Hdi Dictionary

by Zygmunt Frajzyngier and Paul Eguchi and Roger Prafé and Megan Schwabauer with Erin Shay and Henry Tourneux

This repository contains the data underlying the published version of the dictionary at Dictionaria as CLDF Dictionary

Releases of this repository are archived with and accessible through ZENODO and the latest release is published on the Dictionaria website.

Introduction

Geographical location and speakers

Hdi (gwáɗ-á xdí ‘language of Hdi’ or simply xdí in Hdi) is a Central Chadic language spoken in the Far North Province of Cameroon. The name hidé has been used in administrative documents in reference to the people who speak the language. The main town where the language is spoken is Tourou, located at 10° 55' 25" N latitude and 13° 44' 05" E longitude, right on the border between Cameroon and Nigeria, about one hour’s drive north from Mokolo. The estimates of the number of speakers of Hdi range between 10,000 and 25,000. Some speakers of Hdi have migrated to Nigeria, specifically to Mubi and Yola, where the Hdi communities may number several thousand speakers.

Some Hdi speakers (the number is not available) are bilingual or trilingual, with French and Hausa being the second and third languages. As of 2014, a substantial number of speakers have received primary education, as there are five elementary schools in Tourou. The great majority of Hdi are farmers.

At the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century, the town of Tourou was under considerable social stress, as it was the object of frequent raids by the infamous slave trader Hamman Yaji (Vaughan and Kirk-Greene 1995). The men he captured were forced to build the road between Mokolo and Tourou. The remnants of Hamman Yaji’s outpost can still be seen in Tourou. His raids had long-lasting effects on the Hdi community, as speakers were reluctant for a long time to send their children to school for fear that this was another way of depriving them of their sons and daughters.

The town is a tourist attraction, mainly because of the market it holds on Thursdays and the characteristic painted calabashes that women wear as hats. Photographs from the marketplace in Tourou are widely available on the internet.

The purpose of the grammatical sketch that follows is to present, in an abbreviated form, the main formal coding means and functions encoded in the grammatical system of the language.

For a fuller description the reader is referred to Frajzyngier with Shay 2002.

A number of modifications that incorporate the results of the more recent fieldwork and research are accompanied by minimal supporting evidence.

In the present introduction, Hdi words in the text are in italics, their translations are in inverted commas.

Organization and representation in the dictionary

All Hdi material in the dictionary is marked by bold font. The usual entry consists of the lexical item followed by the indicator of its categoriality, translation into English, translation into French, and examples of its use.

For verbs, the main entries are forms ending in a vowel, so that the tone(s) of the verb can be represented. Within the entry, forms are cited in the perfective aspect, often in the third-person singular; these forms are sometimes translated into English and French as the infinitive form and sometimes as the third-person singular perfective form. No significance should be attached to whether the verb entry is translated as the third-person singular or as the infinitive in English or French. For a number of verbs, examples containing extensions are added mainly in order to attest to the possibility of such additions. Occasionally the entries include examples from natural discourse, as represented in Frajzyngier with Shay 2002. The verbs with extensions are grouped under the main entry and are also listed in their alphabetical order.

Entries for nouns indicate the ontological class of nouns, e.g. whether the term refers to fauna or flora, and even narrower specifications within the two classes. These classifications have no grammatical consequences. The botanical forms in Fula come from two sources. The first one is Roger Prafé’s identification of names of Hdi plants in Fula, obtained through a series of interviews with a Fula Bororo speaker. The second source consists of terms included in Tourneux and Daïrou 1998 and Noye 1989. The forms obtained through the interviews with the Bororo speaker are more numerous, because they include plants that are not necessarily part of agricultural practice. The identification of insects was done with the help of Boorman 1981, and the identification of birds with the help of Serle and Morel 1993. The identification of mammals was done with the help of Halternorth and Diller 1985.

Nominal and verbal entries occasionally include an explanation of customs, ceremonies, and practices in which a given activity, as represented by a verb, or a given entity, as represented by a noun, plays a role. These descriptions derive entirely from information provided by Roger Prafé and do not necessarily carry the expected accuracy of anthropological field research.

Phonology

Phonetic and phonological inventories

The consonantal system is characterized by the presence of voiced, voiceless, and glottalized stops. The palatal articulation is represented only by the glide y. Underlying consonants do not include palatal continuants, affricates, and nasals.

Table 1: Underlying consonants

	Bilabial	Labio-Dental	Alveolar	Palatal	Velar
Stops
Voiced	b		d		g
Voiceless	p		t		k
Prenasalized	mb		md, nd		ng
Glottalized	ɓ		ɗ
Affricates
Voiced			dz, ndz
Voiceless			ts
Continuants
Voiced		v	z		gh
Voiceless		f	s		x
Lateral Continuants
Voiced			ɮ
Voiceless			ɬ
Nasals	m		n		ŋ
Liquids			r
			l
Glides	w			y

Phonetic consonants include all of the underlying consonants plus a series of palatal continuants, the bilabial voiceless fricative, palatal nasals, the glottal stop, and glottalized glides. The following chart represents phonetic consonants:

Table 2: Inventory of phonetic consonants

	Bilabial	Labio-Dental	Alveolar	Palatal	Velar
Stops
Voiced	b		d		g
Voiceless	p		t		k, kw
Prenasalized	mb		md, nd, ndz		ng
Glottalized	ɓ	'w	ɗ	'y
Affricates
Voiced			dz	i
Voiceless			ts	c
Continuants
Voiced	ß	v	z	ž	ɣ
Voiceless	f	f	s	š	x
Lateral Continuants
Voiced			ɮ
Voiceless			ɬ
Nasals	m		n		ŋ
Liquids			r
			l
Glides	w			y

In the dictionary proper, the lateral voiceless continuant ɬ is represented as hl, and the lateral voiced continuant ɮ is represented as zl.

Labiodental fricatives become bilabial voiceless fricatives according to the rule:

Rule 1: f → ƒ/ ___ [+round], e.g. [ƒwáɗ] ‘four’

The bilabial voiced continuant is a product of the change of v to ß between high round vowels:

Rule 2: v → ß/u___u, e.g. dzvú after optional vowel insertion → [jùßú] ‘hand’

The palatal continuants are products of palatalization rules:

Rule 3: [+alveolar] [+cont] → [+pal]/V[+front], e.g. tsí → [cí] ‘third-person singular subject’

The glottalized glides ‘w and ‘y have been recorded only when in intervocalic position, preceded by a high front or back vowel and followed by low vowel.

The alveolar nasal becomes velar in syllable-final position and may be realized as the sequence velar nasal-velar voiced stop when followed by a vowel in another word. Consider the noun /zwán/ ‘child’. The evidence that it has the underlying alveolar nasal is provided by the plural form [zwánì]. In word-final position it undergoes velarization:

Rule 4: n → ŋ/ ___ #:

(1)	zwáŋ á krì → [zwáŋ.gá.krì]
	zwáŋ	á	krì
	child	GEN	dog
	'puppy'

A high back vowel becomes a glide after a velar, labial, or liquid consonant and before a, according to the following rule:

Rule 5: u → w/C[+velar, labial, liquid] ___ (C)a:

(2)	gù á wà → [gwà á wà]
	gù	á	wà
	goat	NEG	NEG
	'it is not a goat'

The glottal stop occurs only between identical vowels or between a vowel and a glide that shares with the vowel the features for height or roundness. Because its presence is predictable it is not an underlying segment:

• zì’yá: ‘smell’
• mì’í: ‘wives’
• ù’wà: ‘milk’
• dzà’á: ‘go’, future tense marker

Table 3: Distribution of stops within the word and at phrase boundaries

	Word-initial	Intervocalic	Word-final	Phrase-final
Voiced	b, d, g	b, d, g	b, d, g
Voiceless	p, t, k	p, t, k	p, k, kw	p, k, kw
Prenasalized	mb, nd, ŋg	mb, ng
Nasal	n, m	n, m, ŋ	m, ŋ	m, ŋ
Glottalized	ɓ, ɗ	ɓ, ɗ	ɓ, ɗ

Table 4: Distribution of affricates and continuants

	Word-initial	Intervocalic	Word-final	Phrase-final
Voiced	z, gh, ɮ, dz	z, gh, ɮ, dz	z
Voiceless	s, x, ɬ, ts	s, x, ɬ, ts	s, x, ɬ	s, x

A voiced consonant becomes voiceless when not followed by a sonorant in the next syllable:

Rule 6: C [+voice] → [-voice]/___[-son]

Compare the behavior of the extension gá, which codes inner and downward movement:

(3)	vrà-gá-vr-í dzághà
	vrà-gá-vr-í	dzághà
	return-INN-return-1SG	home
	'I returned home' (from a higher elevation)

When the extension is not followed by a vowel, the velar consonant is voiceless even when following a vowel and preceding a voiced consonant:

(4)	vrà-k-vr-í dzághà
	vrà-k-vr-í	dzághà
	return-INN-return-1SG	home
	'I returned home' (from an equal elevation, said at the place to which the subject has returned)

There are more clusters allowed in the syllabic onset than in the syllabic coda. Two-consonant clusters are common in both word-initial and intervocalic position, but there are no clusters in word-final or phrase-final position. The general principle for consonant cluster formation is that the consonants in a cluster should differ maximally, i.e., they should differ in place of articulation, manner of articulation, and syllabicity properties. The two charts that follow list allowed and disallowed consonant clusters. The first chart takes into consideration the manner of articulation, the second chart the place of articulation.

Table 5: Consonantal clusters and manner of articulation

	Stops	Continuants	Nasals	Liquids
Stops	+	+	+	+
Continuants	+	+	+	+
Nasals	+	+	+	+
Liquids	+	+	+ (V_V)	-

Table 6:Consonantal clusters and place of articulation

	Bilabial	Labial	Alveolar	Velar
Bilabial	-	-	+	+
Labial	-	-	-	+
Alveolar	-	stop-cont.	+	+
Velar	-	-	+	-

The following chart represents underlying vocalic segments:

Table 7: Inventory of underlying vowels

Front	Central	Back
i	ə	u
e		a

Sporadic vowel lowering takes place when a high vowel is followed by a low vowel. The high vowel may be lowered one step:

Rule 7: V[+high] → [-high] / ___CV[+low]

The high vowel becomes round when followed by the round glide within the same morpheme or across a morpheme boundary within the same phrase:

Rule 8: V[+high] → [+round] /___w

(5)	ghùzú-á kwálábá → [ghòzá kwálábá]
	ghùzú-á	kwálábá
	beer-GEN	bottle
	'bottled beer'

The morpheme-final vowel is replaced by the initial vowel of the following morpheme if the two belong to the same phrase:

Rule 9: V1 → V2/ ___ #V2

(6)	tá ìmí → [tímí]
	tá	ìmí
	OBJ	water
	'water' (in non-subject function)

Syllable structure

A syllable in Hdi has the following properties: The onset and the coda may be absent and the syllable may consist only of the nucleus, which may be a vowel or a sonorant. The onset may consist of a consonant or a cluster of consonants, CC. The coda may consist of one consonant, which may be a sonorant (including liquids and nasals), a stop, or a fricative. The alveolar nasal becomes velar in word-final position. The only phonetic consonant cluster in coda position consists of a stop followed by a glide, a result of the labialization of the final u following a velar consonant. If a disallowed syllabic onset or coda would emerge, an epenthetic vowel must be inserted. In addition, if the absence of the tone would affect the grammatical coding realized by the tone, an epenthetic vowel is inserted. The vowel is inserted into the first position where the violation of the syllabic structure occurs. The vowel from the next syllable is copied into the disallowed position or into the first position that requires a tone realization:

(7)	kl-g-ì-xà ìmí → [klígìxà ìmí]
	kl-g-ì-xà	ìmí
	take-INN-1SG-DOWN	water
	'bring me down some water!'

(8)	mà kl-d-á-f-ká → [mà klàdáfká]
	mà	kl-d-á-f-ká
	PROH	take-ALL-PVG-UP-2SG
	'do not take it up there'

Tone

The language has two tones, high and low. Tone plays an important role in both the lexicon and the syntax of the language. In the lexicon, tone distinguishes between lexical items whose segmental structure is identical. Tone also plays an important role in the coding of the semantic roles of arguments, in the reference and nominal system, in modality coding, and in virtually all constructions in the language. All high tones in phrase-final position are lowered.

Lexical Categories

Lexical categories in Hdi include: nouns (marked in the dictionary as n), verbs (v), a small class of adjectives (adj), a small class of adverbs (adv), quantifiers (quant), numerals (num) and the following classes of freestanding grammatical morphemes: prepositions (prep), complementizers and subordinators (comp), deictics and determiners (det) and copulas (cop), identical in form with determiners.

The category ‘noun’ in Hdi is defined by its inherent ability to serve as an argument of a verbal predication and as the predicate of a nominal predication. Nouns can also receive inflectional markers coding number. Among nouns there is a distinct class of proper names marked in the dictionary as npm, for names used for males, and npf, for names used for females. Since there is no grammatical gender distinction in Hdi, the distinction between names used for males and names used for females has no grammatical consequences. In the dictionary, information about the category noun is often followed in italics by information about the ontological category, such as bot (botanical), ornit (ornithological), etc. The ontological categories have no grammatical consequences of any kind. The language has also a set of independent pronouns which function as noun phrases; these are listed in the section on reference.

The category ‘verb’ is defined by its inherent ability to serve as a predicate and not as an argument. Morphologically, verbs are characterized by the ability to occur with subject and object pronouns, with verbal extensions, and with verbal plural markers that are distinct from the nominal plural markers. There are four classes of verbs, based on the number and types of arguments that can occur in the verbal clause and how these arguments are marked (‘transitivity’). These are described in the section on verbs below.

The category ‘adjective’ is defined by its inherent ability to occur as a modifier of a noun. The category ‘adverb’ is defined by its inherent ability to occur as a modifier of clause.

Hdi has the category ‘ideophone’, i.e., lexical items with a very limited distribution that usually characterize an auditory, visual, tactile, olfactory, or other sensory aspect of the event. There are very few ideophones in the dictionary, but it is likely that there are more members of this class that have not been recorded.

Many nouns and verbs, and some adjectives, have been borrowed from languages with which Hdi speakers have direct or indirect contact. The most frequent are borrowings from Fula, marked F, and Hausa, marked H, followed by Arabic, marked Ar. Arabic borrowings came into Hdi indirectly, either through Fula or Hausa. There are also a number of borrowings from French, marked Fr or left unmarked, if obvious.

The structure of the noun phrase

A noun phrase is a phrase whose head is a noun. In many cases a noun phrase can be replaced by the head alone. The modifier within the noun phrase may precede or follow the head. Quantifiers precede the head. Determiners may precede the head, follow the head, or precede and follow the head within the same phrase. Some nouns are derived from verbs.

Nominal number

Nouns can take a number of suffixes. The unmarked form of the noun has no number value. There are three plural suffixes: -xà, the less frequent -ì, and the rare suffix -à, which is combined with the infix -a-. The plural suffix does not have to be used if plurality is marked by some other means, e.g. by the quantifier ‘many’. This provides evidence that the unmarked form of the noun has no number value. The language has an associative plural construction consisting of the form ì preceding a noun:

(9)	ì krì ndá pákáw-á ghúvì
	ì	krì	ndá	pákáw-á	ghúvì
	ASSC.PL	dog	ASSC	leopard-GEN	feces
	'Dog and Hyena (lit. leopard feces)'

Hdi also has a collective marker lá, which precedes the noun and codes the group of people designated by the noun:

(10)	lá də́blə́m
	lá	də́blə́m
	COLL	proper name
	'the Diblim people'

(11)	lá m̀ndə́ rxá
	lá	m̀ndə́	́rxá
	COLL	man	wise
	'wise people'

(12)	lá rvèrì
	lá	rvèrì
	COLL	king
	'kings' (the term rvèrì also means ‘lion’, but the form with lá indicates ‘kings’)

Modification of the noun

Modification through the genitive marker á

A modifying construction in which another noun or pronoun modifies the head noun (‘genitive construction’) has the form Noun-á Noun/Pro, where the form á, glossed as GEN, is identical with one of the deictic-demonstrative markers:

(13)	vú-á m̀ták → [vwám̀ták]
	vú-á	m̀ták
	fire-GEN	bush
	'bush fire'

Color terms belong to the class of nouns, and modification by a color term has the same form as modification by another noun:

(14)	gù-á ngrá
	gù-á	ngrá
	goat-GEN	black
	'a black goat'

Modifying pronouns (‘possessive pronouns’) follow the genitive marker:

(15)	zwán-á-ní [zwángání]
	zwán-á-ní
	child-GEN-3SG
	'his child'

Table 8: Possessive pronouns

Person	Singular	Dual	Plural
First	ɗá	úú	mú (incl); ŋní (excl)
Second	ghá		Ghúní
Third	Ní		tán/tàn

Some kinship terms, e.g. ‘mother’, ‘wife’, and ‘husband’, require the use of plural rather than singular possessive pronouns even if the intended possessor is singular. The use of plural rather than singular possessive pronouns is motivated by the roles the referents of these terms play within the family.

The modifying construction can have the order modifier-head, with the genitive marker á following the modifier. The modifiers in this construction all belong to the class of property concepts (concepts expressed by adjectives in many languages):

(16)	lfíd-á lgùt
	lfíd-á	lgùt
	new-GEN	cloth
	'new clothes'

(17)	índà ghwáɗàk-á skwì mà xgá yà
	índà	ghwáɗàk-á	skwì	mà	xgá	yà
	all	bad-GEN	thing	PREP	home	COP
	'that is all bad things at home'

Modification through the preposition nà

The construction Noun nà Noun is used only in a few fixed expressions referring to domestic animals. The form nà is related to the proximate demonstrative ná:

(18)	má nà gù
	má	nà	gù
	mother	DEM	goat
	'a female goat' (not 'mother of a goat')

Modification through the preposition ngá

The modification relationship between two nominal expressions may also be coded through the preposition ngá (glossed as FOR) in the construction Noun ngá Noun. In most cases, this construction is used where the modifier is the intended owner or destination of the head:

(19)	ùvá ngá-ɗá
	ùvá	ngá-ɗá
	cat	FOR-1SG
	'the cat for me'

Nouns followed by the preposition ngá must have high tone, regardless of their underlying tones. Thus hlà ‘cow’, gù ‘goat’, and krì ‘dog’ all have high tone before ngá:

(20)	hlá ngá-ní
	hlá	ngá-ní
	cow	FOR-3SG
	'the cow is for him'

Modification through the comment marker tá

The modifying construction Noun tá Noun codes an attribute of the head. The form tá functions as the comment marker in a variety of constructions, hence it is glossed COM for ‘comment marker’:

(21)	mtá tá dá-ní mà m̀ndú
	mtá	tá	dá-ní	mà	m̀ndú
	death	COM	father-3SG	PREP	man
	'death of the man's father'

(22)	glá tá zwán tà kúm-ày tá màrà-n-tà . . .
	glá	tá	zwán	tà	kúm-ày	tá	màrà-n-tà
	grow	COM	child	IMPF	want-PO	OBJ	show-3-REF
	'the child's growth will show . . .'

The construction Noun tá Noun can be used for ethnonyms when the head of the construction, the first noun, refers to a female. Forms with tá can be replaced in many cases by forms with the genitive -á:

(23)	mákwà tá xdí
	mákwà	tá	xdí
	girl	COM	Hdi
	'a Hdi girl'

(24)	mákw-á xdí
	mákw-á	xdí
	girl-GEN	Hdi
	'a Hdi girl'

Coding the notion of belonging

There exists a construction having the form Possessum-Genitive-Pronoun mà Possessor, where the pronoun codes the features of person and number of the possessor. The form mà is identical with the preposition meaning ‘within’. The construction is used only when both components, the possessor and the possessum, are nominal. The function of the construction is different from the one involving genitive modification and different from modification through the preposition tá:

(25)	kr-à-ní mà m̀ndú/mbítsá
	kr-à-ní	mà	m̀ndú/mbítsá
	dog-GEN-3SG	PREP	man/Mbitsa
	'a dog belonging to a man/Mbitsa'

The construction is used for coding the parent-child relationship, but not the child-parent relationship or a spousal relationship:

(26)	dá-ní mà mbítsá
	dá-ní	mà	mbítsá
	father-3SG	PREP	Mbitsa
	'Mbitsa's father'

(27)	dá-tán mà zwán-ì
	dá-tán	mà	zwán-ì
	father-3PL	PREP	child-PL
	'children's father'

For the child-parent relationship or spousal relationship the genitive marker -á is used:

(28)	zwán-á m̀ndú
	zwán-á	m̀ndú
	child-GEN	man
	'man's child'

(29)	màrkw-á m̀ndú
	màrkw-á	m̀ndú
	woman-GEN	man
	'man's wife'

Modification of nouns by adjectives

A lexical item is an adjective in Hdi if (1) it modifies nouns and (2) it cannot be used as an argument. Terms for size, shape, and quality are adjectives in Hdi; color terms are not.

The group of adjectives includes the following (an exhaustive list of items found in our data): dágálá ‘large’, kítìkw ‘small’, kì’yá ‘small’, xɓùzá ‘big-bellied’, slùxá ‘oval’, tùmbùzlá ‘round’, tə̀ntə̀ngá ‘hard’, ìná ‘good’, ‘beautiful’, ‘pretty’. The modifying construction with adjectives has the form Noun Adjective, without any intervening marker. Inherent adjectives in the attributive function occur after the noun they modify:

(30)	vú kì’yá
	vú	kì’yá
	fire	small
	'small fire'

(31)	xvá kwítìk
	xvá	kwítìk
	work	little
	'small work'

Numerals behave like adjectives in that the modifying construction has the form Head Numeral, without any additional markers:

(32)	skwì tùrtúkw
	skwì	tùrtúkw
	thing	one
	'one thing'

The comparative form of the modifying construction

Modifying constructions with adjectives code only two degrees: the unmarked and the comparative, where the latter corresponds in scope to the English comparative and superlative. A comparative modifying construction is formed by the use of the copula yà following the head noun and preceding the adjective:

(33)	m̀ndú yà dágálá
	m̀ndú	yà	dágálá
	man	COP	important
	'the most important man'

Cf.:

(34)	m̀ndú dágálá
	m̀ndú	dágálá
	man	important
	'an important man'

(35)	m̀ndú yà kítìkw
	m̀ndú	yà	kítìkw
	man	COP	small
	'the smallest man'

(36)	m̀ndú yà ndáxíɗá
	m̀ndú	yà	ndáxíɗá
	man	COP	wisdom
	'the wisest man'

Modification through ordinal numerals

Modification through ordinal numerals has the form má Numeral-Genitive Noun:

(37)	má xìs-á màrkwá-tán
	má	xìs-á	màrkwá-tán
	PREP	second-GEN	wife-3PL
	'their second wife'

Noun modified by a quantifier

Quantifiers include the same lexical items that function as adjectives: tùrtúkw ‘one, alone’, dágálá ‘many’, kítìkw ‘a little’, kí’yá ‘some, little’, dímdím or démdém ‘a lot’, and possibly several others. Modification by quantifiers has the form Noun Quantifier. Other material, such as a possessive pronoun, may intervene between the noun and the quantifier. Quantifiers do not occur with deictics:

(38)	skw-í-p-skwà tá ù’wà kì’yá
	skw-í-p-skwà	tá	ù’wà	kì’yá
	buy-1SG-OUT-buy	second-OBJ	milk	little
	'she sold me some milk'

(39)	s-ù-sà tá ghzú démdém
	s-ù-sà	tá	ghzú	démdém
	drink-SO-drink	second-OBJ	beer	all
	'she drank all of the beer'

The associative phrase

The term ‘associative phrase’ refers to the structure Noun Phrase ndá Noun Phrase. These structures encompass the functions of associative and coordinating conjunctions, corresponding to “Noun and Noun” and “Noun with Noun” in English.

Nouns in associative phrases

Nouns are conjoined in associative phrases by the associative preposition ndá. If the components of an associative phrase are human, the associative phrase must be preceded by the associative plural ì:

(40)	kà zə̀ ì kɗérì ndá zwànànì tá m̀ghám
	kà	zə	ì	kɗérì	ndá	zwànànì	tá	m̀ghám
	SEQ	live	ASSC:PL	Kderi	ASSC	child:PL-GEN-3SG	COM	chief
	'And Kderi and his children lived happily (lit. 'royally')'

(41)	áyà tá ì gùlú ndá zírí ndá . . .
	àyá	tá	ì	gùlú	ndá	zírí	ndá
	give.birth	OBJ	ASSC:PL	Gulu	ASSC	Ziri	ASSC
	'and he begot Gulu and Ziri and...'

In a list of two or more nouns, the associative marker occurs only before the last noun:

(42)	zívr-á xdí zàmàn-à gà xdí ndá m̀ghám-á wúyá skwì gà xdí
	zívr-á	xdí	zàmàn-à	gà	xdí	ndá	m̀ghám-á	wúyá	skwì	gà	xdí
	origing-GEN	Hdi	civilization-GEN	PREP	Hdi	ASSC	chief-GEN	festical	thing	PREP	Hdi
	'origin of Hdi, civilization of Hdi, and the main festival of Hdi'

Pronouns in associative phrases

If the first member of the associative phrase is represented by a pronoun, the pronoun is plural even if the first participant is singular. Thus, instead of the third person singular pronoun, the third-person plural must be used, and instead of the first-person singular, the first-person plural must be used.

(43)	mbàɗ ká máyá kà rwá-xə̀n ndá zwànà-ní
	mbàɗ	ká	máyá	kà	rwá-xə̀n	ndá	zwànà-ní
	then	COMP	hunger	SEQ	threaten-3PL	ASSC	child:PL:GEN-3SG
	'then hunger threatened him and his children (lit. 'them and his children')'

(44)	áŋní ndá zwàn-à-ɗá tà rwá-kú dà máyá
	áŋní	ndá	zwàn-à-ɗá	tà	rwá-kú	dà	máyá
	1PL.INCL	ASSC	child:PL-GEN-1SG	IMPF	threat-ABS	PREP	hunger
	'I and my children are suffering from hunger (lit. 'we and my children')'

Reference Systems

The coding means

The coding means within the reference system are: overt mention of the noun; subject and object independent and suffixed pronouns; deictics; the anaphor tsá, which is glossed in Frajzyngier with Shay 2002 as DEF but which refers to previously mentioned nouns; and several determiners which can precede, follow, or both precede and follow the noun. The following chart lists the independent pronouns:

Table 9: Independent pronouns

Person	Singular	Dual	Plural
First	ɗá	úú	ámú (incl); áŋní (excl)
Second	kághá		kághúní
Third	tsátsí		xáxə̀n

The unspecified human object is marked by the noun m̀ndú ‘man’ preceded by the comment marker tá:

(45)	hlìglá-hlìglá xwáyá tá mndú
	hlìglá-hlìglá	xwáyá	tá	mndú
	stab-stab	Hoya	COM	man
	'Hoya stabbed somebody'

The complete range of functions of the combinations of various coding means within the system of reference has yet to be discovered.

Deixis

There is a three-way distinction within the deictic system, coding three degrees of distance with respect to the speaker: á ‘remote’, yá ‘middle distance’, and ná ‘proximate’. The reduplicated deictic form can be used as an independent noun in a clause:

(46)	bà-f-b-í tá yá-yá
	bà-f-b-í	tá	yá-yá
	build-UP-build-1SG	OBJ	DEM-DEM
	'I built that'

(47)	bà-f-b-í tá ná-ná
	bà-f-b-í	tá	ná-ná
	build-UP-build-1SG	OBJ	DEM-DEM
	'I built this'

(48)	bà-f-b-í tá á-á
	bà-f-b-í	tá	á-á
	build-UP-build-1SG	OBJ	DEM-DEM
	'I built that thing over there'

When deictics function as determiners they can precede and/or follow the head noun. Moreover, they can be reduplicated in the position before and/or after the noun:

(49)	yà yá mákwà yá
	yà	yá	mákwà	yá
	DEM	DEM	girl	DEM
	'this girl' (the girl must be visible)

If there is only one demonstrative before the noun, the distance seems to be closer than if there are two demonstratives before the noun:

(50)	yá mákwà yá
	yá	mákwà	yá
	DEM	girl	DEM
	'this girl' (closer distance; must be visible)

(51)	à á mákwà á
	à	á	mákwà	á
	DEM	DEM	girl	DEM
	'that girl'

Neither demonstratives nor deictic markers code a number distinction.

Anaphora

Previous mention is marked by the form tsá, glossed in Frajzyngier with Shay as DEF, alone or with any combination of deictic markers. The anaphor tsá can be the only component of the noun phrase:

(52)	tà xúlá tsá ngá xgà-f-tá xgà ghúní . . .
	tà	xúlá	tsá	ngá	xgà-f-tá	xgà	ghúní
	PREP	back	DEF	NORM	call-UP-REF	call	2PL
	'afterwards, they would call you up . . .'

The anaphor can also co-occur with a deictic marker that functions as the sole component of the noun phrase, or it can occur as the determiner of the noun. Both cases are illustrated in the next example:

(53)	dàgà bàɗ tsá yá dzà’á ghlrá-f-tà tsá m̀ndú yá tá wúyá
	dàgà	bàɗ	tsá	yá	dzà’á	ghlrá-f-tà	tsá	m̀ndú	yá	tá	wúyá
	from	day	DEF	DEM	FUT	perform-UP-REF	DEF	man	DEM	OBJ	rites
	'from that day on the man will perform the rites'

Referentiality of event

Hdi has the functional domain of referentiality of the event, where the distinction is between referential (marked) and non-referential (unmarked) events. Referentiality of the event is marked by the suffix -ta with high or low tone, glossed as REF, added to the verb.

The marker -ta indicates that the proposition refers to real-world phenomena. The event is made referential if it affects a referential object or a referential predicate. Compare the unspecified object versus the previously mentioned object:

(54)	xìyá (ná) xàɗ-ká tà dzáw-áy wà
	xìyá	(ná)	xàɗ-ká	tà	dzáw-áy	wà
	guinea corn	COMP	lack-2SG	IMPF	trade:PL-PO	NEG
	'Guinea corn, you do not sell!'

If the object is referential due to previous mention in discourse or presence in the environment of speech, the verb has the suffix -tá:

(55)	tsá xìyá yá ná xàɗ-ká tà dzáwá-tà wà
	tsá	xìyá	yá	ná	xàɗ-ká	tà	dzáwá-tà	wà
	DEF	guinea corn	DEM	COMP	lack-2SG	IMPF	trade:PL-REF	NEG
	'the guinea corn [previously mentioned], you do not sell'

Verbless Clauses

The term ‘verbless clause’ refers to the formal property of not having a verbal predicate. The verbless clauses include: equational predication; identificational predication; attributive predication; possessive predication; existential predication; locative stative predication; and presentative predication.

Equational clauses

Equational clauses identify one noun phrase by another. Equational clauses in Hdi have no copula. The distinction between subject and predicate is marked through word order. The predicate is the first noun phrase and the subject is the noun phrase that follows:

(56)	m̀nd-á ráyá mbítsá
	m̀nd-á	ráyá	mbítsá
	man-GEN	hunt	Mbitsa
	'Mbitsa is a hunter'

Identificational clauses

An identificational clause is a clause whose subject has been mentioned in the previous discourse or has been present in the discourse environment but is not overtly marked in the clause. Such clauses have the form Noun phrase Copula, where the noun phrase is the predicate. The subject is not overtly marked. The copula could be any of the series of demonstratives, but with low rather than high tone: à, nà, or yà. The last tone of the noun must be high before the copula, regardless of the underlying tone of the noun. This is the same rule as the one that operates before subjects in verbal clauses. Thus, the low-tone hlà ‘cow’ has high tone before a copula:

(57)	hlá yà
	hlá	yà
	cow	COP
	'it is a cow'

(58)	twák yà/nà/à
	twàk	yà/nà/à
	sheep	COP
	'it is a sheep' (twàk 'sheep')

Attributive predication

Attributive predication defines the attribute of the noun. Property-concept words, like noun phrases, are marked for the predicative function by the clause-initial position. There are two types of property concept expressions: inherent adjectives and expressions derived from other lexical categories.

The order Predicate Noun is the pragmatically unmarked order. Thus the adjective kítìkw ‘small’ ends in high tone before the subject:

(59)	kítíkw mbítsá
	kítíkw	mbítsá
	small	Mbitsa
	'Mbitsa is small'

(60)	dágálá yá m̀ndú yá
	dágálá	yá	m̀ndú	yá
	big	DEM	man	DEM
	'that man is big'

Possessive predication

The term ‘possessive predication’ refers to predications where the subject owns an entity. The possessive clause has the structure ngá-Possessor (Copula) Possessum:

(61)	ngá-ghá à hlà á
	ngá-ghá	à	hlà	á
	FOR-2SG	COP	cow	DEM
	'that cow over there is yours'

Existential predication

Existential predications are formed with the clause-initial predicate màmú ‘exist’ followed by the subject of the clause and complements, if any:

(62)	màmú sàn m̀ghám tá kl-áf-tá màràk xìs
	màmú	sàn	m̀ghám	tá	kl-áf-tá	màràk	xìs
	exist	certain	chief	COM	take-UP-REF	wife	two
	'there was a chief who married to wives'

The form màmú may be reduced to màá:

(63)	màá skwì
	màá	skwì
	exist	thing
	'there is a thing'

Locative predications of the type: X is located at Y

In locative predicative expressions, the locative phrase precedes the subject of the clause. The locative predication has the form Preposition Noun Noun. Prepositions may include tà ‘at’, ‘in’; mà ‘inside’; and dà ‘in’; as well as the prepositional complex mìstá ‘under’, ‘together’:

(64)	tà zlə́ŋ dèrí
	tà	zlə́ŋ	dèrí
	PREP	bed	hat
	'the hat is on the bed'

(65)	mà zlə́ŋ dèrí
	mà	zlə́ŋ	dèrí
	PREP	bed	hat
	'the hat is inside the bed'

Presentative predication

The presentative predication is formed with the clause-initial deictic particle wá (PRES) followed by deictics coding the distance between the speaker and the referent. The form with the remote deictic á may be used only when the subject is not in the same location as the speaker:

(66)	wá á gà mókóló
	wá	á	gà	mókóló
	PRES	DEM	PREP	Mokolo
	'he is in Mokolo'(The speaker is not in Mokolo.)

The form with ná may be used only if the speaker is in the same location as the subject:

(67)	wá ná gà mókóló
	wá	ná	gà	mókóló
	PRES	DEM	PREP	Mokolo
	'he is in Mokolo'(The speaker is in Mokolo.)

Verbal Clauses

The formal means deployed in verbal clauses include: the verb with its complex inflec¬tional system; the position before and after the verb; and prepositions. The pragmatically neutral clause begins with the verb, which may be followed by a noun phrase. The posi¬tion after the verb in non-sequential clauses is the coding means for the subject role of the noun phrase. The position before the verb is one of the coding means for topicalization and focus. The categories encoded in the verbal clauses are different for pronominal and nominal constituents. For pronominal constituents, the language distinguishes between the subject, direct object, and indirect object. For nominal constituents, the language distinguishes between the subject; the non-subject (which is not the same as object); and a variety of semantic relations that include the benefactive but not the indirect object. Given the richness of semantic information coded on the verb, the description of verbal clauses has to begin with the description of the morphology of the verb.

The morphology of the verb

Verbs, unlike nouns, cannot begin with a vowel. It is necessary to postulate for verbs the category ‘root’, consisting of one or more underlying consonants, a tone (or tones, for polysyllabic verbs), and the first vowel. Other vowels code specific syntactic or semantic functions of the subject, the point of view from which the event is presented, the type of clause, and the aspect. Many polysyllabic verbs with the vowel i code movement away from or separation from a source or a previously mentioned location of either the subject or the object: ɗífà ‘hide’, tsíhlà ‘husk’, xídà ‘bite’, gìgɗá ‘sift’, fìɗá ‘plane [wood]’. A verb may be simple or reduplicated. Different reduplicated forms code perfective and progressive aspects, and verbal plurality. Subject pronouns are suffixed to the simple and reduplicated forms. Object pronouns are infixed in the reduplicated forms. Both simple and reduplicated verb may have a variety of verbal extensions suffixed to the simple verb and infixed in the reduplicated verb.

Verbal nouns

There are two types of verbal nouns. One type ends in the vowel u or i. The conditions determining whether the high vowel is front rather than back are not phonological, because some verbs can have both types of nouns, one with a front vowel and the other with a back vowel. For most verbal nouns, substituting the front vowel for the back, or the back vowel for the front, results in nonsense words. The tonal pattern of the verbal noun is the same as that of the verb.

Table 10: Verbal nouns ending in 'u'

Verb		Verbal noun
kátá	'to help	kátú	'help'
và	'to light a fire'	vú	'fire'
skálá	'to dance'	skálú	'dance'
ghálá	'to steal'	ghálú	'thief/theft'

Polyconsonantal verbs that have the initial vowel i have the nominal form ending in i:

Table 11: Verbal nouns ending in 'i'

vníxá	'to vomit'	vníxí	'vomit'
xí'ídá	'to bite'	xí'ídí	'bite'
fìdá	'to plane (wood)'	fìfí	'planing'

Verbal plurality

Verbs in Hdi display the distinction of number. The unmarked form does not code number; the marked form codes verbal plurality, which implies plurality of the event, plurality of the subject of an intransitive verb, or plurality of the object of a transitive verb. There are three means to code the plurality of the verb: the suffix á, reduplication, and lexical suppletion. The plural marker á is used only with polyconsonantal verbs. The marker á is inserted after the first consonant of the verb. Thus the plural form of the verb xná ‘slaughter’ is x-á-ná:

(68)	kà x-á-ná-tá gù-xà
	kà	x-á-ná-tá	gù-xà
	SEQ	slaugher-PL-DEM-REF	goat-PL
	'he slaughtered goats'

Formation of the plural through reduplication for monosyllabic verbs involves leftward reduplication of the consonant and the insertion of the vowel á after the reduplicated consonant. The product of such reduplication can be reduplicated further to code the perfective aspect:

(69)	d-á-ɗà-gá-d-á-ɗà
	d-á-ɗà-gá-d-á-ɗà
	fall-PL-INN-fall
	'they fell down'

Compare the verb unmarked for number:

(70)	dɗà-gá-dɗà
	dɗà-gá-dɗà
	fall-INN-fall
	'he fell down'

When the verb is transitive, the plural marker codes plurality of the object or plurality of the action. The object does not have to be marked for plural:

(71)	bá-bà-f-bá-bà
	bá-bà-f-bá-bà
	build-build-build-build
	'he built many things' (not 'rebuilt the same things many times')

(72)	snà-n-sn-íyù tá x-á-n-áy-tán tá hlà
	snà-n-sn-íyù	tá	x-á-n-áy-tán	tá	hlà
	hear-3-hear-1SG	OBJ	cut-PL-PO-3PL	OBJ	cow
	'I heard them slaughter cows' (note that the object is not marked for plurality)

Cf.:

(73)	snà-n-sn-íyù tá xn-áy-tán tá hlà
	snà-n-sn-íyù	tá	xn-áy-tán	tá	hlà
	hear-3-hear-1SG	OBJ	cut-PO-3PL	OBJ	cow
	'I heard them slaughter a cow'

For bisyllabic verbs, the plural is formed by leftward repetition of the first syllable. In the perfective aspect the reduplicated theme of the verb is repeated twice:

(74)	ɗá-ɗáxá-ná-f-ɗá-ɗáxá tá lgùt-á zwán-ì
	ɗá-ɗáxá-ná-f-ɗá-ɗáxá	tá	lgùt-á	zwán-ì
	PL-sew-DEM-UP-PL-sew	OBJ	dress-GEN	child-PL
	'he sewed the children's clothing'

Coding relationships between the predicate and noun phrases

The coding means for the relationship between the predicate and noun phrases include: the position directly after the verb; inherent properties of the verb; preposition tá; other prepositions; and verbal extensions. Several of these means may co-occur within the same clause.

The noun phrase (but not the prepositional phrase) directly following the verb in clauses other than sequential clauses is interpreted as subject:

(75)	dzà’á skwá-p-skwá nàsàrá-ngrá
	dzà’á	skwá-p-skwá	nàsàrá-ngrá
	FUT-sew-DEM-UP-PL-sew	buy-OUT-buy	boss-black
	'the black boss is going to sell . . .'

In sequential clauses, there is no formal distinction between the nominal subject and the nominal object. In sentences containing sequential clauses, one usually expects the first clause to mention the subject, while subsequent clauses will not overtly mention the subject.. In the following example, the first clause has the subject following the verb. In the sequential clauses within the same sentence, the noun phrase that follows the verb is interpreted as object:

(76)	kà hlí’yá-f-tá zvàxw kà ɗáwá-f-tá ntfàn ɗáwá-f-xà-tá dàwrà
	kà	hlí’yá-f-tá	zvàxw	kà	ɗáwá-f-tá	ntfàn	ɗáwá-f-xà-tá	dàwrà
	SEQ-sew-DEM-UP-PL-sew	leave-UP-REF	bat	SEQ-sew-DEM-UP-PL-sew	ask-UP-REF	glue	ask-UP-ALSO-REF	cloth
	'the bat left and asked for glue and also for clothing'

Preposition tá

This section presents analyses different from the ones in Frajzyngier with Shay 2002 and includes some argumentation to support the new analyses. The form tá, qua preposition, indicates that the noun phrase that follows it is not the subject. As demonstrated throughout examples in the dictionary, this noun is very frequently the object of the clause:

(77)	tsghà-k-tsghà tá ceedì
	tsghà-k-tsghà	tá	ceedì
	send-INN-send	COM	money
	'he sent money in'

(78)	xúxúrà-f-xúxúrà tá ghrùm tá sú
	xúxúrà-f-xúxúrà	tá	ghrùm	tá	sú
	drill-UP-drill	COM	hole	COM	tree
	'he made a hole in a tree'

(79)	zà-ná-ghú-zá ɗwàk tá dzúmá
	zà-ná-ghú-zá	ɗwàk	tá	dzúmá
	eat-DEM-SO-eat	termite	COM	hay
	'the termites have eaten part of the hay'

Not every complement of the preposition tá, however, is the direct object. Consider the verb hlíná ‘warm up’. The verb is intransitive, as the entity that gets warmed up is always the subject. This verb cannot be used transitively, and yet this verb can have a complement marked by the preposition tá. The preposition indicates the source of heat:

(80)	hlíná-f-hlíná tá fìtík
	hlíná-f-hlíná	tá	fìtík
	warm-UP-warm	COM	fire
	'he warmed up with the sun'

(81)	hlíná-f-hlíná tá vúvú
	hlíná-f-hlíná	tá	vúvú
	warm-UP-warm	COM	fire
	'he warmed up with the fire'

One cannot say ‘the Sun warmed him up’ where the Sun is the subject and the third-person argument is the object. Similarly with the verb búkwá ‘cover’: When it occurs with the affectedness of the subject extension, the verb means that the subject is being covered:

(82)	búkwá-vá-búkw-í tá lgùt
	búkwá-vá-búkw-í	tá	lgùt
	cover-AS-cover-1SG	COM	cloth
	'I covered myself with a cloth'

The role of the noun phrase marked by the preposition tá must be deduced from the inherent properties of the verb and/or from the extensions added to the verb. Thus, if the verb has the associative extension ndá, this extension forces the interpretation of the noun marked by tá as an entity about which one thinks or remembers. With the verb dúkwá ‘realize, become aware’ the associative extension marks the existence of the object of awareness:

(83)	dúkwá-f-ndá-dúkwá mbítsá tá pìtsákw-á-ní
	dúkwá-f-ndá-dúkwá	mbítsá	tá	pìtsákw-á-ní
	realize-UP-ASSC-realize	Mbítsá	COM	hoe-GEN-3SG
	'Mbitsa has found about his hoe'

(84)	dúkwá-f-ndá-dúkw-ì tá sá-ghá-nì
	dúkwá-f-ndá-dúkw-ì	tá	sá-ghá-nì
	realize-UP-ASSC-realize-1SG	COM	come-D:GO-GEN-3SG
	'I became unexpectedly aware of his arrival'

When the particle tá precedes a verb or a clause, it marks the verb or clause as a comment on the preceding constituent, which may be clausal or nominal. Here is an example where the form tá marks the comment on the element in focus:

(85)	tíngìl vàzák tá lá-ghà tántán
	tíngìl	vàzák	tá	lá-ghà	tántán
	first	rooster	COM	go-D:PVG	first
	'It is Rooster that arrived first'

In the following sentence, three noun phrases following the verb are preceded by the marker tá. In the first phrase the marker precedes the object, in the second it precedes the attribute of the object, and in the third it precedes the relative clause, i.e. the comment on the head of the relative clause:

(86)	ɓàràká-f-ɓàràkú-lú tá tsá xàlá tá mndú tá mtútà yá
	ɓàràká-f-ɓàràkú-lú	tá	tsá	xàlá	tá	mndú	tá	mtútà	yá
	celebrate-UP-celebrate-HUM	COM	DEF	advanced age	COM	man	COM	dead	DEM
	'One celebrated [through a trotting dance] the advanced age of the deceased (lit. 'of the person who died')'

Point of view of the subject and goal orientation

Both the point of view of the subject/source and goal orientation, i.e. indication that the event has a goal, are marked by verbal extensions.

The point of view of the subject/source is marked in the perfective aspect by the extension u, which assumes the tone of the verb:

(87)	z-ú-zà
	abwilyep
	eat-SO-eat
	this man is a sorcerer

Some intransitive verbs must occur with the marker u:

(88)	kà mt-ú-tá dá-nì
	kà	mt-ú-tá	dá-nì
	SEQ	die-SO-REF	father-3SG
	'and his father died'

In the imperfective aspect, the point of view of the subject is marked by the suffix kú, glossed as ABS (for ‘absolutive’) in Frajzyngier with Shay 2002:

(89)	xàɗ-áŋni tà mtà-kú ndá mtà wà
	xàɗ-áŋni	tà	mtà-kú	ndá	mtà	wà
	lack-1PL:EXCL	IMPF	die-ABS	ASSC	death	NEG
	'we do not die [when we are old]'

When the noun that follows the verb is not preceded by a preposition, it is interpreted as the subject:

(90)	dr-ú-drá xàsúù
	dr-ú-drá	xàsúù
	burn-SO-burn	wood
	'the wood burned'

Coding the point of view of the subject is not a means of intransitivizing the verb. A verb coding the point of view of the subject can co-occur with an object marked by the preposition tá:

(91)	hlr-ú-hlrà tá pìtsákw
	hlr-ú-hlrà	tà	pìtsákw
	forge-SO-forge	COM	hoe
	'he forged himself a hoe'

(92)	nd-ù-ndà tá ghwánì
	nd-ù-ndà	tà	ghwánì
	swallow-SO-swallow	COM	medicine
	'he swallowed the medicine'

(93)	b-ù-bá tá xgà yà
	b-ù-bá	tà	xgà	yà
	build-SO-build	COM	house	DEM
	'he built himself a house'

The goal-orientation suffix -a can be added either directly to the verbal root or to the point of view of subject marker u. In the sequence /C[labial or velar] u a/, the vowel u is reduced to the feature [round], realized as labialization of the preceding consonant. The goal-oriented marker codes the event as directed toward a goal and thereby implies that the subject is controlling:

(94)	fw-á-fwà tá ìmí
	fw-á-fwà	tá	ìmí
	heat-PVG-heat	OBJ	water
	'he heated water'

Cf.:

(95)	fú-fwà ìmí
	fú-fwà	ìmí
	heat up-heat up	water
	'water heated up'

Consider the verb ɗvà ‘like’. If the vowel u is added to the stem ending in á, the meaning of the verb involves control on the part of the subject, resulting in meanings corresponding to ‘choose’, ‘select’, ‘prefer’:

(96)	kà ɗvá-úgh-tá mákwà tá zvàxw
	kà	ɗvá-úgh-tá	mákwà	tá	zvàxw
	SEQ	like-SO-REF	girl	OBJ	bat
	'the girl chose the bat [for herself]'

If the vowel u is added directly to the verbal root, the verbal stem means ‘to love’, a process that does not involve control:

(97)	kà ɗv-ú-tá mákwà tá zvàxw
	kà	ɗv-ú-tá	mákwà	tá	zvàxw
	SEQ	like-SO-REF	girl	OBJ	bat
	'the girl liked the bat'

Classes of verbs

There are four classes of verbs, based on the inclusion or exclusion of a second nominal argument (‘transitivity’): unspecified; inherently transitive; inherently intransitive; and labile, i.e. both transitive and intransitive.

Unspecified class

An unspecified verb is a verb that does not inherently imply the presence or absence of an object. As a result, the presence of the third-person object must be overtly marked, and the absence of the object must also be overtly marked. With these verbs, the affectedness of the subject must also be overtly marked. The affectedness of the subject is marked by the point of view of subject extension -u or the affectedness of the subject extension va. Consider the verb ɗífà ‘hide’. To indicate that the subject is the participant that hides himself, the point of view of subject marker u must be used:

(98)	ɗífà-u-ɗífà vàzák
	ɗífà-u-ɗífà	vàzák
	hide-SO-hide	rooster
	'the rooster hid himself'

To indicate that the event has two participants, one controlling and the other undergoing the event, the verb must have the additional-argument marker ná (glossed as DEM). The evidence that the marker ná is not a third-person singular object pronoun is provided by the fact that it can co-occur with the verb in the plural form, implying the presence of multiple objects:

(99)	ɗíf-ɗífà-ná-tà
	ɗíf-ɗífà-ná-tà
	PL-hide-DEM-REF
	'hide many things'

The nominal argument that follows the verb is interpreted as the subject of the transitive predication:

(100)	ɗífà-ná-tà vàzák
	ɗífà-ná-tà	vàzák
	hide-DEM-REF	rooster
	'it is the Rooster that hid him'

Consider now the verb ghúyá ‘get drunk’. To indicate that the subject got drunk, the verb must have the point of view of the subject extension u:

(101)	ghúy-ú-ghúyá
	ghúy-ú-ghúyá
	drink-SO-drink
	'he got drunk'

To indicate that there is a participant who drank as a result of the action of somebody else, the marker ná must be suffixed to the verb:

(102)	ghúy-ná-f-ghúy-ì
	ghúy-ná-f-ghúy-ì
	drink-DEM-UP-drink-1SG
	'I made him drink'

Here is an example of the use of the extension iŋ, which allows the deployment of the second argument. The verb is gúná ‘open’:

(103)	gún-iŋ-gúná tá sígà
	gún-iŋ-gúná	tá	sígà
	open-AWAY-open	COM	pot
	'he opened the pot'

(104)	gún-ú-gúná sígà
	gún-ú-gúná	sígà
	open-SO-open	pot
	'the pot opened'

(105)	tsá sígà tá gún-ú-tà yá
	tsá	sígà	tá	gún-ú-tà	yá
	DEF	pot	COM	open-SO-REF	DEM
	'the pot that opened'

And here is an example with the verb làɓ ‘mix’:

(106)	làɓ-ú-làɓá ɓìdá ndá vàrà
	làɓ-ú-làɓá	ɓìdá	ndá	vàrà
	mix-SO-mix	millet	ASSC	beans
	'millet and beans got mixed up'

Compare with the additional-argument marker ná:

(107)	làɓà-ná-f-làɓá zwáŋà-ɗà tá ɓìdá ndá vàrà
	làɓà-ná-f-làɓá	zwáŋà-ɗà	tá	ɓìdá	ndá	vàrà
	mix-DEM-mix	child:GEN-1SG	COM	millet	ASSC	bean
	'my child mixed up millet with beans'

(108)	ngá làɓà-ná-f-tà ndá ghúvà gù
	ngá	làɓà-ná-f-tà	ndá	ghúvà	gù
	NORM	mix-DEM-UP-mixREF	ASSC	excrement	goat
	'one should mix it with goat excrement'

Consider now the verb dvà ‘threaten’. Without any morphological marking, the verb does not imply the presence of the second argument:

(109)	dvà-dvà
	dvà-dvà
	threaten-threaten
	'he reprimanded, threatened' (no specific object or addressee is implied or can be inferred)

The addition of the second nominal argument requires the insertion of the additional argument marker ná:

(110)	dvà-ná-ghá-dvá mbítsá tá zwànì
	dvà-ná-ghá-dvá	mbítsá	tá	zwànì
	threaten-DEM-D:GO-threaten	Mbítsá	COM	children
	'Mbitsa threatened children' (ná cannot be omitted)

Inherently transitive verbs

An inherently transitive verb takes a second argument, marked by the comment marker tá, without any changes to the verb. The third-person object is not overtly marked on the verb. Consider the verb drà ‘burn’:

(111)	drá-drà tá xàsú’ú
	drá-drà	tá	xàsú’ú
	burn-burn	COM	wood
	'he burned wood [in order to get charcoal]'

To code the point of view of the subject, and to indicate that the single noun phrase has undergone the event, the verb has the subject-oriented extension u and the noun phrase follows the verb without a preposition:

(112)	dr-ú-drá xàsú’ù
	dr-ú-drá	xàsú’ú
	burn-SO-burn	wood
	'the wood burned'

The fact that the subject is undergoing the action can also be marked by the affectedness of the subject extension. The verb gìgìɗà ‘shake a tree’ is inherently transitive, as evidenced by its use with the object marked by the preposition tá (with tentative extension n):

(113)	gìgìɗà-n-gìgìɗá tá fú
	gìgìɗà-n-gìgìɗá	tá	fú
	shake-TENT-shake	COM	tree
	'he shook the tree'

(114)	gìgìɗà-vá-gìgìɗá fú
	gìgìɗà-vá-gìgìɗá	fú
	shake-AS-shake	tree
	'the tree shook'

or:

(115)	gìgìɗ-ú-gìgìɗá fú
	gìgìɗ-ú-gìgìɗá	fú
	shake-SO-shake	tree
	'the tree shook'

The additional-argument marker ná with an inherently transitive verb usually codes the presence of an indirect object in the proposition:

(116)	drá-ná-drà (ngá-ní)
	drá-ná-drà	(ngá-ní)
	burn-DEM-burn	FOR-3SG
	'he burned it (for him)'

(117)	dr-íŋ-drá tá xàsú’ú
	dr-íŋ-drá	tá	xàsú’ú
	burn-AWAY-burn	COM	wood
	'he burned wood'

To code coreferentiality of the subject and object, the verb must have the affectedness of the subject extension v and the object must be marked by the preposition tá, whose complement is the noun vghá ‘body’ followed by a possessive pronoun:

(118)	dr-ú-v-drà tá vghá-ní
	dr-ú-v-drà	tá	vghá-ní
	burn-SO-AS-burn	COM	vghá-3SG
	'he burned himself'

Here is an example with the verb bà ‘build’. The nominal object is marked by the comment marker tá:

(119)	b-í-dí-ɗí-f-bà tá xgá
	b-í-dí-ɗí-f-bà	tá	xgá
	build-1SG-UP-build	COM	house
	'he built me a house'

The addition of the marker ná with an inherently transitive verb indicates the presence of an indirect object:

(120)	bà-ná-f-bà
	bà-ná-f-bà
	build-DEM-UP-build
	'build for someone'

Inherently intransitive verbs

An intransitive verb is a verb that requires the additional-argument marker ná to indicate that there are two arguments in the proposition. Without such a marker, the noun phrase that follows the verb is interpreted as the subject. This is the case with the verb hànà ‘lie down’, ‘sleep’, ‘pass the night’:

(121)	hànà-hànà
	hànà-hànà
	sleep-sleep
	'he lay down/slept'

(122)	hànà-ná-hànà
	hànà-ná-hànà
	sleep-DEM-sleep
	'he made somebody lie down'

The presence of the additional-argument marker in the verb does not necessarily indicate the presence of either a direct or indirect object. It may indicate a presence of what in some Indo-European languages would correspond to adjunct:

(123)	hànà-ná-ghá-hànà
	hànà-ná-ghá-hànà
	sleep-DEM-D:GO-sleep
	'to lie on top of something'

An inherently intransitive verb does not require any markers when it occurs with only one argument. Consider the verb gə̀má ‘meet’:

(124)	gə̀má-f-gə̀má-xə̀n
	gə̀má-f-gə̀má-xə̀n
	meet-UP-meet-3PL
	'they met'

One can add an object to inherently intransitive verbs if the verb has the additional-argument marker ná:

(125)	gə̀mà-ná-f-gə̀m-í tá xə̀n
	gə̀mà-ná-f-gə̀m	tá	xə̀n
	meet-DEM-UP-meet-1SG	COM	3PL
	'I got them together'

Cognate object

A number of verbs are followed by cognate objects, i.e. objects linked semantically and phonologically with a specific verb. Such objects are marked by the comment marker tá. Cognate objects are often derived from the same root as the verb:

(126)	ɗg-áy-tán tá ɗgú yá
	ɗg-áy-tán	tá	ɗgú̀	yá̀
	thresh-PO-3PL	OBJ	threshing(N)	DEM
	'While they were threshing'

Some intransitive verbs may be followed by an object marked by the preposition tá. These are, however, cognate objects. The cognate object may be followed by another object also marked by the comment marker tá:

(127)	mbàzá-ná-mbàz-í tá mbàzá tá mbítsá
	mbàzá-ná-mbàz-í	tá	mbàzá̀	tá	mbítsá
	wash-DEM-wash-1SG	COM	washing(N)	COM	Mbitsa
	'I washed Mbitsa'

An example of such a verb is tsúhà ‘cough’:

(128)	tsúhà-tsúhà
	tsúhà-tsúhà
	cough-cough
	'he coughed'

(129)	tsúh-ín-tsúhà tá másáɓì/màgàsàr
	tsúh-ín-tsúhà	tá	másáɓì/màgàsàr̀
	cough-AWAY-cough	COM	flu/tuberculosis
	'he coughed the flu/tuberculosis' (the only objects allowed with this verb)'

Hence, the presence of the cognate object does not make the verb transitive.

Labile verbs

There is a class of verbs (‘labile’ verbs) that are both intransitive and transitive, as evidenced by the fact that the presence of the third-person object is not overtly marked on the verb and the affectedness of the subject is not marked by the source-oriented marker u. One such verb is hà ‘close’. Here is an example of a clause with two arguments. The object is marked only by the preposition tá:

(130)	hà-f-hà tá txà
	hà-f-hà	tá	txà
	close-UP-close	COM	door
	'he closed the door'

(131)	hà-f-hà mbítsá tá txà
	hà-f-hà	mbítsá	tá	txà
	close-UP-close	Mbitsa	COM	door
	'Mbitsa closed the door'

Here is an example of the clause with one argument, the subject. The affectedness of the subject is not marked by the source-orientation marker u:

(132)	hà-f-hà txà
	hà-f-hà	txà
	close-UP-close	door
	'the door closed'

The function of the object pronouns

The following chart represents object pronouns:

Table 12: Object suffixes

Person	Singular	Dual	Plural
First	í; ɗ; í-xà	úú	mú (incl); ŋní (excl)
Second	ghá		ghúní
Third	Ø; ná		xə̀n

First- and second-person object pronouns can code the direct or indirect object, regardless of the verbs to which they are added. The form ná with an inherently transitive verb codes the third-person singular indirect object:

(133)	fáɗá-ná-fáɗá tá vwàx
	fáɗá-ná-fáɗá	tá	vwàx
	clean-DEM-clean	COM	field
	'clean the field for him'

With other verbs, the form ná suffixed to the verb indicates the presence of an additional participant, which may be a direct object. The form ná is used even if the direct object is plural, which is the evidence that ná is not the third-person singular object marker:

(134)	dzrà-ná-f-dzrù-lù tá xǝ̀n
	dzrà-ná-f-dzrù-lù	tá	xǝ̀n
	agree-2SG-UP-agree-HUM	COM	3PL
	'one has made them agree'

Compare the intransitive:

(135)	dzrà-p-dzrá-xǝ̀n
	dzrà-p-dzrá-xǝ̀n
	agree-OUT-agree-3PL
	'they agreed with each other'

The first-person singular object affixes are i, i-xà, and ɗa. The form ɗa is a cognate of the first-person possessive marker ɗá. The pronoun i replaces the vowel of the preceding verb and assumes its grammatical tone, i.e. the tone that the verb has before the direct object:

(136)	ks-ì-ksà
	ks-ì-ksà
	touch-1SG-touch
	'he touched me' or 'he wounded me' (ksá 'catch him/it!' has underlying high tone)

(137)	kzl-ì-kzlà
	kzl-ì-kzlà
	wait-1SG-wait
	'he waited for me' (kzlà has underlying low tone)

The form ixà is equivalent to the form i. The form ixa occurs optionally when there are no other extensions to the verb:

(138)	kzl-ìxà-kzlà
	kzl-ìxà-kzlà
	wait-1SG-wait
	'he waited for me' (kzlà has underlying low tone)

(139)	ks-ìxà-ksà
	ks-ìxà-ksà
	touch-1SG-touch
	'he touched me' or 'he wounded me'

The form ɗ is used if the verb has the stem-formative movement-away marker í, the point-of view of the subject marker ú, or some other extension(s):

(140)	hl-ì-ɗ-á-ghá-hlà [hl-ì-ɗáa-hlà]
	hl-ì-ɗ-á-ghá-hlà
	fall-AWAY-1SG-PVG-D:PVG-fall
	'he found me' (The verb hlà 'fall' is intransitive, and the marker i has a transitivizing function here.)

(141)	mántsá yá ká-xə̀n mb-ì-ɗí-f-tà
	mántsá	yá	ká-xə̀n	mb-ì-ɗí-f-tà
	like that	DEM	COMP-3PL	cure-AWAY-1SG-UP-REF
	'that is how they cured me'

Reciprocal

The reciprocal function is coded by the plural subject pronoun on the verb and the noun vghá ‘body’ preceded by the preposition tá. The difference between the reciprocal and the marking of coreferentiality is that in the reciprocal the noun vghá ‘body’ is not followed by a possessive pronoun coding the person and number of the subject:

(142)	tskáy, tà tsk-áy-lú tá vghá
	tskáy,	tà	tsk-áy-lú	tá	vghá
	gathering	IMPF	gather:POT-HUM	COM	body
	'do people gather as they used to?'

(143)	gúyá-f-gúyà xə̀n tá vghá ndá zwánì
	gúyá-f-gúyà	xə̀n	tá	vghá	ndá	zwánì
	meet-UP-meet	3PL	COM	body	ASSC	children
	'they met with children'

Indirect object

Hdi has the category ‘indirect object’ which represents an entity C, often animate, such that when A acts on B it affects C or when the event has only one participant A, but the non-participant in the event C is affected. The nature of the affectedness is not indicated, and it may be benefactive, malefactive, or have no value in the moral domain. The way the indirect object is marked depends on the type of verb and the person of the indirect object. With verbs that do not inherently imply the presence of an indirect object, the pronoun is marked for the indirect object function through high tone on the last syllable of the verb:

(144)	pɗ-íxà-pɗá
	pɗ-íxà-pɗá
	leave-1SG-leave
	'he left it for me'

Cf.:

(145)	pɗ-ìxà-pɗà
	pɗ-ìxà-pɗà
	leave-1SG-leave
	'I was abandoned/he left me'

(146)	kl-í-g-í-ɗá-ghà wá kɗìx-á-ɗá, ká-’á kà wàxú
	kl-í-g-í-ɗá-ghà	wá	kɗìx-á-ɗá	ká-’á	kà	wàxú
	take-EP-INN-AWAY-1SG-D:PVG	NEG	donkey-GEN-1SG	COMP-3SG	like	cry
	'"Bring me back my donkey", he said, crying'

(147)	ɓlá-ghà-p-ɓlá tá ùdzú
	ɓlá-ghà-p-ɓlá	tá	ùdzú
	break-2SG-OUT-break	OBJ	stick
	'he broke your stick' (to your cetriment)

Direct affectedness is coded by low tone on the verb and high tone on the pronoun:

(148)	ɓlà-ghá-p-ɓlà
	ɓlà-ghá-p-ɓlà
	break-2SG-OUT-break
	'he broke you'

Verbs that inherently involve an indirect object, which in Hdi include vlá ‘give’ and mná ‘tell’, require the indirect object marker. The unspecified indirect object is marked by the suffix n, glossed as 3 (third person) in Frajzyngier with Shay 2002:

(149)	vlá-n-vl-í tá kóɓù
	vlá-n-vl-í	tá	kóɓù
	give-3-give-1SG	OBJ	money
	'I gave money'

The marker n also occurs with such verbs if the indirect object is an independent pronoun, e.g. the third-person plural pronoun xə̀n or a noun. The independent pronoun and the nouns are marked by the preposition tá:

(150)	vlá-n-vl-íyù tá xə̀n tá kóɓù
	vlá-n-vl-íyù	tá	xə̀n	tá	kóɓù
	give-3-give-1SG	OBJ	3PL	OBJ	money
	'I gave him money'

or:

(151)	vlá-n-vl-í tá kóɓù tá xə̀n
	vlá-n-vl-í	tá	kóɓù	tá	xə̀n
	give-3-give-1SG	OBJ	money	OBJ	3PL
	'I gave them money'

(152)	vlá-n-vlá mbítsá tá kóɓù tá mbáká
	vlá-n-vlá	mbítsá	tá	kóɓù	tá	mbáká
	give-3-give	Mbitsa	OBJ	money	OBJ	Mbaka
	'Mbitsa gave money to Baka'

If there is a specific indirect object in the proposition, the indirect object is coded by an object pronoun. For the third person, the marker is ná:

(153)

vlá-ná-vl-í tá kóɓù

vlá-ná-vl-í

tá

kóɓù

drá-ná-drà

(ngá-ní)

kà

d-ù-tà

kà

ghzú

mbù’á-vá-mbù’á

tá

ɗáfà

ndá

hlìhlík

kàp-á-n-kàpá

xdí

tá

ghǝ̀ŋ

ndá

hàmanyàjì

vàlà-dá-p-vàl-í

dá

xàdà

á

tsìɗà-dá-m-tsìɗà

mdú-xà

dà

dzùgùví

ndá

ǹgh-í

tà

ptà

mà

tàbá

tsá

zẁanà

kɗéri

xáɗ

ìm

gà

xdí

wù

kó

mbàɗ

ká

pákáwá ghúvì

kày

kà

klà-á-tà

ngá

zwàn-à-ní

skwá-skw-í

tá

kwà

tá

kà

ghə́n

ngá

múk

má-ghá

sə̀-gl-s-í

kà

másə́-gl-tá-tsí

ghùɓàsá-n-ghùɓàsá

tà-n-tà

tá

sígà

nù’ú-v-nù’à

tá

hlà

nù’-ú-nù’á

hlà

nù’á-f-nù’á

tá

hlà

dúkwá-f-ndá-dúkwá

mbítsá

tá

pìtsákw-á-ní

dúkwá-f-ndá-dúkw-ì

tá

sá-ghá-nì

mà

kə́l-ká

mà

kl-á-ghá-ká

drá-ghú-drá

tá

nìvì

drà-ná-ghú-drà

kà

ghùɓàsá-p-tá

lá

jíjì

ngá

lá-bà

m̀ndú-xà

ksà-gá-ghà-tà

kà

là-gá-ghà-tá-tsí

tá

hlrə́ŋ-á

fú

ká

ùvá

mántsá

bá

tà

dzà-í

ɓá

ká

ùvá

mántsá

má

sí

tà

dzà-í

mndán

pàtə̀k

ndá

mà

ghwà

tá

bgàhlà

kl-í-g-í-ɗá-ghà-wá

kɗìx-á-ɗà

ká-’á

mbsá-f

sígà

kà

zá

Pghìntà

kà

zə

Pghìntà

kà

wùdá-xə̀n

tá

wùdá

ká-’á

kà

wùdə́-xə̀n

tá

wùdá

ká-’á

mà

tágh-ká

tá

skál-á

m̀ndú

tà

z-áy-z-áy

tá

ɗàfá

kùl

xàɗ(ú)

ɗàlí

ká-xə̀n

mántsá

sí

ndá

gá

ká

ndá

rvíɗìk

dzà’á

phlá-phlá-xə̀ŋ

tá

m̀ndú

dzà’á

hlə̀v-áy

tá

índà

m̀ndú

ks-ú-tà

á

krì

tá

ùvá

wà

kà

dzà’á

krì

ks-ú-tà

ùvá

vlá-ghá-vlá-xə̀n

tá

kób-à-ɗá

vlá-ghá-vlá-xə̀n

rà

xd-íyù

r-ké

xd-íyù

rà

wá

ɗghá

nà

nə

bà-f-tsí

nú

bà-f-tsí

nə

tá

klà-gá-ghá-f-tà

tà

ná

fú

ná

nà

ká-’á

ì

wá

tá

phlà-ná-p-tà

dà-ná-tá

wá-ká

tá

ɗàfá

wá

ká

Mbitsa

lá-ghú-í

dá

Nigeria

ngú

tà

zá

ká

ɗvà

‘á

xdí-xà

tá

l’école

wù

ká-’á

xámáyádzì

á

wà

xàɗ

áŋni

tà

mtà-kú

ndá

mtà

wà

xàɗ

kóɓ

dà

tsí

wà

tà

xwáyá

í’í

tà

xàní

kàghá

yà

yá

gwì’yán

yá

dágálá

à

á

gwì’yán

á

dágálá

tsá

Gulu

yá

ná

yà-yà

tá

zwànì

ndá

ndghà

xìyá

xìyá

skwì

txàf-í

tà

ná

ɗèlèwèr

ná

ná

skwì

3

nghá-nà-ghá-tsí

índà

dimanche

ná

màmú

marriage

ndánà

kà

m̀ndú

yà

dágálá

tíkvá

gàvlì

tá

mn-áy

kà-zlày

ná

sí

m̀ndú

dzì’í

rà

tá

krì

dzì’í

tsá

yá

skwì

tà

xgù-lù

kà

zə̀gláftà

màmú

sàn

m̀ghám

tá

kl-áf-tá

màràkw

xìs

xìyá-xìyá

skwì

txá-f-ì

tà

ná

ɗélèwèr

ná

ná

bàɗú

xú’ú-á

tsá

zíndíŋ

yá

ngá

dà

tá

mbízà

ngá

làɓà-ná-f-tà

ndá

ghúv-à

gù

ngá

vlá-n

tá

zwàn-ì

tsghà-dá-f

xáxə̀n

tá

sànì

lá-ghà-ní

mbàɗ

ká

kà

tsghà-dá-f-tá

sànì

zlíbí

lá-ghà

pákáẁ ghúvì

kày

kà

lá-b

díngá-f-tá

tsá

mbízà

yà

twák

rí

gù

á nà

mágá-mágá

rí

mágá

à

wà

á nà

ksá-f-tà

dángwà

t-íì

kày

mántsá

wà

lá-x-à-ɗá

tà

lòpitál

má

xàɗú

kwóbù

lá

ká-xə̀n

mná-ná-tà

ká

yàgh

mántsá

ɗífà-úgh-ɗífà

xád

yà

ká

yàgh

sá-ghá-sá

ká-xə̀n

ndá

í’í

wá-ná-f-wá

ná

máhláká-ɗá

ná

ká-’á

ndá

dùxwál-xà-ní

ìr-á-w

ná

nà

dá

ká-’á

ɗáwà-n-tà

dà

tsí

kà

yàwú

ndzà-kw-à-gá-p-tà

xdí

màndá

ghàlíyá

ndá

sná-xə̀ŋ

kà

zlày

ná

índà

m̀ndú-xà

tá

mtú-tà

ná

ngá

ɗékɗék

á

wù

ká-’á

ndzɗà-vá-tà

pákáwá ghúvì

tá

xvá

tà

ǹghə́-tsə́

ná

mbàɗ

ká

zíngá

kà

sá-ghà

kà

lá-ghá

vàzák

ndzɗà-vá-tà

vàzák

tà

xvá

tà

ǹghə́-tsí

ná

kà

sá-ghá

ùvá

kabgà

tà

kúm-ày-ì

tá

wàná-f-tá

ná

máhláká-ɗá

ná

ndzdà-vá-tà

ùvá

tà

xvá

tà

ǹghə́-l

ná

kà

sá-ghá

krì

kà

ndzɗà-vá-tá

ùvá

tà

xvá

lá-mà

krì

dá

xàd-à

kà

hlà-ná-ghá-tá-tsí

t-úvá

xàɗú

kóɓù

ngá

mágà

lèkól

wà

dzà’á

phlá-phlá-xə̀n

tá

m̀ndú

kàbgà

xáxə̀ŋ

tá

dzà-tá

dá-ɗá

ká

gawa

kà

tà

ɗv-áy

lázgláftà

tà

ɗv-áy

lázgláftà

là

dz-ú-dzá

kághá

ná

xgà-n-tà-ì

tá

gwì’yán

wà

ká-’á

má

tà

kúm-tá-ká

tá

nzà-kú

mà

túrú

give-DEM-give-1

OBJ

money

burn-DEM-burn

FOR-3SG

SEQ

cook-SO-REF

AS/INTO

beer

eat.without.the.sauce-AS-eat.without.the.sauce

COM

mush

with

eggs

raise-GO-TENT-raise

Hdi

COM

head

ASSC

Hamman Yaji

jump-ALL-OUT-jump-1SG

TO

here

DEM

enter-ALL-IN-enter

people-PL

TO

room

STAT

see-1SG

PREP

mat

PREP

center

DEF

child:PL-GEN

Kderi

NEG

water

in

Hdi

NEG

Q (H)

then

COMP

hyena

INTERJ

SEQ

take-PART-REF

for

child:PL-GEN-3SG

buy-buy-1SG

OBJ

calabash

PREP

SEQ

head

for

girl

mother-2SG

drink-AGAIN-drink-1SG

SEQ

apply.ointment-AGAIN-REF-3SG

laugh-TENT-laugh

burst-TENT-burst

COM

pot

fatten-AS-fatten

COM

cow

fatten-SO-fatten

cow

fatten-UP-fatten

COM

cow

find-UP-ASSC-find

Mbitsa

COM

hoe-GEN-3SG

find-UP-ASSC-find-1SG

COM

hoe-GEN-3SG

PROH

take-2SG

PROH

take-GO-D:GO-2SG

burn-D:SO-burn

COM

firewood

burn-TENT-D:SO-burn

SEQ

laugh-OUT-REF

people

in-laws

NORM

go-OUT

man-PL

catch-INN-D:PVG-REF:SUBJ

SEQ

dig-INN-D:PVG-REF-3SG

OBJ

root-GEN

tree

COMP

cat

COMP

HYP

IMPF

go-1SG

HYP

COMP

cat

COMP

HYP

PAST

IMPF

go-1SG

but

perhaps

ASSC

IN

river

PREP

Bgahla

take-EP-INN-AWAY-1SG-GO-PL

donkey-GEN-1SG

COMP-3SG

cover-UP

pot

SEQ

eat

Phinta

SEQ

eat

Phinta

SEQ

fight-3PL

OBJ

fight

COMP-3SG

SEQ

fight-3PL

OBJ

fight

COMP-3SG

PROH

learn-2SG

OBJ

dance-GEN

man

IMPF

eat-PO-eat-PO

OBJ

mush

without

lack

sauce

COMP-3PL

like.that

PAST

ASSC

where

2SG

ASSC

night

FUT

kill.PL-kill.PL-3PL

OBJ

man

FUT

hit-PO

OBJ

all

man-PL

devour-SO-REF

NEG

dog

OBJ

cat

NEG

SEQ

FUT

dog

devour-SO-REF

cat

give-2SG-give-3PL

OBJ

money-GEN-1SG

spend.night-spend.night-2SG

Q

Hdi-1SG

Q-INTERJ

Hdi-1SG

Q

who

blacksmith

Q

what

buildUP-3SG

which thing

buildUP-3SG

what

COM

takeINN-2SG-UP-REF

PREP

DEM

tree

DEM

Q

COMP-3SG

ASSC.PL

who

COM

break-DEM-UP-REF

cook-DEM-REF

who-2SG

OBJ

food

how

COMP

Mbitsa

go-D:SO-REF

PREP

Nigeria

why

IMPF

eat

2SG

like

NEG

Hdi-PL

OBJ

school (fr.)

NEG

COMP-3SG

Hamayadzi

NEG

NEG

lack

1PL:EXCL

IMPF

die-ABS

ASSC

die

NEG

lack

money

PREP

3SG

NEG

IMPF

run

1SG

IMPF

sleep

2SG

DEM

DEM

elephant

DEM

large

DEM

DEM

elephant

DEM

large

DEF

Gulu

DEM

DEM

give.birth-give.birth

OBJ

child:PL

ASSC

many

corn

corn

thing

expel-1SG

PREP

DEM

notebook

DEM

COMP

thing

three

look-DEM-D:GO-3SG

every

sunday (fr.)

COMP

exist

marriage

now

SEQ

man

COP

important

Tikva

Gavli

COM

say-PO

SEQ-COMP

COMP

PAST

man

kill-1SG

Q

OBJ

dog

kill-1SG

DEF

DEM

thing

IMPF

call-UH

as

zə̀gláftà

exist

certain

chief

COM

take-UP-REF

wife

two

corn-corn

thing

expel-UP-1SG

PREP

DEM

book

DEM

DEM

day

pound-GEN

DEF

germinated corn

DEM

NORM

cook

OBJ

bean dish

NORM

mix-DEM-UP-REF

ASSC

excrement-GEN

goat

NORM

give-3

OBJ

child-PL

put.up-ALL-UP

3PL

OBJ

one

go-D:PVG-3SG

then

COMP

SEQ

send-ALL-UP-REF

one

bag

go-D:PVG

hyena

thus

SEQ

go-OUT

put.on.fire-UP-REF

DEF

bean dish

DEM

sheep

Q

goat

or

do-do

Q

do

NEG

NEG

or

catch-UP-REF:SUBJ

illness

OBJ-1SG

then

then

NEG

go-DOWN-1SG-GO

PREP

hospital (fr.)

but

lack

money

go

COMP-3PL

tell-3SG-REF

COMP

squirrel

COMP

hide-SO-hide

here

DEM

COMP

squirrel

arrive-D:PVG-arrive

COMP-3PL

ASSC

1SG

walk.around-DEM-UP-walk.around

DEM

wall-1SG

DEM

COMP-3SG

ASSC

youngster-PL-3SG

eye-GEN-who

DEM

Q

father

COMP-3SG

ask-3-REF

PREP

3SG

SEQ

when

settle-ABS-GO-INN-OUT-REF

Hdi

since

old.time

STAT

know-3PL

SEQ

COMP

DEM

all

man-PL

COM

die-REF

DEM

FOR

finish

NEG

NEG

COMP

last-AS-REF

hyena

PREP

work

IMPF

see-3SG

DEM

then

COMP

Zinga

SEQ

arrive-D:PVG

SEQ

go-D:GO

rooster

remain-AS-REF:SUBJ

rooster

PREP

work

IMPF

see-3SG

DEM

SEQ

arrive-D:GO

cat

because

IMPF

want-PO-1SG

OBJ

build-UP-REF

DEM

wall-1SG

DEM

last-AS-REF

cat

PREP

work

IMPF

see-UH

DEM

SEQ

arrive-D:PVG

dog

SEQ

stay-AS-REF

cat

PREP

work

go-IN

dog

PREP

here-DEM

SEQ

find-DEM-D:PVG-REF-3SG

OBJ-cat

lack

money

FOR

do

school

NEG

FUT

kill-kill-3PL

OBJ

man

because

3PL

COM

kill-REF

father-1SG

COMP

Gawa

SEQ

IMPF

like-PO

god

IMPF

like-PO

god

COND

go-SO-go

2SG

DEM

call-3-REF-1SG

OBJ

elephant

NEG

COMP-3SG

HYP

IMPF

want-REF-2SG

OBJ

stay-ABS

PREP

Tourou

'I gave him (specific person) money'