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| <title>:: GForce :: Yeh Ander Kee Baath Hai</title> | |
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| <P align="left"> | |
| <P align="left"><font size="1" face="Verdana">India's False claim on Kashmir.</font></P> | |
| <P align="left"><font size="1" face="Verdana">On October 28th 1993, Robin | |
| Raphel stated that Washington did not recognise the Instrument of Accession | |
| to India as meaning that Kashmir is not forever more an integral part | |
| of India. She expressed the view that the whole of Kashmir is disputed | |
| territory, the future status of which must be determined in accordance | |
| with the wishes of the people of Kashmir. </font></P> | |
| <P align="left"><font size="1" face="Verdana">The International Commission | |
| of Jurists (ICJ), based in Geneva, recently, passed a resolution proclaiming | |
| Kashmir's accession to India as bogus and null and void. The ICJ went | |
| further by condemning the human rights violations in Kashmir. These events | |
| serve to highlight the disputed status of Kashmir by focusing on the fraudulent | |
| nature of the Instrument of Accession which was 'signed' by the Mahrajah | |
| of Kashmir on 26th October 1947. </font></P> | |
| <P align="left"><font size="1" face="Verdana">The Indians claim that the | |
| Instrument of Accession was signed by Mahrajah Hari Singh on 26th October | |
| 1947, in which the Mahrajah agreed to accede to India in return for military | |
| assistance to put down the popular rebellion against him, seen at that | |
| time as an invasion by tribesmen from neighbouring Pakistan. The details | |
| of the accession were worked out between the Kashmiri Prime Minister, | |
| MC Mahajan and the Indian official, VP Menon, in Dehli. However, there | |
| are serious doubts about the signing of the document. Alastair Lamb (in | |
| his book, Kashmir - A disputed legacy 1846-1990) points out that the Instrument | |
| of Accession could not have been signed by the Mahrajah on 26th October | |
| as he was travelling by road to Jammu (a distance of over 350 Km). </font></P> | |
| <P align="left"><font size="1" face="Verdana">There is no evidence to suggest | |
| that a meeting or communication of any kind took place on 26th October | |
| 1947. In fact it was on 27th October 1947 that the Mahrajah was informed | |
| by his MC Mahajan and VP Menon (who had flown into Srinagar), the the | |
| Instrument of Accession had already been negotiated in Dehli. The Mahrajah | |
| did not in fact sign the Instrument of Accession, if at all, until 27th | |
| October 1947. This sheds doubts on the actions of the Indian regime. Some | |
| Indian troops had already arrived and secured Srinagar airfield during | |
| the middle of October 1947. On 26th October 1947, a further massive airlift | |
| brought thousands of Indian troops to Kashmir - BEFORE the signing of | |
| the Accession. Therefore, this situation begs the question: would the | |
| Mahrajah have signed the Instrument of Accession had the Indian troops | |
| not been on Kashmiri soil? </font></P> | |
| <P align="left"><font size="1" face="Verdana">No satisfactory original of | |
| the Instrument of Accession has ever been produced in an international | |
| forum; a published form has always been shown. Further, the document was | |
| not presented to Pakistan or to the UN. In the summer of 1995, the Indian | |
| authorities reported the original document as lost or stolen. This sheds | |
| further doubt on whether the Mahrajah actually signed the Instrument of | |
| Accession. The Governor-General of India at the time, Lord Mountbatten, | |
| stipulated that the permanent accession of Kashmir to the Indian Union | |
| will only be accepted once the people of Kashmir had been consulted. He | |
| noted in a letter to the Mahrajah, "the question of the states's accession | |
| should be settled by a reference to the people". Furthermore, when the | |
| Kashmir crisis broke out in October 1947, the principle of reference to | |
| the people through plebiscite was already established as similar disputes | |
| in some other states had been resolved this way.</font></P> | |
| <P align="left"><font size="1" face="Verdana">The Indian Prime Minister | |
| J Nehru, accepted this principle and reiterated his position in a letter | |
| to the British Prime Minister on 25th October 1947, "our view, which we | |
| have repeatedly made public, is that the question of accession in any | |
| disputed territory must be decided in accordance with the wishes of the | |
| people and we adhere to this view". Therefore, at the time of the so-called | |
| accession, the Indian regime accepted the principle of reference to the | |
| people. Based on this principle, the Instrument of Accession should have | |
| been provisional and conditional upon the outcome of a plebiscite. When | |
| India took the Kashmir issue to the UN in 1948, it did so under article | |
| 35 of Chapter VI which outlines the means for a peaceful settlement of | |
| disputes. </font></P> | |
| <P align="left"><font size="1" face="Verdana">It is interesting to note | |
| here that India did not present the Kashmir case under the UN Chapter | |
| VII which relates to acts of aggression as India was alleging Pakistan. | |
| Therefore, it is evident that by raising the issue under Chapter VI, India | |
| recognised the Kashmir issue as a dispute, thus conceding that the Instrument | |
| of Accession had not confirmed the state to be an integral part of India. | |
| India is still party to all the UN resolutions on Kashmir. Moreover, India | |
| and Pakistan accepted the UN resolutions of January 1948 calling for a | |
| plebiscite in Kashmir to exercise the right of self-determination of the | |
| people of Kashmir. India's acceptance of the UN resolutions establishes | |
| beyond a doubt, that the future of status of Kashmir would be determined | |
| by its people. Therefore, the Instrument of Accession, even if genuine, | |
| is rendered null and void</font></P> | |
| <P align="left"><font size="1" face="Verdana">. In the past, attempts to | |
| hold a plebiscite have been met with fierce opposition from India. India | |
| has known, right from the start, that the result of a plebiscite is a | |
| foregone conclusion - the population of Kashmir would have voted to rid | |
| themselves of Indian rule.</font></P> | |
| <P align="left"><font size="1" face="Verdana">This has been the case from | |
| 26th October 1947 to the present day. On the practicality of holding a | |
| plebiscite, a paper by the US state department, presented to the UN on | |
| 2nd December 1947, noted , "the dominion of India may attempt to establish | |
| the extant electoral rolls on the basis for the referendum. As these rolls | |
| are said to contain less than 7% of the population and were compiled on | |
| a basis which served the weight to the members of the wealthiest educated | |
| Hindu majority who would obviously vote for accession to India, it is | |
| important that the electoral body should in fact be composed on a basis | |
| of complete adult suffrage in order that the result of the referendum | |
| may be representative of the actual wishes of the people of Kashmir".</font></P> | |
| <P align="left"><font size="1" face="Verdana">In view of the above arguments, | |
| it is clear that the Indian case on Kashmir is politically, legally and | |
| morally unjustified. The commitment made by India and the UN to allow | |
| the people of the state to choose their own future are neither time bound | |
| nor do they provide an escape clause for the Indian regime. It is only | |
| through fraud and repression that India continues to forcefully occupy | |
| a large portion of Kashmir</font></P> | |
| <P align="left"><font size="1" face="Verdana">Please note, we are not a | |
| racist group, if you read all our stuff, you must realise our anger. We | |
| see people killed everyday, women raped, thick blood lying around, orphan | |
| children crying, and on the other hand, zee media (Indians) blame Pakistan | |
| for massacres and try to give a impression that Pakistan is responsible | |
| for the whole Kashmir issue,and we are responsible for every violence | |
| in Kahsmir. We like to apologise to any one that was offended by our defacement, | |
| even if it's a Indian. W</font></P> | |
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| <blockquote> | |
| <p align="center"><font size="1"><img height=83 src="dead3.jpeg" width=116> | |
| </font></p> | |
| </blockquote> | |
| <p align="center"> <br> | |
| <font face="Courier" size="2" color="#66FF66">[Indian Domination In Progess]</font></p> | |
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| <td align="justify"> | |
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| <p><font color="#CCCCCC"><br> | |
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| <img src="previous.jpg" width="146" height="29" border="0"></a><br> | |
| <a href="mailto:g-force@nightmail.com"><img src="Contact.jpg" width="81" height="29" border="0"></a></font></p> | |
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