance with the wishes of the people and we adhere to | |
| this view". Therefore, at the time of the so-called accession, the Indian | |
| regime accepted the principle of reference to the people. Based on this | |
| principle, the Instrument of Accession should have been provisional | |
| and conditional upon the outcome of a plebiscite. When India took the | |
| Kashmir issue to the UN in 1948, it did so under article 35 of Chapter | |
| VI which outlines the means for a peaceful settlement of disputes. </font></P> | |
| <P><font size="2">It is interesting to note here that India did not present | |
| the Kashmir case under the UN Chapter VII which relates to acts of aggression | |
| as India was alleging Pakistan. Therefore, it is evident that by raising | |
| the issue under Chapter VI, India recognised the Kashmir issue as a | |
| dispute, thus conceding that the Instrument of Accession had not confirmed | |
| the state to be an integral part of India. India is still party to all | |
| the UN resolutions on Kashmir. Moreover, India and Pakistan accepted | |
| the UN resolutions of January 1948 calling for a plebiscite in Kashmir | |
| to exercise the right of self-determination of the people of Kashmir. | |
| India's acceptance of the UN resolutions establishes beyond a doubt, | |
| that the future of status of Kashmir would be determined by its people. | |
| Therefore, the Instrument of Accession, even if genuine, is rendered | |
| null and void</font></P> | |
| <P><font size="2">. In the past, attempts to hold a plebiscite have been | |
| met with fierce opposition from India. India has known, right from the | |
| start, that the result of a plebiscite is a foregone conclusion - the | |
| population of Kashmir would have voted to rid themselves of Indian rule.</font></P> | |
| <P><font size="2"> This has been the case from 26th October 1947 to the | |
| present day. On the practicality of holding a plebiscite, a paper by | |
| the US state department, presented to the UN on 2nd December 1947, noted | |
| , "the dominion of India may attempt to establish the extant electoral | |
| rolls on the basis for the referendum. As these rolls are said to contain | |
| less than 7% of the population and were compiled on a basis which served | |
| the weight to the members of the wealthiest educated Hindu majority | |
| who would obviously vote for accession to India, it is important that | |
| the electoral body should in fact be composed on a basis of complete | |
| adult suffrage in order that the result of the referendum may be representative | |
| of the actual wishes of the people of Kashmir".</font></P> | |
| <P><font size="2"> In view of the above arguments, it is clear that the | |
| Indian case on Kashmir is politically, legally and morally unjustified. | |
| The commitment made by India and the UN to allow the people of the state | |
| to choose their own future are neither time bound nor do they provide | |
| an escape clause for the Indian regime. It is only through fraud and | |
| repression that India continues to forcefully occupy a large portion | |
| of Kashmir</font></P> | |
| <P><font size="2">Please note, we are not a racist group, if you read | |
| all our stuff, you must realise our anger. We see people killed everyday, | |
| women raped, thick blood lying around, orphan children crying, and on | |
| the other hand, zee media (Indians) blame Pakistan for massacres and | |
| try to give a impression that Pakistan is responsible for the whole | |
| Kashmir issue,and we are responsible for every violence in Kahsmir. | |
| We like to apologise to any one that was offended by our defacement, | |
| even if it's a Indian. </font></P> | |
| <blockquote> | |
| <blockquote> | |
| <p> </p> | |
| <blockquote> | |
| <blockquote> | |
| <blockquote> | |
| <blockquote> | |
| <p><img src="http://www.attrition.org/mirror/attrition/2000/08/15/www.freekindia.com/dead1.jpg" width="116" height="109"> </p> | |
| </blockquote> | |
| <p> </p> | |
| </blockquote> | |
| </blockquote> | |
| </blockquote> | |
| </blockquote> | |
| </blockquote> | |
| <p><FONT FACE="Verdana" SIZE=1>Greets to : PHC #flem XPERiENCE crew, Attrition.org,</font><FONT SIZE=1> | |
| safemode.org </FONT><FONT FACE="Verdana" SIZE=1>Projectgamma.com, hackernews.com, | |
| packetstorm.securify.org, self-evident.com,</FONT> <FONT FACE="Verdana" SIZE=1>rest | |
| of #!GFORCE and Freedom fighters of Kashmir (the mujhaideens), safemode.org,.hexa | |
| labs.MAN|AC, Peacemaker, msgmen0t, aekpani, , DEATHaCES, DEADgH0sT, | |
| cen, RR, symetrixx, , root66, Sysop, justagirl dayzee ,blueberry ,apathy13, | |
| antipent, Jaguar ,BigPoppa, PoWerPr0, bo-k-rra, core, bs, live, none(leviatan), | |
| cruciphux, SugarKing espionage, defcon, melt, slader, lyp0x, xessor, | |
| max0r, wrLiner, DA^BOMB, #rootworrm, axess, hwa-security, !b0f, all | |
| peeps at flem, rsh, f0rpaxe, Ursel ,Earizer ,stella, divine, isn, c65.org, | |
| incubus, oreo and who ever we've missed</FONT> </p> | |
| <P><A HREF="http://www9.50megs.com/gforce/mirror.htm"><B><font color="#FFFFFF">Previous | |
| work</font></B></A><font color="#FFFFFF"><B> | g-force@nightmail.com</b></font></P> | |
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