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THE LIFE OF THE Thrice Noble, High and Puissant PRINCE William Cavendishe,
Duke, Marquess, and Earl of Newcastle; Earl of Ogle; Viscount Mansfield; and
Baron of Bolsover, of Ogle, Bothal and Hepple: Gentleman of His Majesties
Bed-chamber; one of His Majesties most Honourable Privy-Councel; Knight of the
most Noble Order of the Garter; His Majesties Lieutenant of the County and Town
of Nottingham; and Justice in Air Trent-North: who had the honour to be
Governor to our most Glorious King, and Gracious Sovereign, in his Youth, when
He was Prince of Wales; and soon after was made Captain General of all the
Provinces beyond the River of Trent, and other Parts of the Kingdom of England,
with Power, by a special Commission, to make Knights.
WRITTEN By the thrice Noble, Illustrious, and Excellent Princess, MARGARET,
Duchess of Newcastle, His Wife.
LONDON, Printed by A. Maxwell, in the Year 1667.
To His most Sacred MAJESTY Charles the Second, By the Grace of God, of
England, Scotland, France and Ireland King, Defender of the Faith, c.
May it please Your Majesty,
I Have, in confidence of your Gracious acceptance, taken the boldness, or
rather the presumption, to dedicate to Your Majesty this short History (which
is as full of Truths, as words) of the Actions and Sufferings of Your most
Loyal Subject, my Lord and Husband (by Your Majesties late favour) Duke of
Newcastle; who when Your Majesty was Prince of Wales, was Your most careful
Governor, and honest Servant. Give me therefore leave to relate here, that I
have heard him often say, He loves Your Royal Person so dearly, that He would
most willingly, upon all occasions, sacrifice his Life and Posterity for Your
Majesty: whom that Heaven will everbless, is the Prayer of
Your most Obedient, Loyal, humble Subject and Servant, Margaret Newcastle.
TO HIS GRACE THE Duke of Newcastle.
My Noble Lord,
It hath always been my hearty Prayer to God, since I have been your Wife, That
first I might prove an honest and good Wife, whereof your Grace must be the
only Judge: Next, That God would be pleased to enable me to set forth and
declare to after-ages, the truth of your loyal actions and endeavours, for the
service of your King and Country; For the accomplishing of which design, I have
followed the best and truest Observations of your Secretary John Rolleston, and
your Lordships own Relations, and have accordingly writ the History of your
Lordships Life, which although I have endeavoured to render as perspicuous as
ever I could, yet one thing I find hath much darkened it; which is, that your
Grace commanded me not to mention any thing or passage to the prejudice or
disgrace of any Family or particular person (although they might be of great
truth, and would illustrate much the actions of your Life) which I have
dutifully performed to satisfy your Lordship, whose Nature is so Generous,
that you are as well pleased to obscure the faults of your Enemies, as you are
to divulge the virtues of your Friends; And certainly, My Lord, you have had as
many Enemies, and as many Friends, as ever any one particular person had; and I
pray God to forgive the one, and prosper the other: Nor do I so much wonder at
it, since I, a Woman, cannot be exempt from the malice and aspersions of
spiteful tongues, which they cast upon my poor Writings, some denying me to be
the true Authoress of them; for your Grace remembers well, that those Books I
put out first, to the judgment of this censorious Age, were accounted not to be
written by a Woman, but that some body else had writ and published them in my
Name; by which your Lordship was moved to prefix an Epistle before one of them
in my vindication, wherein you assure the world upon your honour, That what was
written and printed in my name, was my own; and I have also made known, that
your Lordship was my only Tutor, in declaring to me what you had found and
observed by your own experience; for I being young when your Lordship married
me, could not have much knowledge of the world; But it pleased God to command
his Servant Nature to endue me with a Poetical and Philosophical Genius, even
from my Birth; for I did write some Books in that kind, before I was twelve
years of Age, which for want of good method and order, I would never divulge.
But though the world would not believe that those Conceptions and Fancies which
I writ, were my own, but transcended my capacity, yet they found fault, that
they were defective for want of Learning; and on the other side, they said I
had plucked Feathers out of the Universities; which was a very preposterous
judgment. Truly My Lord, I confess that for want of Scholarship, I could not
express my self so well as otherwise I might have done, in those Philosophical
Writings I published first; but after I was returned with your Lordship into my
Native Country, and led a retired Country life, I applied my self to the
reading of Philosophical Authors, of purpose to learn those names and words of
Art that are used in Schools; which at first were so hard to me, that I could
not understand them, but was fain to guess at the sense of them by the whole
context, and so writ them down as I found them in those Authors, at which my
Readers did wonder, and thought it impossible that a Woman could have so much
Learning and Understanding in Terms of Art, and Scholastical Expressions; so
that I and my Books are like the old Apologue mentioned in AEsop, of a Father,
and his Son, who rid on an Ass through a Town when his Father went on Foot, at
which sight the People shouted and cried shame, that a young Boy should ride,
and let his Father, an old man, go on Foot: whereupon the old Man got upon the
Ass, and let his Son go by; but when they came to the next Town, the People
exclaimed against the Father, that he a lusty man should ride, and have no more
pity of his young and tender child, but let him go on foot: Then both the
Father and his Son got upon the Ass, and coming to the third Town, the People
blamed them both for being so unconscionable as to overburden the poor Ass with
their heavy weight: After this both Father and Son went on foot, and led the
Ass; and when they came to the fourth Town, the People railed as much at them
as ever the former had done, and called them both Fools, for going on foot,
when they had a Beast able to carry them. The old Man, seeing he could not
please Mankind in any manner, and having received so many blemishes and
aspersions, for the sake of his Ass, was at last resolved to drown him when he
came to the next bridge. But I am not so passionate to burn by Writings for the
various humours of Mankind, and for their finding fault, since there is nothing
in this world, be it the noblest and most commendable action whatsoever, that
shall escape blameless. As for my being the true and only Authoress of them,
your Lordship knows best, and my attending Servants are witness that I have had
none but my own Thoughts, Fancies and Speculations to assist me; and as soon as
I have set them down, I send them to those that are to transcribe them, and fit
them for the Press; whereof since there have been several, and amongst them
such as only could write a good hand, but neither understood Orthography, nor
had any Learning (I being then in banishment with your Lordship, and not able
to maintain learned Secretaries) which hath been a great disadvantage to my
poor works, and the cause that they have been printed so false, and so full of
Errors; for besides that, I want also the skill of Scholarship and true
writing, I did many times not peruse the Copies that were transcribed, lest
they should disturb my following Conceptions; by which neglect, as I said, many
Errors are slipped into my Works, which yet I hope Learned and Impartial Readers
will soon rectify, and look more upon the sense, then carp at words. I have
been a Student even from my Childhood; and since I have been your Lordships
Wife, I have lived for the most part a strict and retired Life, as is best
known to your Lordship, and therefore my Censurers cannot know much of me,
since they have little or no acquaintance with me: 'Tis true, I have been a
Traveller both before and after I was married to your Lordship, and sometimes
show my self at your Lordships Command in Public places or Assemblies; but yet
I converse with few. Indeed, My Lord, I matter not the Censures of this Age,
but am rather proud of them; for it shows that my Actions are more then
ordinary, and according to the old Proverb, It is better to be Envied, then
Pitied: for I know well, that it is merely out of spite and malice, whereof
this present Age is so full, that none can escape them, and they'll make no
doubt to stain even Your Lordships Loyal, Noble and Heroic Actions, as well as
they do mine, though yours have been of War and Fighting, mine of Contemplating
and Writing: Yours were performed publicly in the Field, mine privately in my
Closet: Yours had many thousand Eye-witnesses, mine none but my Waiting-maids.
But the Great God that hath hitherto blessed both Your Grace and me, will, I
question not, preserve both our Fames to after Ages, for which we shall be
bound most humbly to acknowledge his great Mercy; and I my self, as long as I
live, be
Your Graces Honest Wife, and Humble Servant M. NEWCASTLE.
THE PREFACE.
when I first Intended to write this History, knowing my self to be no
Scholar, and as ignorant of the Rules of writing Histories, as I have in my
other Works acknowledged my self to be of the Names and Terms of Art; I desired
my Lord, That he would be pleased to let me have some Elegant and Learned
Historian to assist me; which request his Grace would not grant me; saying,
That having never had any Assistance in the writing of my former Books, I
should have no other in the writing of his life, but the Informations from
himself, and his Secretary, of the chief Transactions and Fortunes occurring in
it, to the time he married me. I humbly answered, That without a learned
Assistant, the History would be defective: But he replied, That Truth could not
be defective. I said again, That Rhetoric did adorn Truth: And he answered,
That Rhetoric was fitter for Falsehoods then Truths. Thus I was forced by his
Graces Commands, to write this History in my own plain Style, without elegant
Flourishings, or exquisite Method, relying entirely upon Truth, in the
expressing whereof, I have been very circumspect; as knowing well, that his
Graces Actions have so much Glory of their own, that they need borrow none from
any bodies Industry.
Many Learned Men, I know, have published Rules and Directions concerning the
Method and Style of Histories, and do with great noise, to little purpose, make
loud exclamations against those Historians, that keeping close to the Truth of
their Narrations, cannot think it necessary to follow flavishly such
Instructions; and there is some Men of good Understandings, as I have heard,
that applaud very much several Histories, merely for their Elegant Style, and
well-observ'd Method; setting a high value upon feigned Orations, mystical
Designs, and fancied Policies, which are, at the best, but pleasant Romances.
Others approve, in the Relations of Wars, and of Military Actions, such tedious
Descriptions, that the Reader, tired with them, will imagine that there was
more time spent in Assaulting, Defending, and taking of a Fort, or a petty
Garrison, then Alexander did employ in conquering the greatest part of the
World: which proves, That such Historians regard more their own Eloquence, Wit
and Industry, and the knowledge they believe to have of the Actions of War, and
of all manner of Governments, than of the truth of the History, which is the
main thing, and wherein consists the hardest task, very few Historians knowing
the Transactions they write of, and much less the Counsels, and secret Designs
of many different Parties, which they confidently mention.
Although there be many sorts of Histories, yet these three are the chiefest:
1. a General History. 2. A National History. 3. A Particular History. Which
three sorts may, not unfitly, be compared to the three sorts of Governments,
Democracy, Aristocracy, and Monarchy. The first is the History of the known
parts and people of the World; The second is the History of a particular
Nation, Kingdom or Commonwealth. The third is the History of the life and
actions of some particular Person. The first is profitable for Travellers,
Navigators and Merchants; the second is pernicious, by reason it teaches subtle
Policies, begets Factions, not only between particular Families and Persons,
but also between whole Nations, and great Princes, rubbing old sores, and
renewing old Quarrels, that would otherwise have been forgotten. The last is
the most secure; because it goes not out of its own Circle, but turns on its
own Axis, and for the most part, keeps within the Circumference of Truth. The
first is Mechanical, the second Political, and the third Heroical. The first
should only be written by Travellers, and Navigators; The second by Statesmen;
The third by the Prime Actors, or the Spectators of those Affairs and Actions
of which they write, as Caesars Commentaries are, which no Pen but of such an
Author, who was also Actor in the particular Occurrences, private Intrigues,
secret Counsels, close Designs, and rare Exploits of War he relates, could ever
have brought to so high Perfection.
This History is of the Third sort, as that is; and being of the Life and
Actions of my Noble Lord and Husband, who hath informed me of all the
particular passages I have recorded, I cannot, though neither Actor, nor
Spectator, be thought ignorant of the Truth of what I write; Nor is it
inconsistent with my being a Woman, to write of Wars, that was neither between
Medes and Persians, Greeks and Trojans, Christians and Turks; but among my own
Countrymen, whose Customs and Inclinations, and most of the Persons that held
any considerable Place in the Armies, was well known to me; and besides all
that (which is above all) my Noble and Loyal Lord did act a chief Part in that
fatal Tragedy, to have defended (if humane power could have done it) his most
Gracious Sovereign, from the fury of his Rebellious Subjects.
This History being (as I have said) of a particular Person, his Actions, and
Fortunes; it cannot be expected, that I should here Preach of the beginning of
the World; nor seem to express understanding in the Politics, by tedious moral
Discourses, with long Observations upon the several sorts of Government that
have been in Greece Rome, and upon others more modern; I will neither endeavour
to make show of Eloquence, making Speeches that never was spoken, nor pretend
to great skill in War, by making Mountains of Mole-hills, and telling
Romansical Falsehoods for Historical Truths; and much less will I write to amuse
my Readers, in a mystical and allegorical Style, of the disloyal Actions of the
opposite Party, of the Treacherous Cowardice, Envy and Malice of some Persons,
my Lords Enemies, and of the ingratitude of some of his seeming Friends;
wherein I cannot better obey his Lordships Commands to conceal those things,
then in leaving them quite out, as I do, with submission to his Lordships
desire, from whom I have learned Patience to overcome my Passions, and
Discretion to yield to his Prudence.
Thus am I resolved to write, in a natural plain style, without Latin
Sentences, moral Instructions, politic Designs, feigned Orations, or envious
and malicious Exclamations, this short History of the Loyal, Heroic and
Prudent Actions of my Noble Lord, as also of his Sufferings, Losses, and
ill-Fortunes, which in honour and Conscience I could not suffer to be buried in
silence; nor could I have undertaken so hard a task, had not my love to his
Person, and to Truth, been my Encourager and Supporter.
I might have made this Book larger, in transcribing (as is ordinary in
Histories) the several Letters, full of Affection, and kind promises he
received from His Gracious Sovereign, Charles the First, and from his Royal
Consort, in the time he was in the Actions of War, as also since the War, from
his dear Sovereign and Master, Charles the Second; But many of the former
Letters having been lost, when all was lost; I thought it best, seeing I had
not them all, to print none. As for Orations, which is another way of swelling
the bulk of Histories; it is certain, that My Lord made not many; choosing
rather to fight, then to talk; and his Declarations having been printed
already, it had been superfluous to insert them in these Narrations.
This Book would however, have been a great Volume, if his Grace would have
given me leave to publish his Enemies Actions; But being to write of his own
only, I do it briefly and truly; and not as many have done, who have written
of the late Civil War, with but few sprinklings of Truth, like as Heat-drops
upon a dry barren Ground; knowing no more of the Transactions of those Times,
then what they learned in the Gazets, which, for the most part, (out of Policy
to amuse and deceive the People) contain nothing but Falsehoods and Chimeraes;
and were such Parasites, that after the Kings Party was overpowered, the
Government among the Rebels changing from one Faction to another, they never
missed to exalt highly the Merits of the chief Commanders of the then
prevailing side, comparing some of them to Moses, and some others to all the
great and most famous Heroes, both Greeks and Romans; wherein, unawares, they
exceedingly commended my Noble Lord; for if those Ring-leaders of Factions were
so great men as they are reported to be, by those Time-servers, How much
greater must his Lordship be, who beat most of them, except the Earl of Essex,
whose employment was never in the Northern parts, where all the rest of the
greatest strength of the Parliament was sent, to oppose my Lord's Forces, which
was the greatest the Kings Party had any where.
Good Fortune is such an Idol of the World, and is so like the golden Calf
worshipped by the Israelites, that those Arch-Rebels never wanted Astrologers
to foretell them good success in all their Enterprises, nor Poets to sing their
Praises, nor Orators for Panegyrics; nay, which is worse, nor Historians
neither, to record their Valour in fighting, and Wisdom in Governing. But
being, so much as I am, above base Profit, or any Preferment whatsoever, I
cannot fear to be suspected of Flattery, in declaring to the World the Merits,
Wealth, Power, Loyalty, and Fortunes of My Noble Lord, who hath done great
Actions, suffered great Losses, endured a long Banishment, for his Loyalty to
his King and Country; and leads now, like another Scipio, a quiet
Countrey-life. If notwithstanding all this, any should say, That those who
write Histories of themselves, and their own actions, or of their own Party, or
instruct and inform those that write them, are partial to themselves; I answer,
That it is very improbable, Worthy Persons, who having done Great, Noble and
Heroic Exploits, deserving to be recorded, should be so vain, as to write
false Histories; but if they do, it proves but their Folly; for Truth can never
be concealed, and so it will be more for their disgrace, then for their Honour
or Fame. I fear not any such blemishes in this present History, for I am
conscious of any such Crime as Patiality or Falsehood, but write it whilst My
Noble Lord is yet alive, and at such a time where Truth may be declared, and
Falsehood contradicted; and I challenge any one (although I be a Woman) to
contradict any thing that I have set down, or prove it to be otherwise then
Truth; for be there never so many Contradictions, Truth will conquer all at
last.
Concerning My Lords Actions in War, which are comprehended in the first Book,
the relation of them I have chiefly from my Lords Secretary Mr. Rolleston, a
Person that has been an Eye-witness thereof, and accompanied My Lord as
Secretary in his Army, and gave out all his Commissions; his honesty and worth
is unquestionable by all that know him. And as for the Second Book, which
contains My Lords Actions and Sufferings, during the time of his Exile, I have
set down so much as I could possibly call to mind, without any particular
Expression of time, only from the time of his Banishment, or rather (what I
can remember) from the time of my Marriage, till our return into England. To
the end of which I have joined a Computation of My Lord's Losses, which he hath
suffered by those unfortunate Wars. In the third Book I have set down some
particular Chapters concerning the Description of his Person, his Natural
Faculties, and Personal Virtues, c. And in the last, some Essays and
Discourses of My Lords, together with some Notes and Remarks of mine own;
which I thought most convenient to place by themselves at the end of this Work,
rather then to intermingle them with the Body of the History.
It might be some prejudice to my Lord's Glory, and the credit of this History,
not to take notice of a very considerable thing I have heard, which is, That
when his Lordship's Army had got so much Strength and Reputation, that the
Rebellious Parliament finding themselves overpowered with it, rather then to be
utterly ruined, (as was unavoidable) did call the Scots to their Assistance,
with a promise to reward so great a Service, with the Four Northern Counties of
Northumberland, Cumberland, Westmerland, and the Bishopric of Durham, which I
have not mentioned in the Book.
And it is most certain, That the Parliaments Forces were never Powerful, nor
their Commanders or Officers Famous, until such time as my Lord was
overpowered; neither could Loyalty have been overpowered by Rebellion, had not
Treachery had better Fortune then Prudence.
When I speak of my Lord's Pedigree, where Thomas Earl of Arundel, Grandfather
to the now Duke of Norfolk, is mentioned, they have left out William Viscount
Stafford, one of his Sons, who did marry the Heir of the last Baron Stafford,
descended from the Dukes of Buckingham; which was set down in my Original
Manuscript.
Some of those Omissions, and very probably others, are happened, partly for
want of timely Information, and chiefly by the death of my Secretary, who did
copy my Writings for the Press, and died in London, attending that Service,
before the Printing of the Book was quite finished. And as I hope of your Favour
to be excused for omitting those things in the Book; so I expect of your
Justice to be approved in putting them here, though somewhat unseasonably.
Before I end this Preface, I do beseech my Readers not to mistake me when I
speak of my Lord's Banishment, as if I would conceal that he went voluntarily
out of his Native Country; for it is most true, that his Lordship prudently
perceiving all the King's Party lost, not only in England, but also in
Scotland and Ireland; and that it was impossible to withstand the Rebels, after
the fatal overthrow of his Army; his Lordship, in a poor and mean condition
quitted his own Country, and went beyond Sea; soon after which, the Rebels
having got an Absolute Power, and granted a general Pardon to all those that
would come in to them, upon composition, at the Rates they had set down, his
Lordship, with but few others, was excepted from it, both for Life and Estate,
and did remain thus banished till His Majesties happy Restoration.
I must also acknowledge, That I have committed great Errors in taking no notice
of Times as I should have done in many places of this History: I mention in one
place the Queen Mothers being in France, when my Lord went thither, but do not
say in what year that was: Nor do I express when His Majesty (our now Gracious
Sovereign) came in, and went out again several times from that Kingdom, which
has happened for want of Memory, and I desire my Readers to excuse me for it.
No body can certainly be more ready to find faults in this Work, then I am to
confess them; being very conscious that I have, as I told my Lord I should,
committed many for want of Learning, and chiefly of skill in writing Histories:
But having, according to his Lordships Commands, written his Actions and
Fortunes truly and plainly, I have reason to expect, that whatsoever else shall
be found amiss, will be favourably pardoned by the candid Readers, to whom I
wish all manner of happiness.
AN EPISTLE TO HER GRACE THE Duchess of Newcastle.
May it please your Grace,
I Have been taught, and do believe, That Obedience is better then Sacrifice;
and know, that both are due from me to your Grace; and since I have been so
long in obeying your Commands, I shall not presume to use any Arguments for my
excuse, but rather choose ingeniously to confess my fault, and beg your Graces
Pardon. And because forgiveness is a Glory to the supremest Powers, I will
hope that your Grace by that great example will make it yours. And now I humbly
take leave to represent to your Grace, as faithfully and truly as my memory
will serve me, all my Observations of the most memorable Actions, and
honourable Deportments of His Grace, my most Noble Lord and Master, William
Duke of Newcastle, in the execution and Performance of the Trusts and high
Employments committed and commended to his care and charge by three Kings of
England; that is to say, King James, King Charles the First, of ever blessed
Memory; and our Gracious King, Charles the Second; under whom he hath had the
happiness to live, and the honour to serve them in several capacities: And
because I humbly conceive, that it is not within the intention of your Graces
Commands, that I should give you a particular Relation of His Graces High
Birth, his Noble and Princely Education and Breeding, both at home and abroad;
his Natural Faculties, and Personal Virtues; his Justice, Bounty, Charity,
Friendship; his Right Approved Courage, and True Valour, not grounded upon, or
governed by Passion, but Reason; his Magnificent manner of living and
supporting his Dignity, testified by his great Entertainments of their
Majesties, and his private Friends, upon all fit occasions, besides his
ordinary and constant House-keeping and Attendants; some for Honour, and some
for business, wherein he exceeded most of his Quality; and that he was, and is
an incomparable Master to his Servants, is sufficiently testified by all or
most of the chiefest of them, living and dying in His Graces Service, which is
an Argument that they thought themselves as happy therein, as the World could
make them; nor of his well-chosen Pleasures, which were principally Horses of
all sorts, but more particularly Horses of Manage; His Study and Art of the
true use of the Sword; His Magnificent Buidings. These are his chiefest
Delights, wherein his Grace spared for no cost nor charge, which are
sufficiently manifested to the World; for other Delights, as those of running
Horses, Hawking, Hunting, c. His Grace used them merely for societies sake, and
out of a generous and obliging Nature to please others, though his knowledge in
them excelled, as well as in the other. And yet notwithstanding these his large
and vast expenses, before his Grace was called to the Court, he increased his
Revenue by way of Purchase to a great value; and when he was called to the
Court, he was then free from Debts, and, as I have heard, some Thousands of
Pounds in his Purse. These Particulars, and as many more of this kind as would
swell a Volume, I could enumerate to your Grace; but that they are so well
known to your Grace, it would be a Presumption in me, rather then a Service, to
give your Grace that trouble; and therefore I humbly forbear, and proceed,
according to my Intention, to give your Grace a faithful account of Your Graces
Commands, as becomes
May it please your Grace, Your Graces most humble, and most obedient Servant,
Iohn Rolleston.
THE LIFE OF THE MOST ILLUSTRIOUS PRINCE, WILLIAM Duke of Newcastle.
The First Book.
SInce my chief intent in this present Work, is to describe the Life and
Actions of My Noble Lord and Husband, William, Duke of Newcastle, I shall do it
with as much Brevity, Perspicuity and Truth, as is required of an Impartial
Historian. The History of his Pedigree I shall refer to the Heralds, and partly
give you an account thereof at the latter end of this work; only thus much I
shall now mention, as will be requisite for the better understanding of the
following discourse.
His Grandfather by his Fathers side was Sir William Cavendish, Privy
Counsellour and Treasurer of the Chamber to King Henry the Eighth, Edward the
Sixth, and Queen Mary. His Grandfather by his Mother was Cuthbert Lord Ogle, an
ancient Baron. His Father Sir Charles Cavendish was the youngest son to Sir
William, and had no other Children but three Sons, whereof My Lord was the
Second; but his elder Brother dying in his Infancy, left both his Title and
Birth-right to My Lord, so that My Lord had then but one only Brother left,
whose name was Charles after his Father, whereas My Lord had the name of his
Grandfather.
These two Brothers were partly bred with Gilbert Earl of Shrewsbury their
Uncle in Law, and their Aunt Mary, Countess of Shrewsbury, Gilbert's Wife, and
Sister to their Father; for there interceded an entire and constant Friendship
between the said Gilbert, Earl of Shrewsbury, and My Lord's Father, Sir Charles
Cavendish, caused not only by the marriage of My Lord's Aunt, his Fathers
Sister, to the aforesaid Gilbert Earl of Shrewsbury, and by the marriage of
George Earl of Shrewsbury, Gilbert's Father, with My Lord's Grandmother, by his
Fathers side; but Sir Charles Cavendish, My Lord's Father, and Gilbert Earl of
Shrewsbury, being brought up and bred together in one Family, and grown up as
parts of one body, after they came to be beyond Children, and travelled
together into foreign Countries, to observe the Fashions, Laws, and Customs of
other Nations, contracted such an entire Friendship which lasted to their
death: neither did they out live each other long, for My Lord's Father, Sir
Charles Cavendish, lived but one year after Gilbert Earl of Shrewsbury.
But both My Lords Parents, and his Aunt and Uncle in Law, showed always a
great and fond love to My Lord, endeavouring, when He was but a Child, to
please him with what he most delighted in. When He was grown to the Age of
fifteen or sixteen, he was made Knight of the Bath, an ancient and honourable
Order, at the time when Henry, King Iames, of blessed Memory, His eldest Son
was created Prince of Wales: and soon after, he went to travel with Sir Henry
Wotton, who was sent as Ambassador Extraordinary to the then Duke of Savoy;
which Duke made very much of My Lord, and when he would be free in Feasting,
placed Him next to himself. Before My Lord did return with the Ambassador into
England, the said Duke proffered My Lord, that if he would stay with him, he
would not only confer upon him the best Titles of Honour he could, but also
give him an honourable Command in War, although My Lord was but young, for the
Duke had then some designs of War. But the Ambassador, who had taken the care
of My Lord, would not leave Him behind without his Parents consent.
At last, when My Lord took his leave of the Duke, the Duke being a very
generous person, presented Him with a Spanish Horse, a Saddle very richly
embroidered, and with a rich Jewel of Diamonds.
Some time after My Lord's return into England, Gilbert Earl of Shrewsbury
died, and left My Lord, though he was then but young, and about Twenty two
years of age, his Executor; a year after, his Father Sir Charles Cavendish,
died also. His Mother, being then a Widow, was desirous that My Lord should
marry: in obedience to whose Commands, he chose a Wife both to his own good
liking, and his Mothers approving; who was Daughter and Heir to William Basset
of Blore Esq a very honourable and ancient Family in Stafford-Shire, by whom
was added a great part to His Estate, as hereafter shall be mentioned. After My
Lord was married, he lived, for the most part, in the Country, and pleased
Himself and his neighbours with Hospitality, and such delights as the Country
afforded; only now and then he would go up to London for some short time to
wait on the King.
About this time King Iames, of blessed memory, having a purpose to confer some
Honour upon My Lord, made him Viscount Mansfield, and Baron of Bolsover; and
after the decease of King Iames, King Charles the First, of blessed Memory,
constituted him Lord Warden of the Forest of Sherewood, and Lieutenant of
Nottingham-Shire, and restored his Mother Catharine, the second Daughter of
Cuthbert Lord Ogle, to her Fathers Dignity, after the death of her only Sister
Iane Countess of Shrewsbury, publicly declaring, that it was her Right; which
Title after the death of his Mother, descended also upon My Lord, and his Heirs
General, together with a large Inheritance of 3000 l. a year, in
Northumberland.
About the same time, after the decease of William, late Earl of Devonshire,
his Noble Cousin German, My Lord was by his said Majesty made Lord Lieutenant
of Derby-Shire; which trust and honour, after he had enjoyed for several years,
and managed it, like as all other offices put to his Trust, with all possible
care, faithfulness and dexterity, during the time of the said Earls Son,
William the now Earl of Devonshire, his Minority, as soon as this same Earl was
come to age, and by Law made capable of that trust, he willingly and freely
resigned it into his hands, he having hitherto kept it only for him, that he
and no body else might succeed his Father in that dignity.
In these, and all other both public and private employments, My Lord hath
ever been careful to keep up the Kings Rights to the uttermost of his power, to
strengthen those mentioned Counties with Ammunition, and to administer Justice
to every one; for he refused no mans Petition, but sent all that came to him
either for relief or justice, away from him fully satisfied.
Not long after his being made Lieutenant of Nottingham-Shire, there was found
so great a defect of Arms and Ammunition in that County, that the Lords of the
Council being advertised thereof, as the manner then was, His Majesty commanded
a levy to be made upon the whole County for the supply thereof; whereupon the
sum of 500 l. or thereabout, was accordingly levied for that purpose, and three
Persons of Quality, then Deputy Lieutenants, were desired by My Lord to receive
the money, and see it disposed; which being done accordingly, and a certain
account rendered to My Lord, he voluntarily ordered the then Clerk of the Peace
of that County, That the same account should be recorded amongst the Sessions
Roles, and be published in open Sessions, to the end that the Country might
take notice, how their monies were disposed of; for which act of Justice My
Lord was highly commended.
Within some few years after, King Charles the First, of blessed Memory, His
Gracious Sovereign, in regard of His true and faithful service to his King and
Country, was pleased to honour him with the Title of Earl of Newcastle, and
Baron of Bothal and Heple; which Title he graced so much by His Noble Actions
and Deportments, that some seven years after, which was in the Year 1638. His
Majesty called him up to Court, and thought Him the fittest Person whom He
might entrust with the Government of His Son Charles then Prince of Wales, now
our most Gracious King, and made him withal a Member of the Lords of His
Majesties most honourable Privy Council; which, as it was a great Honour and
Trust, so He spared no care and industry to discharge His Duty accordingly; and
to that end, left all the care of governing his own Family and Estate, with all
Fidelity attending His Master not without considerable Charges, and vast
Expenses of his own.
In this present Employment He continued for the space of three Years, during
which time there happened an Insurrection and Rebellion of His Majesties
discontented Subjects in Scotland, which forced His Majesty to raise an Army,
to reduce them to their Obedience, and His Treasury being at that time
exhausted, he was necessitated to desire some supply and assistance of the
Noblest and Richest of his Loyal Subjects; amongst the rest, My Lord lent His
Majesty 10000 l. and raised Himself a Voluntier-Troop of Horse, which consisted
of 120 Knights and Gentlemen of Quality, who marched to Berwick by His
Majesties Command, where it pleased His Majesty to set this mark of Honour upon
that Troop, that it should be Independent, and not commanded by any General
Officer, but only by his Majesty Himself; The reason thereof was upon this
following occasion.
His Majesties whole body of Horse, being commanded to march into Scotland
against the Rebels, a place was appointed for their Rendezvous; Immediately
upon their meeting, My Lord sent a Gentleman of Quality of his Troop Sir
William Carnaby, Knight.
to His Majesties then General of the Horse, to know where his Troop should
march; who returned this answer, That it was to march next after the Troops of
the General Officers of the Field. My Lord conceiving that his Troop ought to
march in the Van, and not in the Rear, sent the same Messenger back again to
the General, to inform him, That he had the honour to march with the Princes
Colours, and therefore he thought it not fit to march under any of the Officers
of the Field; yet nevertheless the General ordered that Troop as he had
formerly directed. Whereupon, My Lord thinking it unfit at that time to dispute
the business, immediately commanded his Cornet Mr. Gray, Brother to the Lord
Gray of the North.
to take off the Princes Colours from his staff, and so marched in the place
appointed, choosing rather to march without his Colours flying, then to lessen
his Masters dignity by the command of any subject.
Immediately after the return from that expedition to his Majesties Leaguer,
the General made a complaint thereof to his Majesty; who being truly informed
of the business, commended my Lords discretion for it, and from that time
ordered that Troop to be commanded by none but himself. Thus they remained upon
duty without receiving any pay or allowance from His Majesty, until His Majesty
had reduced his Rebellious Subjects, and then My Lord returned with honour to
his Charge, viz. The Government of the Prince.
At last when the whole Army was disbanded, then, and not before, my Lord
thought it a fit Time to exact an account from the said General for the affront
he passed upon him, and sent him a Challenge; the place and hour being
appointed by both their Consents, where and when to meet, My Lord appeared
there with his Second Francis Palms.
, but found not his Opposite: After some while his Opposite's Second came all
alone, by whom my Lord perceived that their Design had been discovered to the
King by some of his Opposite's Friends, who presently caused them both to be
confined until he had made their Peace.
My Lord having hitherto attended the Prince, his Master, with all faithfulness
and duty befitting so great an Employment, for the space of three years, in the
beginning of that Rebellious and unhappy Parliament, which was the cause of all
the ruins and misfortunes that afterwards befell this Kingdom, was privately
advertised, that the Parliaments Design was to take the Government of the
Prince from him, which he apprehending as a disgrace to Himself, wisely
prevented, and obtained the Consent of His late Majesty, with His Favour, to
deliver up the Charge of being Governor to the Prince, and retire into the
Country; which he did in the beginning of the Year 1641, and settled himself,
with his Lady, Children and Family, to his great satisfaction, with an intent
to have continued there, and rested under his own Vine, and managed his own
Estate; but he had not enjoyed himself long, but an Express came to him from
His Majesty, who was then unjustly and unmannerly treated by the said
Parliament, to repair with all possible speed and privacy, to Kingston upon
Hull, where the greatest part of His Majesties Ammunition and Arms then
remained in that Magazine, it being the most considerable place for strength in
the Northern parts of the Kingdom.
Immediately upon the receipt of these His Majesties Orders and Commands, my
Lord prepared for their execution, and about Twelve of the Clock at night,
hastened from his own house when his Family were all at their rest, save two or
three Servants which he appointed to attend him. The next day early in the
morning he arrived at Hull, in the quality of a private Gentleman, which place
was distant from his house forty miles; and none of his Family that were at
home, knew what was become of him, till he sent an Express to his Lady to
inform her where he was.
Thus being admitted into the Town, he fell upon his intended Design, and
brought it to so hopeful an issue for His Majesties Service, that he wanted
nothing but His Majesties further Commission and Pleasure to have secured both
the Town and Magazine for His Majesties use; and to that end by a speedy
Express Capt. Mazine
gave His Majesty, who was then at Windsor, an account of all his Transactions
therein, together with his Opinion of them, hoping His Majesty would have been
pleased either to come thither in Person, which He might have done with much
security, or at least have sent him a Commission and Orders how he should do
His Majesty further Service.
But instead thereof he received Orders from His Majesty to observe such
Directions as he should receive from the Parliament then sitting: Whereupon he
was summoned personally to appear at the House of Lords, and a Committee chosen
to examine the Grounds and Reasons of his undertaking that Design; but my Lord
showed them his Commission, and that it was done in obedience to His Majesties
Commands, and so was cleared of that Action.
Not long after, my Lord obtained the freedom from His Majesty to retire again
to his Countrey-Life, which he did with much alacrity: He had not remained many
months there, but His Majesty was forced by the fury of the said Parliament, to
repair in Person to York, and to send the Queen beyond the Seas for her safety.
No sooner was His Majesty arrived at York, but he sent his Gommands to my Lord
to come thither to him; which according to his wonted custom and loyalty he
readily obeyed, and after a few days spent there in Consultation, His Majesty
was pleased to Command him to Newcastle upon Tyne, to take upon him the
Government of that Town, and the four Counties next adjoining; that is to say,
Northumberland, Cumberland, Westmerland, and the Bishopric of Durham: which my
Lord did accordingly, although he wanted Men, Money and Ammunition, for the
performance of that design; for when he came thither, he neither found any
Military provision considerable for the undertaking that work, nor generally
any great encouragement from the people in those parts, more then what his own
interest created in them; Nevertheless, he thought it his duty rather to hazard
all, then to neglect the Commands of His Sovereign; and resolved to show his
Fidelity, by nobly setting all at stake, as he did, though he well knew how to
have secured himself, as too many others did, either by Neutrality, or adhering
to the Rebellious Party; but his Honour and Loyalty was too great to be stained
with such foul adherencies.
As soon as my Lord came to Newcastle, in the first place he sent for all his
Tenants and Friends in those parts, and presently raised a Troop of Horse
consisting of 120. and a Regiment of Foot, and put them under Command, and upon
duty and exercise in the Town of Newcastle; and with this small beginning took
the Government of that place upon him; where with the assistance of the
Towns-men, particularly the Mayor, Sir Iohn Marlay Knight.
(whom by the power of his Forces, he continued Mayor for the year following,
he being a person of much trust and fidelity, as he approved himself) and the
rest of his Brethren, within few days he fortified the Town, and raised men
daily, and put a Garrison of Soldiers into Tinmouth -Castle, standing upon the
River Tyne, betwixt Newcastle and the Sea, to secure that Port, and armed the
Soldiers as well as he could: And thus he stood upon his Guard, and continued
them upon Duty; playing his weak Game with much Prudence, and giving the Town
and Country very great satisfaction by his noble and honourable Deportment.
In the mean time, there happened a great mutiny of the Trainband Soldiers of
the Bishopric at Durham, so that my Lord was forced to remove thither in
Person, attended with some forces to appease them; where at his arrival (I
mention it by the way, and as a merry passage) a jovial Fellow used this
expression, That he liked my Lord very well, but not his Company (meaning his
Soldiers.)
After my Lord had reduced them to their obedience and duty, he took great care
of the Church Government in the said Bishopric (as he did no less in all other
places committed to his Care and Protection, well knowing that Schism and
Faction in Religion is the Mother of all or most Rebellions, Wars and
Disturbances in a State or Government) and constituted that Learned and Eminent
Divine the then Dean of Peterborough, now Lord-Bishop of Durham Dr. Cousins.
, to view all sermons that were to be Preached, and suffer nothing in them that
in the least reflected against His Majesties Person and Government, but to put
forth and add whatsoever he thought convenient, and punish those that should
trespass against it. In which that worthy Person used so much care and
industry, that never the Church could be more happily governed then it was at
that present.
Some short time after, my Lord received from Her Majesty the Queen, out of
Holland a small supply of Money, viz. a little barrel of Ducatoons, which
amounted to about 500 l. Sterling; which my Lord distributed amongst the
Officers of his new raised Army, to encourage them the better in their service;
as also some Arms, the most part whereof were consigned to his late Majesty;
and those that were ordered to be conveyed to his Majesty, were sent
accordingly, conducted by that only Troop of Horse, which my Lord had newly
raised, with orders to return again to him; but it seems His Majesty liked the
Troop so well, that he was pleased to command their stay to recruit his own
Army.
About the same time the King of Denmark was likewise pleased to send His
Majesty a Ship, which arrived at Newcastle, laden with some Ammunition, Arms,
Regiment Pieces, and Danish Clubs; which my Lord kept for the furnishing of
some Forces which he intended to raise for His Majesties service; for he
perceiving the flames increase more and more in both the Houses of Parliament
then sitting at Westminster, against his Majesties Person and Government; upon
Consultation with his Friends and Allies, and the interest he had in those
Northern parts, took a resolution to raise an Army for His Majesties service,
and by an express acquainted His Majesty with his design; who was so well
pleased with it, that he sent him Commissions for that purpose, to constitute
him General of all the Forces raised and to be raised in all the parts of the
Kingdom, Trent-North, and moreover in the several Counties of Lincoln,
Nottingham, Derby, Lancashire, Cheshire, Leicester, Rutland, Cambridg,
Huntington, Norfolk, Suffolk, and Essex, and Commander in Chief for the same;
as also to empower and authorize him to confer the honour of Knighthood upon
such Persons as he should conceive deserved it, and to coin Money and Print
whenever he saw occasion for it: Which as it was not only a great Honour,
but a great Trust and Power; so he used it with much discretion and wisdom,
only in such occurrencies, where he found it tending to the advancement of His
Majesties Service, and conferred the honour of Knighthood sparingly, and but on
such persons, whose Valiant and Loyal Actions did justly deserve it, so that he
Knighted in all to the number of Twelve.
Within a short time, my Lord formed an Army of 8000 Foot, Horse and Dragoons,
and put them into a condition to march in the beginning of November 1642. No
sooner was this effected, but the Insurrection grew high in York-Shire, in so
much, that most of His Majesties good subjects of that County, as well the
Nobility as Gentry, were forced for the preservation of their persons, to
retire to the City of York, a walled Town, but of no great strength; and
hearing that my Lord had not only kept those Counties in the Northern parts
generally faithful to his Majesty, but raised an Army for His Majesties
Interest, and the protection of his good subjects; thought it convenient to
employ and authorise some persons of Quality to attend upon my Lord, and treat
with him on their behalf, that he would be pleased to give them the assistance
of his Army, which my Lord granted them upon such Terms as did highly advance
His Majesties Service, which was my Lords chief and only aim.
Thus my Lord being with his Army invited into York-Shire, He prepared for it
with all the speed that the nature of that business could possibly permit; and
after he had fortified the Town of Newcastle, Tynmouthcastle, Hartlepool (a
Haven Town) and some other necessary Garrisons in those parts, and Manned,
Victualled and ordered their constant supply, He thought it fit in the first
place, before he did march, to manifest to the World by a Declaration in Print,
the reasons and grounds of his undertaking that design; which were in General,
for the preservation of His Majesties Person and Government, and the defence of
the Orthodox Church of England; where He also satisfied those that murmured for
my Lords receiving into his Army such as were of the Catholic Religion, and
then he presently marched with his Army into York-shire to their assistance,
and within the time agreed upon, came to York, notwithstanding the Enemies
Forces gave him all the interruption they possibly could, at several passes;
whereof the chief was at Pierce-bridg, at the entering into York-shire, where
1500 of the Enemies Forces, Commanded in chief by Col. Hotham, were ready to
interrupt my Lord's Forces, sent thither to secure that pass, consisting of a
Regiment of Dragoons, commanded by Colonel Thomas Howard, and a Regiment of
Foot, Commanded by Sir William Lambton, which they performed with so much
Courage, that they routed the Enemy, and put them to flight, although the said
Col. Howard in that Charge lost his life by an unfortunate shot.
The Enemy thus missing of their design, fled until they met with a conjunction
of their whole Forces at Tadcaster, some eight miles distant from York, and my
Lord went on without any other considerable Interruption. Being come to York,
he drew up his whole Army before the Town, both Horse and Foot, where the
Commander in Chief, the then earl of Cumberland, together with the Gentry of
the Country, came to wait on my Lord, and the then Governor of York, Sir Thomas
Glemham, presented him with the Keys of the City.
Thus my Lord marched into the Town with great joy, and to the general
satisfaction both of the Nobility and Gentry, and most of the Citizens; and
immediately without any delay, in the later end of December 1642, fell upon
Consultations how he might best proceed to serve his King and Country; and
particularly, how his Army should be maintained and paid, (as he did also
afterwards in every Country wheresoever he marched) well knowing, that no Army
can be governed without being constantly and regularly supported by provision
and pay. Whereupon it was agreed, That the Nobility and Gentry of the several
Counties, should select a certain number of themselves to raise money by a
regular Tax, for the making provisions for the support and maintenance of the
Army, rather than to leave them to free-quarter, and to carve for themselves;
and if any of the Soldiers were exorbitant and disorderly, and that it did
appear so to those that were authorised to examine their deportment, that
presently order should be given to repair those injuries out of the moneys
levied for the Soldiery; by which means the Country was preserved from many
inconveniences, which otherwise would doubtless have followed.
And though the season of the year might well have invited my Lord to take up
his Winter-quarters, it being about Christmas; yet after he had put a good
Garrison into the City of York, and fortified it, upon intelligence that the
Enemy was still at Tadcaster, and had fortified that place, he resolved to
march thither. The greatest part of the Town stands on the West side of a River
not fordable in any place near thereabout, nor allowing any passage into the
Town from York, but over a Stone-bridge, which the Enemy had made impassable by
breaking down part of the Bridge, and planting their Ordnance upon it, and by
raising a very large and strong Fort upon the top of a Hill, leading Eastward
from that Bridge towards York, upon design of commanding the Bridge and all other
places fit to draw up an Army in, or to plant Cannon against them.
But notwithstanding all these Discouragements, my Lord after he had refreshed
his Army at York, and recruited his provisions, ordered a march before the said
Town in this manner: That the greatest part of his Horse and Dragoons should in
the night march to a Pass at Weatherby, five miles distant from Tadcaster,
towards North-west, from thence under the Command of his then Lieutenant
General of the Army, to appear on the West side of Tadcaster early the next
morning, by which time my Lord with the rest of his Army resolved to appear at
the East-side of the said Town; which intention was well designed, but ill
executed; for though my Lord with that part of the Army which he commanded in
person, that is to say, his Foot and Cannon, attended by some Troops of Horse,
did march that night, and early in the morning appeared before the Town on the
East side thereof, and there drew up his Army, planted his Cannon, and closely
and orderly besieged that side of the Town, and from ten in the morning till
four a Clock in the afternoon, battered the Enemies Forts and Works, as being
in continual expectation of the appearance of the Troops on the other side,
according to his order; yet (whether it was out of Neglect or Treachery that my
Lords Orders were not obeyed) that days Work was rendered ineffectual as to the
whole Design.
However the vigilance of My Lord did put the Enemy into such a Terror, that
they forsook that Fort, and secretly fled away with all their Train that very
night to another strong hold not far distant from Tadcaster, called
Cawood-Castle, to which, by reason of its low and boggy Situation, and foul
and narrow Lanes and passages, it was not possible for my Lord to pursue them
without too great an hazard to his Army; whereas had the Lieutenant General
performed his Duty, in all probability, the greatest part of the principal
Rebels in York-shire, would that day have been taken in their own trap, and
their further mischief prevented. My Lord, the next morning, instead of
storming the Town, (as he he had intended) entered without interruption, and
there stayed some few days to refresh his Army, and order that part of the
Country.
In December 1642. My Lord thought it fit to march to Pomfret, and to quarter
his Army in that part of the Country, which was betwixt Cawood, and some
Garrisons of the Enemy, in the west part of York-shire, viz. Hallifax, Bradford,
Leeds, Wakefield, c. where he remained some time to recruit and enlarge his
Army, which was much lessened by erecting of Garrisons, and to keep those parts
in order and obedience to His Majesty; And after he had thus ordered his
Affairs, He was enabled to give Protection to those parts of the Country that
mere most willing to embrace it, and quartered his Army for a time in such
places which he had reduced. Tadcaster, which stood upon a Pass, he made a
Garrison, or rather a strong Quarter, and put also a Garrison into Pomfret
Castle, not above eight Miles distant from Tadcaster, which commanded that
Town, and a great part of the Country.
During the time that his Army remained at Pomfret, My Lord settled a Garrison at
Newark in Nottingham-shire, standing upon the River Trent, a very considerable
pass, which kept the greatest part of Nottingham-shire, and part of
Lincoln-shire in obedience; and after that, he returned in the beginning of
January 1642, back to York, with an intention to supply Himself with some
Ammunition, which He had ordered to be brought from Newcastle: A Convoy of
Horse that were employed to conduct it from thence, under the Command of the
Lieutenant General of the Army the Lord Ethyn, was by the Enemy at a pass,
called Yarum-bridg, in York-shire, fiercely encountered; in which encounter My
Lord's Forces totally routed them, slew many, and took many Prisoners, and most
of their Horse Colours consisting of Seventeen Cornets; and so marched on to
York with their Ammunition, without any other Interruption.
My Lord, after he had received this Ammunition, put his Army into a condition
to march, and having intelligence that the Queen was at Sea, with intention to
land in some part of the Eastriding of York-shire, he directed his March in
February 1642, into those parts, to be ready to attend Her Majesties landing,
who was then daily expected from Holland. Within a short time, after it had
pleased God to protect Her Majesty both from the fury of Wind and Waves, there
being for several days such a Tempest at Sea, that Her Majesty, with all her
Attendance, was in danger to be cast away every minute; as also from the fury
of the Rebels, which had the whole Naval Power of the Kingdom then in their
Hands: she arrived safely at a small Port in the Eastriding of York-shire,
called Burlington Key, where Her Majesty was no sooner landed, but the Enemy at
Sea made continual shot against her Ships in the Port, which reached not only
Her Majesties landing, but even the House where she lay (though without the
least hurt to any) so that she her self, and her Attendants, were forced to
leave the same, and to seek Protection from a Hill near that place, under which
they retired; and all that while it was observed, that Her Majesty showed as
much Courage as ever any person could do; for Her undaunted and Generous spirit
was like her Royal Birth, deriving it self from that unparrallell'd King, Her
Father, whose Heroic Actions will be in perpetual Memory, whilst the World
hath a being.
My Lord finding Her Majesty in this condition, drew his Army near the place
where she was, ready to attend and protect Her Majesties Person, who was
pleased to take a view of the Army as it was drawn up in order; and immediately
after, which was in March 1643, took Her journey towards York, whither the
whole Army conducted Her Majesty, and brought her safe into the City. About
this time, Her Majesty having some present occasion for Money, My Lord
presented Her with 3000 l. Sterling, which she graciously accepted of, and
having spent some time there in Consultation about the present affairs, she was
pleased to send some Arms and Ammunition to the King, who was then in Oxford;
to which end, my Lord ordered a Party consisting of 1500, well Commanded, to
conduct the same, with whom the Lord Percy, who then had waited upon Her
Majesty from the King, returned to Oxford; which Party His Majesty was pleased
to keep with him for his own Service.
Not long after, My Lord, who always endeavoured to win any place or persons by
fair means, rather then by using of force, reduced to His Majesties obedience a
strong Fort and Castle upon the Sea, and a very good Haven, called
Scarborough-Castle, persuading the Governor thereof, who heretofore had
opposed his Forces at Yarum-bridg, with such rational and convincible
Arguments, that he willingly rendered himself, and all the Garrison under His
Majesties Devotion; By which prudent Action My Lord highly advanced His
Majesties Interest; for by that means the Enemy was much annoyed and prejudiced
at Sea, and a great part in the East-riding of York-shire kept in due
obedience.
After this, My Lord having received Intelligence that the Enemies General of
the Horse Sir Thomas Fairfax.
had designed to march with a Party from Cawood Castle, whither they were fled
from Tadcaster, as before is mentioned, to some Garrisons which they had in the
West of York-shire; presently ordered a party of Horse, Commanded by the
General of the Horse, the Lord George Goring, to attend the Enemy in their
March, who overtook them on a Moor, called Seacroft-Moor, and fell upon their
Rear, which caused the Enemy to draw up their Forces into a Body; to whom they
gave a Total rout (although their number was much greater) and took about 800
Prisoners, and 10 or 12 Colours of Horse, besides many that were slain in the
charge; which Prisoners were brought to York, about 10 or 12 miles distant from
that same place.
Immediately after, in pursuit of that Victory, My Lord sent a considerable
Party into the West of York-shire, where they met with about 2000 of the
Enemies Forces, taken out of their several Garrisons in those parts, to execute
some design upon a Moor called Tankerly-Moor, and there fought them, and routed
them; many were slain, and some taken Prisoners.
Not long after, the Remainder of the Army that were left at York, marched to
Leeds, in the West of York-shire, and from thence to Wakefield, being both the
Enemies Quarters, to reduce and settle that part of the Country: My Lord having
possessed himself of the Town of Wakefield, it being large, and of great
compass, and able to make a strong quarter, ordered it accordingly; and
receiving Intelligence that in two Market-Towns Southwest from Wakefield, viz.
Rotheram and Sheffield, the Enemy was very busy to raise Forces against his
Majesty, and had fortified them both about four miles distant from each other,
hoping thereby to give protection and encouragement to all those parts of the
Country which were populous, rich and rebellious, he thought it necessary to
use his best endeavours to blast those their wicked designs in the bud; and
thereupon took a resolution in April 1643, to march with part of his Army from
Wakefield into the mentioned parts, attended with a convenient Train of
Artillery and Ammunition, leaving the greatest part of it at Wakefield with the
remainder of his Army, under the Care and Conduct of his General of the Horse,
and Major General of the Army The Lord Goring, and Sir Francis Mackworth
Knight.
, which was so considerable, both in respect of their number and provision,
that they did, as they might well, conceive themselves Master of the Field in
those parts, and secure in that quarter, although in the end it proved not so,
as shall hereafter be declared, which must necessarily be imputed to their
invigilancy and carelessness.
My Lord first marched to Rotheram, and finding that the Enemy had placed a
Garrison of Soldiers in that Town, and fortified it, he drew up his Army in the
morning against the Town, and summoned it; but they refusing to yield, my Lord
fell to work with his Cannon and Musket, and within a short time took it by
storm, and entered the Town that very night; some Enemies of note that were
found therein, were taken Prisoners; and as for the common Soldiers, which were
by the Enemy forced from their Allegiance, he showed such Clemency to them,
that very many willingly took up Arms for His Majesties Service, and proved
very faithful and loyal Subjects, and good Soldiers.
After my Lord had stayed two or three days there, and ordered those parts, he
marched with his Army to Sheffield, another Market-Town of large extent, in
which there was an ancient Castle; which when the Enemies Forces that kept the
Town, came to hear of, being terrified with the fame of my Lords hitherto
Victorious Army, they fled away from thence into Derbyshire, and left both Town
and Castle (without any blow) to my Lords Mercy; and though the people in the
Town were most of them rebelliously affected, yet my Lord so prudently ordered
the business, that within a short time he reduced most of them to their
Allegiance by love, and the rest by fear, and recruited his Army daily, he put
a Garrison of Soldiers into the Castle, and fortified it in all respects, and
constituted a Gentleman of Quality Sir Will. Savil Knight. and Bar.
Governor both of the Castle, Town and Country; and finding near that place
some Iron Works, he gave present order for the casting of Iron Cannon for his
Garrisons, and for the making of other Instruments and Engines of War.
Within a short time after, my Lord receiving Intelligence that the Enemy in
the Garrisons near Wakefield had united themselves, and being drawn into a body
in the night time, had surprised and entered the Town of Wakesield, and taken
all or most of the Officers and Soldiers, left there, Prisoners, (amongst whom
was also the General of the Horse, the Lord Goring, whom my Lord afterwards
redeemed by Exchange) and possessed themselves of the whole Magazine, which was
a very great loss and hinderance to my Lords designs, it being the Moity of his
Army, and most of his Ammunition, he fell upon new Counsels, and resolved
without any delay to march from thence back towards York, which was in May
1643, where after he had rested some time, Her Majesty being resolved to take
Her Journey towards the Southern parts of the Kingdom, where the King was,
designed first to go from York to Pomfret, whither my Lord ordered the whole
Marching Army to be in readiness to conduct Her Majesty, which they did, he
himself attending Her Majesty in person. And after Her Majesty had rested there
some small time, she being desirous to proceed in Her intended Journey, no less
then a formed Army was able to secure Her Person: Wherefore my Lord was
resolved out of his fidelity and duty to supply Her with an Army of 7000 Horse
and Foot, besides a convenient Train of Artillery, for Her safer Conduct;
choosing rather to leave himself in a weak condition (though he was even then
very near the Enemies Garrisons in that part of the Country) then suffer Her
Majesties Person to be exposed to danger. Which Army of 7000 men, when Her
Majesty was safely arrived to the King, He was pleased to keep with him for His
own Service.
After Her Majesties departure out of Yorkshire, my Lord was forced to recruit
again his Army, and within a short time, viz. in June 1643, took a resolution
to march into the Enemies Quarters, in the Western parts; in which march he met
with a strong stone house well fortified, called Howley-House, wherein was a
Garrison of Soldiers, which my Lord summoned; but the Governor disobeying the
summons, he battered it with his Cannon, and so took it by force; the Governor
having quarter given him contrary to my Lords Orders, was brought before my
Lord by a Person of Quality, for which the Officer that brought him, received a
check; and though he resolved then to kill him, yet my Lord would not suffer
him to do it, saying, It was inhumane to kill any man in cold blood. Hereupon
the Governor kissed the Key of the House door, and presented it to my Lord; to
which my Lord returned this answer, I need it not, said he, for I brought a Key
along with me, which yet I was unwilling to use, until you forced me to it.
At this House my Lord remained five or six days, till he had refreshed his
Soldiers; and then a resolution was taken to march against a Garrison of the
Enemies called Bradford, a little, but a strong Town; in the way he met with a
strong interruption by the Enemy drawing forth a vast number of Musketeers,
which they had very privately gotten out of Lancashire, the next adjoining
County to those parts of York-shire, which had so easy an access to them at
Bradford, by reason the whole Country was of their Party, that my Lord could
not possibly have any constant intelligence of their designs and motions; for
in their Army there were near 5000 Musketeers, and 18 Troops of Horse, drawn
up in a place full of hedges, called Atherton-moor, near to their Garrison at
Bradford, ready to encounter my Lords Forces, which then contained not above
half so many Musketeers as the Enemy had; their chiefest strength consisting
in Horse, and these made useless for a long time together, by the Enemies Horse
possessing all the plain ground upon that Field; so that no place was left to
draw up my Lords Horse, but amongst old Coalpits: Neither could they charge the
Enemy, by reason of a great ditch and high bank betwixt my Lord's and the
Enemies Troops, but by two on a breast, and that within Musket shot; the Enemy
being drawn up in hedges, and continually playing upon them, which rendered the
service exceeding difficult and hazardous.
In the mean while the Foot of both sides on the right and left Wings,
encountered each other, who fought from Hedge to Hedge, and for a long time
together overpowered and got ground of my Lords Foot, almost to the invironing
of his Cannon; my Lords Horse (wherein consisted his greatest strength) all
this while being made, by reason of the ground, incapable of charging; at last
the Pikes of my Lords Army having had no employment all the day, were drawn
against the Enemies left wing, and particularly those of my Lords own Regiment,
which were all stout and valiant men, who fell so furiously upon the Enemy,
that they forsook their hedges, and fell to their heels: At which very instant,
my Lord caused a shot or two to be made by his Cannon against the Body of the
Enemies Horse, drawn up within Cannon shot, which took so good effect, that it
disordered the Enemies Troops; Hereupon my Lord's Horse got over the Hedge, not
in a body (for that they could not) but dispersedly two on a breast; and as
soon as some considerable number was gotten over, and drawn up, they charged
the Enemy, and routed them; so that in an instant there was a strange change of
Fortune, and the Field totally won by my Lord, notwithstanding he had quitted
7000 Men, to conduct Her Majesty, besides a good Train of Artillery, which in
such a Conjuncture would have weakened Caesars Army. In this Victory the Enemy
lost most of their Foot, about 3000 were taken Prisoners, and 700 Horse and
Foot slain, and those that escaped, fled into their Garrison at Bradford,
amongst whom was also their General of the Horse.
After this, My Lord caused his Army to be rallied, and marched in order that
night before Bradford, with an intention to storm it the next morning; but the
Enemy that were in the Town, it seems, were so discomfited, that the same night
they escaped all various ways, and amongst them the said General of the Horse,
whose Lady being behind a Servant on Horse-back, was taken by some of My Lord's
Soldiers and brought to his Quarters, where she was treated and attended with
all civility and respect, and within few days sent to York in my Lords own
Coach, and from thence very shortly after to Kingstone upon Hull, where she
desired to be, attended by my Lords Coach and Servants.
Thus my Lord, after the Enemy was gone, entered the Town and Garrison of
Bradford, by which Victory the Enemy was so daunted, that they forsook the rest
of their Garrisons, that is to say, Hallifax, Leeds and Wakefield, and dispersed
themselves severally, the chief Officers retiring to Hull, a strong Garrison of
the Enemy; and though my Lord, knowing they would make their escape thither, as
having no other place of refuge to resort to, sent a Letter to York to the
Governor of that City, to stop them in their passage; yet by neglect of the
Post, it coming not timely enough to his hands, his Design was frustrated.
The whole County of York, save only Hull, being now cleared and settled by my
Lords Care and Conduct, he marched to the City of York, and having a competent
number of Horse well armed and commanded, he quartered them in the East-riding,
near Hull, there being no visible Enemy then to oppose them: In the mean while
my Lord receiving News that the Enemy had made an Invasion into the next
adjoining County of Lincoln, where he had some Forces, he presently dispatched
The Lord Ethyn.
his Lieutenant General of the Army away with some Horse and Dragoons, and soon
after marched thither himself with the body of the Army, being earnestly
defired by his Majesties Party there. The Forces which my Lord had in the same
County, commanded by the then Lieutenant General of the Horse, Mr. Charles
Cavendish, second Brother to the now Earl of Devonshire, though they had timely
notice, and Orders from my Lord to make their retreat to the Lieutenant-General
of the Army, and not to fight the Enemy; yet the said Lieutenant-General of the
Horse being transported by his Courage, (he being a Person of great Valour and
Conduct) and having charged the Enemy, unfortunately lost the field, and
himself was slain in the Charge, his Horse lighting in a bog: Which news being
brought to my Lord when he was on his March, he made all the hast he could, and
was no sooner joined with his Lieutenant General, but fell upon the Enemy, and
put them to flight.
The first Garrison my Lord took in Lincolnshire, was Gainsborrough, a Town
standing upon the River Trent, wherein (not long before) had been a Garrison of
Soldiers for His Majesty, under the Command of the then Earl of Kingstone, but
surprised, and the Town Taken by the Enemies Forces, who having an intention to
conveigh the said Earl of Kingstone from thence to Hull in a little Pinnace,
met with some of my Lords Forces by the way, commanded by the Lieutenant of the
Army, who being desirous to rescue the Earl of Kingstone, and and making some
shots with their Regiment Pieces, to stop the Pinnace, unfortunately slew him,
and one of his Servants.
My Lord drawing near the mentioned Town of Gainsborrough, there appeared on
the top of a Hill above the Town, some of the Enemies Horse drawn up in a body;
whereupon he immediately sent a party of his Horse to view them; who no sooner
came within their sight, but they retreated fairly so long as they could well
endure; but the pursuit of my Lords Horse caused them presently to break their
ranks, and fall to their heels; where most of them escaped, and fled to
Lincoln, another of their Garrisons. Hereupon my Lord summoned the Town of
Gainsborrough; but the Governor thereof refusing to yield, caused my Lord to
plant his Cannon, and draw up his Army on the mentioned Hill; and having played
some little while upon the Town, put the Enemy into such a terror, that the
Governor sent out, and offered the surrender of the Town upon fair terms,
which my Lord thought fit rather to embrace, then take it by force; and though
according to the Articles of Agreement made between them, both the Enemies Arms
and the Keys of the Town should have been fairly delivered to my Lord; yet it
being not performed as it was expected, the Arms being in a confused manner
thrown down, and the Gates set wide open, the Prisoners that had been kept in
the Town, began first to plunder; which my Lords Forces seeing, did the same,
although it was against my Lords will and orders.
After my Lord had thus reduced the Town, and put a good Garrison of Soldiers
into it, and better fortified it, he marched before Lincoln, and there he
entered with his Army without great difficulty, and placed also a Garrison in it,
and raised a considerable Army, both Horse, Foot and Dragoons, for the
preservation of that County, and put them under Commanders, and constituted a
Person of Honour The Lord Widdrington.
Commander in Chief, with intention to march towards the South, which if it had
taken effect, would doubtless have made an end of that War; but he being daily
importuned by the Nobility and Gentry of York-shire, to return into that
County, especially upon the persuasions of the Commander in Chief of the Forces
left there, who acquainted my Lord that the Enemy grew so strong every day,
being got together in Kingstone upon Hull, and annoying that Country, that his
Forces were not able to bear up against them; alleging withal, that my Lord
would be suspected to betray the Trust reposed in him, if he came not to
succour and assist them; he went back with his Army for the protection of that
same Country; and when he arrived there, which was in August 1643, he found the
Enemy of so small consequence, that they did all fly before him. About this
time His Majesty was pleased to honour my Lord for His true and faithful
Service, with the Title of Marquess of Newcastle.
My Lord being returned into York-shire, forced the Enemy first from a Town
called Beverly, wherein they had a Garrison of Soldiers; and from thence, upon
the entreaty of the Nobility and Gentry of York-shire, (as before is mentioned)
who promised him Ten thousand men for that purpose, though they came short of
their performance, marched near the Town of Kingstone upon Hull, and besieged
that part of the Garrison that bordered on York-shire, for a certain time; in
which time the Enemy took the courage to sally out of the Town with a strong
party of Horse and Foot very early in the morning, with purpose to have forced
the Quarters of a Regiment of my Lords Horse, that were quartered next the
Town; but by the vigilance of their Commander Sir Marmaduke Langdale,
afterwards Lord Langdale, his Forces being prepared for their reception, they
received such a Welcome as cost many of them their Lives, most of their Foot
(but such as were slain) being taken Prisoners; and those of their Horse that
escaped, got into their Hold at Hull.
The Enemy thus seeing that they could do my Lords Army no further damage on
that side of the River in York-shire, endeavoured by all means (from Hull, and
other confederate places in the Eastern parts of the Kingdom) to form a
considerable party to annoy and disturb the Forces raised by my Lord in
Lincolnshire, and left there for the protection on of that County; where the
Enemy being drawn together in a body, fought my Lords Forces in his absence,
and got the honour of the day near Hornby Castle in that County; which loss,
caused partly by their own rashness, forced my Lord to leave his design upon
Hull, and to march back with his Army to York, which was in October 1643, where
he remained but a few days to refresh his Army, and receiving intelligence
that the Enemy was got into Derbyshire, and did grow numerous there, and busy
in seducing the people, that Country being under my Lords Command, he resolved
to direct his March thither in the beginning of November 1643, to suppress
their further growth; and to that end quartered his Army at Chesterfield, and
in all the parts thereabout, for a certain time.
Immediately after his departure from York to Pomfret, in his said March into
Derbyshire, the City of York sent to my Lord to inform him of their intention
to choose another Mayor for the year following, desiring his pleasure about it:
My Lord, who knew that the Mayor for the year before, was a person of much
Loyalty and Discretion, declared his mind to them, That he thought it fit to
continue him Mayor also for the year following; which it seems they did not
like, but resolved to choose one which they pleased, contrary to my Lords
desire. My Lord perceiving their intentions, about the time of the Election
sent orders to the Governor of the City of York, to permit such Forces to
enter into the City as he should send; which being done accordingly, they upon
the Day of the Election repaired to the Town-Hall, and with their Arms staid
there until they had continued the said Mayor according to my Lords desire.
During the time of my Lords stay at Chesterfield in Derbyshire, he ordered
some part of his Army to march before a strong House and Garrison of the
Enemies, called Wingfield Manor, which in a short time they took by storm. And
when my Lotd had raised in that County as many Forces, Horse and Foot, as were
supposed to be sufficient to preserve it from the fury of the Enemy, he armed
them, and constituted an Honourable Person The Lord Loughborrough.
Commander in Chief of all the Forces of that County, and of Leicestershire;
and so leaving it in that condition, marched in December 1643, from
Chesterfield to Bolsover in the same County, and from thence to Welbeck in
Nottinghamshire, to his own House and Garrison, in which parts he staid some
time, both to refresh his Army, and to settle and reform some disorders he
found there, leaving no visible Enemy behind him in Derbyshire, save only an
inconsiderable party in the Town of Derby, which they had fortified, not worth
the labour to reduce it.
About this time the report came, that a great Army out of Scotland, was upon
their march towards the Northern parts of England, to assist the Enemy against
His Majesty, which forced the Nobility and Gentry of Yorkshire to invite my
Lord back again into those parts, with promise to raise for his service, an
Army of 10000 men; My Lord (not upon this proffer, which had already heretofore
deceived him, but out of his Loyalty and duty to preserve those parts which
were committed to his care and protection) returned in the middle of January
1643. And when he came there, he found not one man raised to assist him against
so powerful an Army, nor an intention of raising any; Wherefore he was
necessitated to raise himself, out of the Country, what forces he could get,
and when he had settled the affairs in York-shire as well as time and his
present condition would permit, and constituted an honourable Person The Lord
Bellasis.
Governor of York and Commander in chief of a very considerable party of horse
and foot for the defence of the County (for Sr. Thomas Glemham was then made
Colonel General, and marched into the Field with the Army) he took his march to
Newcastle in the beginning of February 1643, to give a stop to the Scots army.
Presently after his coming thither with some of his Troops, before his whole
army was come up, he received intelligence of the Scots Armie's near approach,
whereupon he sent forth a party of horse to view them, who found them very
strong, to the number of 22000 Horse and Foot well armed and commanded: They
marched up towards the Town with such confidence, as if the Gates had been
opened for their reception; and the General of their Army seemed to take no
notice of my Lords being in it, for which afterwards he excused himself; but as
they drew near, they found not such entertainment as they expected; for though
they assaulted a Work that was not finished, yet they were beaten off with much
loss.
The Enemy being thus stopped before the Town, thought fit to quarter near it, in
that part of the Country; and so soon as my Lords Army was come up, he designed
one night to have fallen into their Quarter; but by reason of some neglect of
his Orders in not giving timely notice to the party designed for it, it took
not an effect answerable to his expectation. In a word, there were three
Designs taken against the Enemy, whereof if one had but hit, they would
doubtless have been lost; but there was so much Treachery, Juggling and Falsehood
in my Lord's own Army, that it was impossible for him to be successful in his
Designs and Undertakings. However, though it failed in the Enemies
Foot-Quarters, which lay nearest the Town; yet it took good effect in their
Horse-Quarters, which were more remote; for my Lord's Horse, Commanded by a
very gallant and worthy Gentleman The Lord Langdale.
falling upon them, gave them such an Alarm, that all they could do, was to
draw into the Field, where my Lord's Forces charged them, and in a little time
routed them totally, and killed and took many Prisoners, to the number of 1500.
Upon this the Enemy was forced to draw their whole Army together, and to
quarter them a little more remote from the Town, and to seek out inaccessible
places for their security, as afterwards appeared more plainly; for so soon as
my Lord had prepared his Army for a March, he drew them forth against the
Scots, which he found quartered upon high Hills close by the River Tyne, where
they could not be encountered but upon very disadvantageous terms; besides,
that day proved very stormy and tempestuous, so that my Lord was necessitated
to withdraw his Forces, and retire into his own Quarters.
The next day after, the Scots Army finding ill harbour in those quarters,
marched from hill to hill into another part of the Bishopric of Durham, near
the Sea coast, to a Town called Sunderland; and thereupon my Lord thought fit
to march to Durham, to stop their further progress, where he had contrived the
business so, that they were either forced to fight or starve within a little
time. The first was offered to them twice, that is to say, at Pensher-hills one
day, and at Bowden-hills another day in the Bishopric of Durham: But my Lord
found them at both times drawn up in such places, as he could not possibly
charge them; wherefore he retired again to Durham, with an intention to
straighten their Quarters, and to wait upon them, if ever they left their Holds
and inaccessible places. In the mean time it happened that the Earl of Montross
came to the same place, and having some design for his Majesties service in
Scotland, desired My Lord to give him the assistance of some of his Forces; and
although My Lord stood then in present need of them, and could not coveniently
spare any, having so great an Army to oppose; yet out of a desire to advance
His Majesties service as much as lay in his power, he was willing to part with
200 Horse and Dragoons to the said Earl.
The Scots perceiving My Lords vigilance and care, contented themselves with
their own quarters, which could not have served them long, but that a great
misfortune befell My Lords Forces in York-shire; for the Governor whom he had
left behind with sufficient Forces for the defence of that Country, although he
had orders not to encounter the Enemy, but to keep himself in a defensive
posture; yet he being a man of great valour and courage, it transported him so
much that he resolved to face the Enemy, and offering to keep a Town that was
not tenable Selby in Yorkshire.
, was utterly routed, and himself taken Prisoner, although he fought most
gallantly.
So soon as my Lord received this sad Intelligence, he upon Consultation, and
upon very good Grounds of Reason, took a resolution not to stay between the two
Armies of the Enemies, viz. the Scots and the English, that had prevailed in
York-shire; but immediately to march into York-shire with his Army, to preserve
(if possible) the City of York out of the Enemies hands: which retreat was
ordered so well, and with such excellent Conduct, that though the Army of the
Scots marched close upon their Rear, and fought them every day of their
retreat, yet they gained several Passes for their security, and entered safe and
well into the City of York, in April 1643.
My Lord being now at York, and finding three Armies against him, viz. the Army
of the Scots, the Army of the English that gave the defeat to the Governor of
York, and an Army that was raised out of associate Counties, and but little
Ammunition and Provision in the Town; was forced to send his Horse away to
quarter in several Counties, viz. Derbyshire, Nottinghamshire, Leicestershire,
for their subsistence, under the Conduct of his Lieutenant-General of the
Horse, My dear Brother Sir Charles Lucas, himself remaining at York, with his
Foot and Train for the defence of that City.
In the mean time, the Enemy having closely besieged the City on all sides,
came to the very Gates thereof, and pulled out the Earth at one end, as those
in the City put it in at the other end; they planted their great Cannons
against it, and threw in Grenades at pleasure: But those in the City made
several sallies upon them with good success. At last, the General of the
associate Army of the Enemy, having closely beleaguered the North side of the
Town, sprung a Mine under the wall of the Mannor-yard, and blew part of it up;
and having beaten back the Town-Forces (although they behaved themselves very
gallantly) entered the Mannor-house with a great number of their men, which as
soon as my Lord perceived, he went away in all haste, even to the amazement of
all that were by, not knowing what he intended to do; and drew 80 of his own
Regiment of Foot, called the White-Coats, all stout and valiant Men, to that
Post, who fought the Enemy with that courage, that within a little time they
killed and took 1500 of them; and My Lord gave present order to make up the
breach which they had made in the wall; Whereupon the Enemy remained without
any other attempt in that kind, so long, till almost all provision for the
support of the soldiery in the City was spent, which nevertheless was so well
ordered by my Lords Prudence, that no Famine or great extremity of want ensued.
My Lord having held out in that manner above two Months, and withstood the
strength of three Armies; and seeing that his Lieutenant-General of the Horse
whom he had sent for relief to His Majesty, could not so soon obtain it
(although he used his best endeavour) for to gain yet some little time, began
to treat with the Enemy; ordering in the mean while, and upon the Treaty, to
double and treble his Guards. At last after three Months time from the
beginning of the Siege, His Majesty was pleased to send an Army, which joining
with my Lords Horse that were sent to quarter in the aforesaid Countries, came
to relieve the City, under the Conduct of the most Gallant and Heroic Prince
Rupert, his Nephew; upon whose approach near York, the Enemy drew from before
the City, into an entire Body, and marched away on the West-side of the River
Owse, that runs through the City, His Majesties Forces being then of the
East-side of that River.
My Lord immediately sent some persons of Quality to attend His Highness, and
to invite him into the City to consult with him about that important Affair,
and to gain so much time as to open a Port to march forth with his Cannon and
Foot which were in the Town, to join with His Highness's Forces; and went
himself the next day in person to wait on His Highness; where after some
Conferences, he declared his Mind to the Prince, desiring His Highness not to
attempt any thing as yet upon the Enemy; for he had intelligence that there was
some discontent between them, and that they were resolved to divide themselves,
and so to raise the Siege without fighting: Besides, my Lord expected within
two days, Colonel Cleavering, with above three thousand men out of the North,
and two thousand drawn out of several Garrisons, (who also came at the same
time, though it was then too late) But His Highness answered my Lord, That he
had a Letter from His Majesty (then at Oxford) with a positive and absolute
Command to fight the Enemy; which in Obedience, and according to his Duty he
was bound to perform. Whereupon my Lord replied, That he was ready and willing
for his part, to obey his Highness in all things, no otherwise then if His
Majesty was there in Person Himself; and though several of my Lords Friends
advised him not to engage in Battle, because the Command (as they said) was
taken from Him: Yet my Lord answered them, That happen what would, he would not
shun to fight, for he had no other ambition but to live and dye a Loyal Subject
to His Majesty.
Then the Prince and my Lord conferred with several of their Officers, amongst
whom there were several Disputes concerning the advantages which the Enemy had
of Sun, Wind and Ground. The Horse of His Majesties Forces, was drawn up in
both Wings upon that fatal Moor called Hessom-Moor; and my Lord asked His
Highness what Service he would be pleased to command him; who returned this
Answer, That he would begin no action upon the Enemy, till early in the
morning; desiring my Lord to repose himself till then: Which my Lord did, and
went to rest in his own Coach that was close by in the Field, until the time
appointed.
Not long had My Lord been there, but he heard a great noise and thunder of
shooting, which gave him notice of the Armies being engaged: Whereupon he
immediately put on his Arms, and was no sooner got on Horse-back, but he beheld
a dismal sight of the Horse of His Majesties right Wing, which out of a panick
fear had left the Field, and run away with all the speed they could; and though
my Lord made them stand once, yet they immediately betook themselves to their
heels again, and killed even those of their own party that endeavoured to stop
them; the Left Wing in the mean time, Commanded by those two Valiant Persons,
the Lord Goring, and Sir Charles Lucas, having the better of the Enemies Right
Wing, which they beat back most valiantly three times, and made their General
retreat, in so much that they sounded Victory.
In this Confusion my Lord (accompanied only with his Brother Sir Charles
Cavendish, Major Scot, Capt. Mazine, and his Page) hastening to see in what
posture his own Regiment was, met with a Troop of Gentlemen-Voluntiers, who
formerly had chosen him their Captain, notwithstanding he was General of an
Army; to whom my Lord spake after this manner: Gentlemen, said he, You have
done me the Honour to choose me your Captain, and now is the fittest time that I
may do you service; wherefore if you'll follow me, I shall lead you on the best
I can, and show you the way to your own Honour. They being as glad of my Lords
Profer, as my Lord was of their Readiness, went on with the greatest Courage;
and passing through Two Bodies of Foot, engaged with each other not at forty
yards distance, received not the least hurt, although they fired quick upon
each other; but marched towards a Scots Regiment of Foot, which they charged
and routed; in which Encounter my Lord himself killed Three with his Pages
half-leaden Sword, for he had no other left him; and though all the Gentlemen
in particular, offered him their Swords, yet my Lord refused to take a Sword of
any of them. At last, after they had passed through this Regiment of Foot, a
Pike-man made a stand to the whole Troop; and though my Lord charged him twice
or thrice, yet he could not enter him; but the Troop dispatched him soon.
In all these Encounters my Lord got not the least hurt, though several were
slain about him; and his White-Coats showed such an extraordinary Valour and
Courage in that Action, that they were killed in Rank and File: And here I
cannot but mention by the way, That it is remarkable, that in all actions and
undertakings where My Lord was in Person himself, he was always Victorious, and
prospered in the execution of his designs; but whatsoever was lost or succeeded
ill, happened in his absence, and was caused either by the Treachery, or
Negligence and Carelessness of his Officers.
My Lord being the last in the Field, and seeing that all was lost, and that
every one of His Majesties Party made their escapes in the best manner they
could; he being moreover inquired after by several of his Friends, who had all
a great love and respect for my Lord, especially by the then Earl of Craford
(who loved my Lord so well that he gave 20 s. to one that assured him of his
being alive and safe, telling him, that that was all he had) went towards York
late at night, accompanied only with his Brother, and one or two of his
servants; and coming near the Town, met His Highness Prince Rupert, with the
Lieutenant General of the Army, the Lord Ethyn; His Highness asked My Lord how
the business went? To whom he answered, That all was lost and gone on their
side.
That night my Lord remained in York; and having nothing left in his power to
do his Majesty any further service in that kind; for he had neither Ammunition,
nor Money to raise more Forces, to keep either York, or any other Towns that
were yet in His Majesties Devotion, well knowing that those which were left
could not hold out long, and being also loath to have aspersions cast upon him,
that he did fell them to the Enemy, in case he could not keep them; he took a
Resolution, and that justly and honourably, to forsake the Kingdom; and to that
end, went the next morning to the Prince, and acquainted him with his Design,
desiring His Highness would be pleased to give this true and just report of him
to his Majesty, that he had behaved himself like an honest man, a Gentleman,
and a Loyal subject: Which request the Prince having granted, my Lord took his
leave; and being conducted by a Troop of Horse, and a Troop of Dragoons to
Scarborough, went to Sea, and took shipping for Hamborough; the Gentry of the
Country, who also came to take their leaves of My Lord, being much troubled at
his departure, and speaking very honourably of him, as surely they had no
reason to the contrary.
The Second Book.
HAving hitherto faithfully related the life of My Noble Lord and Husband, and
the chief Actions which He performed during the time of his being employed in
His Majesties Service for the Good and Interest of his King and Country, until
the time of his going out of England, I shall now give you a just account of
all that passed during the time of his banishment, till the return into his
native Country.
My Lord being a Wise Man, and foreseeing well what the loss of that fatal
Battle upon Hessom-moor, near York, would produce, by which not only those of
His Majesties Party in the Northern parts of the Kingdom, but in all other
parts of His Majesties Dominions both in England, Scotland and Ireland were
lost and undone, and that there was no other way, but either to quit the
Kingdom, or submit to the Enemy, or die; he resolved upon the former, and
preparing for his journey, asked his Steward, How Much Money he had left? Who
answered, That he had but 90 l. My Lord not being at all startled at so small a
Sum, although his present design required much more, was resolved too seek his
Fortune, even with that little; and thereupon having taken leave of His Highness
Prince Rupert, and the rest that were present, went to Scarborough (as before
is mentioned) where two Ships were prepared for Hamborough to set sail within
24 hours, in which he embarked with his Company, and arrived in four days time
to the said City, which was on the 8th of July, 1644.
In one of these Ships was my Lord, with his two Sons; Charles Viscount
Mansfield, and Lord Henry Cavendish, now Earl of Ogle; as also Sir Charles
Cavendish, My Lord's Brother; the then Lord Bishop of London-derry Dr.
Bramhall; the Lord Falconbridg, the Lord Widdrington, Sir William Carnaby, who
after died at Paris, and his Brother Mr. Francis Carnaby, who went presently in
the same Ship back again for England, and soon after was slain by the Enemy,
near Sherborne in York-shire, besides many of my Lord's and their servants: In
the other Ship was the Earl of Ethyne, Lieutenant General of My Lord's Army,
and the Lord Cornworth. But before My Lord landed at Hamborough, his eldest Son
Charles, Lord Mansfield, fell sick of the Small-Pox, and not long after his
younger Son Henry, now Earl of Ogle, fell likewise dangerously ill of the
Measels; but it pleased God that they both happily recovered.
My Lord finding his Company and Charge very great, although he sent several of
his Servants back again into England; and having no means left to maintain him,
was forced to seek for Credit; where at last he got so much as would in part
relieve his necessities; and whereas heretofore he had been contented, for want
of a Coach, to make use of a Waggon, when his occasions drew him abroad; he was
now able (with the credit he had got) to buy a Coach and nine Horses of an
Holsatian breed; for which Horses he paid 160 l. and was afterwards offered for
one of them an hundred Pistols at Paris; but he refused the money, and
presented seven of them to Her Majesty the Queen-Mother of England, and kept
two for his own use.
After my Lord had stayed in Hamborough from July 1644, till February 1645/4,
he being resolved to go into France, went by Sea from Hamborough to Amsterdam,
and from thence to Rotterdam, where he sent one of his Servants with a
Complement and tender of his humble Service to Her Highness the then Princess
Royal, the Queen of Bohemia, the Princess Dowager of Orange, and the Prince of
Orange, which was received with much kindness and civility.
From Rotterdam he directed his Journey to Antwerp, and from thence with one
Coach, one Chariot, and two Waggons, he went to Mechlin and Brussels, where he
received a Visit from the Governor, the Marquess of Castle Rodrigo, the Duke
of Lorrain, and Count Piccolomini.
From thence he set forth for Valenchin and Cambray, where the Governor of the
Town, used my Lord with great respect and civility, and desired him to give the
word that night. Thence he went to Peroon, a Frontier Town in France, (where
the Vice-Governour in absence of the Governor of that place, did likewise
entertain my Lord with all respect, and desired him to give the Word that
night) and so to Paris without any further stay.
My Lord being arrived at Paris, which was in April 1645, immediately went to
tender his humble duty to Her Majesty the Queen-Mother of England, where it was
my Fortune to see him the first time, I being then one of the Maids of Honour
to Her Majesty; and after he had stayed there some time, he was pleased to take
some particular notice of me, and express more then an ordinary affection for
me; insomuch that he resolved to choose me for his Second Wife; for he having
but two Sons, purposed to marry me, a young Woman, that might prove fruitful to
him, and increase his Posterity by a Masculine Off-spring: Nay, He was so
desirous of Male-Issue, that I have heard him say, He cared not, (so God would
be pleased to give him many Sons) although they came to be Persons of the
meanest Fortunes; but God (it seems) had ordered it otherwise, and frustrated
his Designs, by making me barren, which yet did never lessen his Love and
Affection for me.
After My Lord was married, having no Estate or Means left him to maintain
himself and his Family, he was necessitated to seek for Credit, and live upon
the Courtesy of those that were pleased to Trust him; which although they did
for some while, and showed themselves very civil to My Lord, yet they grew
weary at length, insomuch that his Steward was forced one time to tell him,
That he was not able to provide a Dinner for him, for his Creditors were
resolved to trust him no longer. My Lord being always a great master of his
Passions, was, at least showed himself not in any manner troubled at it, but in
a pleasant humour told me, that I must of necessity pawn my Clothes, to make so
much Money as would procure a Dinner. I answered, That my Clothes would be but
of small value, and therefore desired my Waiting-Maid Mrs. Chaplain, now Mrs.
Top.
to pawn some small toys, which I had formerly given her, which she willingly
did. The same day in the afternoon, My Lord spake himself to his Creditors, and
both by his civil Deportment, and persuasive Arguments, obtained so much, that
they did not only trust him for more necessaries, but lent him Money besides,
to redeem those Toys that were pawned. Hereupon I sent my Waiting-Maid into
England, to my Brother the Lord Lucas, for that small Portion which was left
me, and my Lord also immediately after dispatched one of his Servants Mr.
Benoist.
, who was then Governor to his Sons, to some of his Friends, to try what means
he could procure for his subsistence; but though he used all the industry and
endeavour he could, yet he effected but little, by reason every body was so
afraid of the Parliament, that they durst not relieve Him, who was counted a
Traitor for his Honest and Loyal service to his King and Country.
Not long after, My Lord had proffers made him of some Rich Matches in England
for his two Sons, whom therefore he sent thither with one Mr. Loving, hoping by
that means to provide both for them and himself; but they being arrived there,
out of some reasons best known to them, declared their unwillingness to Marry
as yet, continuing nevertheless in England, and living as well as they could.
Some two years after my Lord's Marriage, when he had prevailed so far with his
Creditors, that they began to trust him anew; the first thing he did was, that
he removed out of those Lodgings in Paris, where he had been necessitated to
live hitherto, to a House which he hired for himself and his Family, and
furnished it as well as his new gotten Credit would permit; and withal,
resolving for his own recreation and divertisement in his banished condition,
to exercise the Art of Manage, which he is a great lover and Master of, bought
a Barbary-horse for that purpose, which cost him 200 Pistols, and soon after,
another Barbary-horse from the Lord Crofts, for which he was to pay him 100 l.
when he returned into England.
About this time, there was a Council called at St. Germain, in which were
present, besides My Lord, Her Majesty the now Queen Mother of England; His
Highness the Prince, our now gracious King, His Cousin Prince Rupert; the
Marquess of Worcester, the then Marquess, now Duke of Ormond, the Lord Iermyn
now Earl of St. Albans, and several others; where after several debates
concerning the then present condition of His Majesty King Charles the First, my
Lord delivered his sentiment, that he could perceive no other probability of
procuring Forces for His Majesty, but an assistance of the Scots; But Her
Majesty was pleased to answer my Lord, That he was too quick.
Not long after, When my Lord had begun to settle himsef in his mentioned new
house, His gracious Master the Prince, having taken a resolution to go into
Holland upon some designs; Her Majesty the Queen Mother desired my Lord to
follow him, promising to engage for his debts which hitherto he had contracted
at Paris, and commanding Her Controller Sir Henry Wood.
and Treasurer Sir -- Foster.
to be bound for them in Her behalf; which they did, although the Creditors
would not content themselves, until my Lord had joined his word to theirs; So
great and generous was the bounty and favour of Her Majesty to my Lord!
considering she had already given him heretofore near upon 2000 l. Sterling,
even at that time when Her Majesty stood most in need of it.
My Lord, after his Highness the Prince was gone, being ready to execute Her
Majesties Commands in following Him, and preparing for his Journey, wanted the
chief thing, which was Money; and having much endeavoured for it, at last had
the good Fortune to obtain upon Credit three or four hundred pounds sterling. With
which Sum he set out of Paris in the same Equipage he entered, viz. One Coach,
which he had newly caused to be made, (wherein were the Lord Widdrington, my
Lord's Brother Sir Charles Cavendish, Mr. Loving, my Waiting-Maid, and some
others, whereof the two later were then returned out of England) one little
Chariot, that would only hold my Lord and my self; and three Waggons, besides
an indifferent number of Servants on Horse-back.
That day when we left Paris, the Creditors coming to take their Farewell of my
Lord, expressed so great a love and kindness for him, accompanied with so many
hearty Prayers and Wishes, that he could not but prosper on his Journey.
Being come into the King of Spain's Dominions, my Lord found a very Noble
Reception. At Cambray the Governor was so civil, that my Lord coming to that
place somewhat late; and when it was dark, he commanded some Lights and
Torches to meet my Lord, and conduct him to his Lodgings: He offered my Lord
the Keys of the City, and desired him to give the Word that night, and moreover
invited him to an Entertainment, which he had made for him of purpose; but it
being late, my Lord (tyred with his Journey) excused himself as civilly as he
could; the Governor notwithstanding being pleased to send all manner of
Provisions to my Lords Lodgings, and charging our Landlord to take no pay for
any thing we had: Which extraordinary Civilities showed that he was a Right
Noble Spaniard.
The next morning early, my Lord went on his Journey, and was very civilly used
in every place of His Majesty of Spain's Dominions, where he arrived: At last
coming to Antwerp, He took water to Rotterdam (which Town he chose for his
residing place, during the time of his stay in Holland) and sent thither to a
Friend of his Sir William Throckmorton, Knight.
, a Gentleman of Quality, to provide him some Lodgings; which he did, and
procured them at the house of one Mrs. Banaum, Widow to an English Merchant,
who had always been very Loyal to His Majesty the King of England, and
serviceable to His Majesties faithful Subjects in whatsoever lay in his Power.
My Lord being come to Rotterdam, was informed that His Highness the Prince
(now our Gracious King) was gone to Sea: Wherefore he resolved to follow him,
and for that purpose hired a Boat, and victual'd it; but since no body knew
whither His Highness was gone; and I being unwilling that my Lord should
venture upon so uncertain a Voyage, and (as the Proverb is) Seek a Needle in a
Bottle of Hay, he desisted from that design: The Lord Widdrington nevertheless,
and Sir Will. Throckmorton, being resolved to find out the Prince, but having
by a storm been driven towards the Coast of Scotland, and endangered their
lives, they returned without obtaining their aim.
After some little time, my Lord having notice that the Prince was arrived at
the Hague, he went to wait on His Highness (which he also did afterwards at
several times, so long as His Highness continued there) expecting some
opportunity where he might be able to show his readiness to serve His King and
Country, as certainly there was no little hopes for it; for first, it was
believed that the English Fleet would come and render it self into the
obedience of the Prince; next, it was reported that the Duke of Hamilton was
going out of Scotland with a great Army, into England, to the assistance of His
Majesty, and that His Majesty had then some party at Colchester; but it pleased
God that none of these proved effectual: For the Fleet did not come in; the
Duke of Hamilton's Army was destroyed, and Colchester was taken by the Enemy,
where my dear Brother Sir Charles Lucas, and his dear Friend Sir George Lil,
were most inhumanly murdered and shot to death, they being both Valiant and
Heroic Persons, good Soldiers, and most Loyal Subjects to His Majesty; the one
an excellent Commander of Horse, the other of Foot.
My Lord having now lived in Rotterdam almost six months, at a great charge,
keeping an open and noble Table for all comers, and being pleased especially to
entertain such as were excellent Soldiers, and noted Commanders of War, whose
kindness he took as a great Obligation, still hoping that some occasion would
happen to invite those worthy Persons into England to serve His Majesty; but
seeing no probability of either returning into England, or doing His Majesty
any service in that kind, he resolved to retire to some place where he might
live privately; and having chosen the City of Antwerp for that purpose, went to
the Hague to take his leave of His Highness the Prince, our now gracious
Sovereign. My Lord had then but a small stock of money left; for though the
then Marquess of Hereford (after Duke of S omerset) and his Cousin-German, once
removed, the now Earl of Devonshire had lent him 2000 l. between them; yet all
that was spent, and above 1000 l. more, which my Lord borrowed during the time
he lived in Rotterdam, his Expense being the more, by reason (as I mentioned)
he lived freely and nobly.
However my Lord, notwithstanding that little provision of Money he had, set
forth from Rotterdam to Antwerp, where for some time he lay in a public Inn,
until one of his Friends that had a great love and respect for my Lord, Mr.
Endymion Porter, who was Groom of the Bed-chamber to His Majesty King Charles
the First (a place not only honourable, but very profitable) being not willing
that a Person of such Quality as my Lord, should lie in a public House,
proffered him Lodgings at the House where he was, and would not let my Lord be
at quiet, until he had accepted of them.
My Lord after he had stayed some while there, endeavouring to find out a House
for himself which might fit him and his small Family, (for at that time he had
put off most of his Train) and also be for his own content, lighted on one that
belonged to the Widow of a famous Picture-drawer, Van Ruben, which he took.
About this time my Lord was much necessitated for Money, which forced him to
try several ways for to obtain so much as would relieve his present wants. At
last Mr. Alesbury, the only Son to Sir Th. Alesbury, Knight and Baronet, and
Brother to the now Countess of Clarendon, a very worthy Gentleman, and great
Friend to my Lord, having some Moneys that belonged to the now Duke of
Buckingham, and seeing my Lord in so great distress, did him the favour to lend
him 200 l. (which money my Lord since his return hath honestly and justly
repai'd) This relief came so seasonably, that it got my Lord Credit in the City
of Antwerp, whereas otherwise he would have lost himself to his great
disadvantage; for my Lord having hired the house aforementioned, and wanting
Furniture for it, was credited by the Citizens for as many Goods as he was
pleased to have, as also for Meat and Drink, and all kind of necessaries and
provisions, which certainly was a special Blessing of God, he being not only a
stranger in that Nation, but to all appearance, a Ruined man.
After my Lord had been in Antwerp sometime, where he lived as retiredly as it
was possible for him to do, he gained much love and respect of all that knew or
had any business with him: At the beginning of our coming thither, we found but
few English (except those that were Merchants) but afterwards their number
increased much, especially of Persons of Quality; and whereas at first there
were no more but four Coaches that went the Tour, viz. the Governors of the
Castle, my Lords, and two more, they amounted to the number of above a hundred,
before we went from thence; for all those that had sufficient means, and could
go to the price, kept Coaches, and went the Tour for their own pleasure. And
certainly I cannot in duty and conscience but give this Public Testimony to
that place, That whereas I have observed, that most commonly such Towns or
Cities where the Prince of that Country doth not reside himself, or where there
is no great resort of the chief Nobility and Gentry, are but little civilised;
Certainly the Inhabitants of the said City of Antwerp are the civilest, and
best behaved People that ever I saw; so that my Lord lived there with as much
content as a man of his condition could do, and his chief pastime and
divertisement consisted in the Manage of the two before mentioned Horses; which
he had not enjoyed long, but the Barbary-horse, for which he paid 200 Pistols
in Paris, died, and soon after the Horse which he had from the Lord Crofts; and
though he wanted present means to repair these his losses, yet he endeavoured
and obtained so much Credit at last, that he was able to buy two others, and by
degrees so many as amounted in all to the number of 8. In which he took so much
delight and pleasure, that though he was then in distress for Money, yet he
would sooner have tried all other ways, then parted with any of them; for I
have heard him say, that good Horses are so rare, as not to be valued for
Money, and that He who would buy him out of his Pleasure, (meaning his Horses)
must pay dear for it. For instance I shall mention some passages which happened
when My Lord was in Antwerp.
First; A stranger coming thither, and seeing my Lords Horses, had a great mind
to buy one of them, which my Lord loved above the rest, and called him his
Favourite, a fine Spanish Horse; entreating my Lords Escuyer to acquaint him
with his desire, and ask the price of the said Horse: My Lord, when he heard of
it, commanded his Servant, that if the Chapman returned, he should be brought
before him; which being done accordingly, my Lord asked him, whether he was
resolved to buy his Spanish Horse? Yes, answered he, my Lord, and I'll give
your Lordship a good price for him. I make no doubt of it, replied My Lord, or
else you shall not have him: But you must know, said he, that the price of that
Horse is 1000 l. today, tomorrow it will be 2000 l. next day 3000 l. and so
forth. By which the Chapman perceiving that my Lord was unwilling to part with
the said Horse for any Money, took his leave, and so went his ways.
The next was, That the Duke de Guise, who was also a great lover of good
Horses, hearing much Commendation of a gray leaping Horse, which my Lord then
had, told the Gentleman that praised and commended him, That if my Lord was
willing to sell the said Horse, he would give 600 Pistols for him. The
Gentleman knowing my Lords humour, answered again, That he was confident, my
Lord would never part with him for any money, and to that purpose sent a Letter
to my Lord from Paris; but my Lord was so far from selling that Horse, that he
was displeased to hear that any Price should be offered for him: So great a
Love hath my Lord for good Horses! And certainly I have observed, and do verily
believe, that some of them had also a particular Love to my Lord; for they
seemed to rejoice whenever he came into the Stables, by their trampling
action, and the noise they made; nay, they would go much better in the Manage,
when my Lord was by, then when he was absent; and when he rid them himself,
they seemed to take much pleasure and pride in it. But of all sorts of Horses,
my Lord loved Spanish Horses and Barbes best; saying, That Spanish Horses were
like Princes, and Barbes like Gentlemen, in their kind. And this was the chief
Recreation and Pastime my Lord had in Antwerp.
I will now return to my former Discourse, and the Relation of some Important
Affairs and Actions which happened about this time: His Majesty (our now
Gracious King, Charles the Second) some time after he was gone out of Holland,
and returned into France, took his Journey from thence to Breda (if I remember
well) to treat there with his Subjects of Scotland, who had then made some
offers of Agreement: My Lord, according to his duty, went thither to wait on
His Majesty, and was there in Council with His Majesty, His Highness the then
Prince of Orange, His Majesties Brother-in-law, and some other
Privy-Counsellors; in which, after several Debates concerning that Important
Affair, His Highness the Prince of Orange, and my Lord, agreed in one Opinion,
viz. That they could perceive no other and better way at that present for His
Majesty, but to make an Agreement with His Subjects of Scotland, upon any
Condition, and to go into Scotland in Person Himself, that he might but be sure
of an Army, there being no probability or appearance then of getting an Army
any where else. Which Counsel, either out of the then alleged Reasons, or some
others best known to His Majesty, was embraced; His Majesty agreeing with the
Scots so far, (notwithstanding they were so unreasonable in their Treaty, that
His Majesty had hardly Patience to hear them) that he resolved to go into
Scotland in Person; and though my Lord had an earnest desire to wait on His
Majesty thither, yet the Scots would not suffer him to come, or be in any part
of that Kingdom: Wherefore out of his Loyalty and Duty, he gave His Majesty the
best advice he could, viz. that he conceived it most safe for His Majesty to
adhere to the Earl of Argyle's Party, which he supposed to be the strongest;
but especially, to reconcile Hamilton's and Argyle's Party, and compose the
differences between them; for then His Majesty would be sure of Two Parties,
whereas otherwise He would leave an Enemy behind Him, which might cause His
overthrow, and endanger His Majesties Person; and if His Majesty could but get
the Power into his own hands, he might do hereafter what he pleased.
His Majesty being arrived in Scotland, ordered his affairs so wisely, that
soon after he got an Army to march with him into England; but whether they were
all Loyal, is not for me to dispute: However Argyle was discontented, as it
appeared by two complaining Letters he sent to my Lord, which my Lord gave His
Majesty notice of; so that only the Duke of Hamilton went with His Majesty,
who fought and died like a Valiant Man, and a Loyal subject. In this fight
between the English and Scots, His Majesty expressed an extraordinary Courage;
and though his Army was in a manner destroyed, yet the Glory of an Heroic
Prince remained with our gracious Sovereign.
In the mean time, whilst His Majesty was yet in Scotland, and before he
marched with His Army into England, it happened that the Elector of
Brandenburg, and Duke of Newburg, upon some differences, having raised Forces
against each other, but afterwards concluded a Peace between them, were pleased
to profer those Forces to my Lord for His Majesties use and service, which (as
the Lord Chancellor, who was then in France, sent word to my Lord) was the
only Foreign profer that had been made to his Majesty. My Lord immediately
gave His Majesty notice of it; but whether it was for want of convenient
Transportation, or Money, or that the Scots did not like the assistance, that
profer was not accepted.
Concerning the affairs and intrigues that passed in Scotland, and England,
during the time of His Majesties stay there, I am ignorant of them; neither
doth it belong to me now to write, or give an account of any thing else but
what concerns the History of my Noble Lord and Husbands Life, and his own
Actions; who so soon as he had Intelligence that the Scottish Army, which went
with His Majesty into England, was defeated, and that no body knew what was
become of His Majesty, fell into so violent a Passion, that I verily believed
it would have endangered his life; but when afterwards the happy news came of
His Majejesties safe arrival in France, never any Subject could rejoice more
then my Lord did.
About this time it chanced, that my Lords Brother Sir Charles Cavendish, and
my self, took a journey into England, occasioned both by my Lord's extreme want
and necessity, and his Bothers Estate; which having been under Sequestration
from the time (or soon after) he went out of England, was then, in case he did
not return and compound for it, to be sold out-right; Sir Charles was unwilling
to receive his Estate upon such conditions, and would rather have lost it, then
compounded for it: But my Lord considering it was better to recover something,
then lose all, entreated the Lord Chancellor, who was then in Antwerp, to
persuade his Brother to a composition, which his Lordship did very effectually,
and proved himself a Noble and true Friend in it. We had so small a Provision
of money when we set forth our Journey for England, that it was hardly able to
carry us to London, but were forced to stay at Southwark; where Sir Charles
sent into London for one that had formerly been his Steward; and having
declared to him his wants and necessities, desired him to try his Credit. He
seemed ready to do his Master what service he could in that kind; but
pretending withal, that his Credit was but small, Sir Charles gave him his
Watch to pawn, and with that money paid those small scores we had made in our
Lodging there. From thence we went to some other Lodgings that were prepared
for us in Covent-Garden; and having rested our selves some time, I desired my
Brother the Lord Lucas, to claim, in my behalf, some subsistence for my self
out of my Lords Estate, (for it was declared by the Parliament, That the Lands
of those that were banished, should be sold to any that would buy them, only
their Wives and Children were allowed to put in their Claims:) But he received
this Answer, That I could not expect the least allowance, by reason my Lord and
Husband had been the greatest Traitor of England (that is to say, the honestest
man, because he had been most against them.)
Then Sir Charles entrusted some persons to compound for his Estate; but it
being a good while before they agreed in their Composition, and then before the
Rents could be received, we having in the mean time nothing to live on, must of
necessity have been starved, had not Sir Charles got some Credit of several
Persons, and that not without great difficulty; for all those that had Estates,
were afraid to come near him, much less to assist him, until he was sure of his
own Estate. So much is Misery and Poverty shunned!
But though our Condition was hard, yet my dear Lord and Husband, whom we left
in Antwerp, was then in a far greater distress then our selves; for at our
departure he had nothing but what his Credit was able to procure him; and
having run upon the score so long without paying any the least part thereof,
his Creditors began to grow impatient, and resolved to trust him no longer:
Wherefore he sent me word, That if his Brother did not presently relieve him,
he was forced to starve. Which doleful news caused great sadness and melancholy
in us both, and withal made his Brother try his utmost endeavour to procure
what moneys he could for his subsistence, who at last got 200 l. sterling. upon
Credit, which he immediately made over to my Lord.
But in the mean time, before the said money could come to his hands, my Lord
had been forced to send for all his Creditors, and declare to them his great
wants and necessities; where his Speech was so effectual, and made such an
impression in them, that they had all a deep sense of my Lords Misfortunes; and
instead of urging the payment of his Debts, promised him, That he should not
want any thing in whatsoever they were able to assist him; which they also very
nobly and civilly performed, furnishing him with all manner of provisions and
necessaries for his further subsistence; so that my Lord was then in a much
better condition amongst strangers, then we in our Native Country.
At last when Sir Charles Cavendish had compounded for his Estate, and agreed
to pay 4500 l. for it, the Parliament caused it again to be surveyed, and made
him pay 500 l. more, which was more then many others had paid for much greater
Estates; so that Sir Charles to pay this Composition, and discharge some Debts,
was necessitated to sell some Land of his at an under-rate. My Lords two Sons
(who were also in England at that time) were no less in want and necessity,
then we, having nothing but bare Credit to live on; and my Lords Estate being
then to be sold outright, Sir Charles, his Brother, endeavoured, if possible,
to save the two chief Houses, viz. Welbeck and Bolsover, being resolved rather
to part with some more of his Land, which he had lately compounded for, then to
let them fall into the Enemies hands; but before such time as he could compass
the money, some body had bought Bolsover, with an intention to pull it down,
and make money of the Materials; of whom Sir Charles was forced to buy it again
at a far greater Rate then he might have had it at first, notwithstanding a
great part of it was pulled down already; and though my Lords eldest Son
Charles Lord- Mansfield, had those mentioned Houses some time in possession,
after the death of his Uncle; yet for want of Means he was not able to repair
them.
I having now been in England a year and a half, some Intelligence which I
received of my Lords being not very well, and the small hopes I had of getting
some relief out of his Estate, put me upon design of returning to Antwerp to my
Lord; and Sir Charles, his Brother, took the same resolution, but was prevented
by an Ague that seized upon him. Not long had I been with my Lord, but we
received the sad news of his Brothers death, which was an extreme affliction
both to my Lord, and my self, for they loved each other entirely: In truth, He
was a Person of so great worth, such extraordinary civility, so obliging a
Nature, so full of Generosity, Justice and Charity, besides all manner of
Learning, especially in the Mathematics, that not only his Friends, but even
his Enemies, did much lament his loss.
After my return out of England, to my Lord, the Creditors supposing I had
brought great store of money along with me, came all to my Lord to solicit the
payment of their Debts; but when my Lord had informed them of the truth of the
business, and desired their patience somewhat longer, with assurance that so
soon as he received any money, he would honestly and justly satisfy them, they
were not only willing to forbear the payment of those Debts he had contracted
hitherto, but to credit him for the future, and supply him with such
Necessaries as he should desire of them. And this was the only happiness which
my Lord had in his distressed condition, and the chief blessing of the Eternal
and Merciful God, in whose Power are all things, who ruled the hearts and minds
of men, and filled them with Charity and Compassion; for certainly it was a
work of Divine Providence, that they showed so much love, respect and honour to
my Lord, a stranger to their Nation; and notwithstanding his ruined Condition,
and the small appearance of recovering his own, credited him wheresoever he
lived, both in France, Holland, Brabant and Germany; that although my Lord was
banished his Native Country, and dispossessed from his own Estate, could
nevertheless live in so much Splendour and Grandeur as he did.
In this Condition (and how little soever the appearance was) my Lord was never
without hopes of seeing yet (before his death) a happy issue of all his
misfortunes and sufferings, especially of the Restoration of His most Gracious
King and Master, to His Throne and Kingly Rights, whereof he always had assured
Hopes, well knowing, that it was impossible for the Kingdom to subsist long
under so many changes of Government; and whenever I expressed how little
faith I had in it, he would gently reprove me, saying, I believed least, what I
desired most; and could never be happy if I endeavoured to exclude all hopes,
and entertained nothing but doubts and fears.
The City of Antwerp in which we lived, being a place of great resort for
Strangers and Travellers, His Majesty (our now gracious King, Charles the
Second) passed thorough it, when he went his Journey towards Germany; and after
my Lord had done his humble duty, and waited on His Majesty, He was pleased to
Honour him with His Presence at his House. The same did almost all strangers
that were Persons of Quality; if they made any stay in the Town, they would
come and visit my Lord, and see the Manage of his Horses: And, amongst the
rest, the Duke of Oldenburg, and the Prince of East-Friesland, did my Lord the
Honour, and presented him with Horses of their own breed.
One time it happened, that His Highness Doom Iohn d' Austria (who was then
Governor of those Provinces) came to Antwerp, and stayed there some few days;
and then almost all his Court waited on my Lord, so that one day I reckoned
about seventeen Coaches, in which were all Persons of Quality, who came in the
morning of purpose to see my Lord's Manage; My Lord receiving so great an
honour thought it sit to show his respect and civility to them, and to ride
some of his Horses himself, which otherwise he never did but for his own
exercise and delight. Amongst the rest of those great and noble Persons, there
were two of our Nation, viz. the then Marquess, now Duke of Ormond, and the
Earl of Bristol; but Doom Iohn was not there in Person, excusing himself
afterwards to my Lord (when my Lord waited on him) that the multiplicity of his
weighty affairs had hindered his coming thither, which my Lord accounted as a
very high honour and favour from so great a Prince; and conceiving it his duty
to wait on his Highness, but being unknown to him, the Earl of Bristol, who had
acquaintance with him, did my Lord the favour, and upon his request, presented
him to his Highness; which favour of the said Earl my Lord highly resented.
Doom `Iohn received my Lord with all kindness and respect; for although there
were many great and noble Persons that waited on him in an out room, yet so
soon as his Highness heard of my Lord's, and the Earl of Bristol's being there,
he was pleased to admit them before all the rest. My Lord, after he had passed
his Complements, told His Highness, That he found himself bound in all duty, to
make his humble acknowledgments for the Favour he received from His Catholic
Majesty, for permitting and suffering him (a banished man) to live in His
Dominions, and under the Government of His Highness; whereupon Doom Iohn asked
my Lord whether he wanted any thing, and whether he lived peaceably without any
molestation or disturbance? My Lord answered, That he lived as much to his own
content, as a banished man could do; and received more respect and civility
from that City, then he could have expected; for which he returned his most
humble thanks to his Catholic Majesty, and His Highness. After some short
Discourse, my Lord took his leave of Doom Iohn; Several of the Spaniards
advising him to go into Spain, and assuring him of His Catholic Majesties
Kindness and Favour; but my Lord being engaged in the City of Antwerp, and
besides, in years, and wanting means for so long and chargeable a voyage, was
not able to embrace their motions; and surely he was so well pleased with the
great Civilities he received from that City, that then he was resolved to choose
no other residing place all the time of his banishment, but that; he being not
only credited there for all manner of Provisions and Necessaries for his
subsistence, but also free both from ordinary and extraordinary Taxes, and from
paying Excise, which was a great favour and obligation to my Lord.
After His Highness Doom Iohn had left the Government of those Provinces, the
Marquess of Caracena succeeded in his place, who having a great desire to see
my Lord ride in the Manage, entreated a Gentleman of the City, that was
acquainted with my Lord, to beg that favour of him. My Lord having not been at
that Exercise six weeks, or two months, by reason of some sickness that made
him unfit for it, civilly begged his excuse; but he was so much importuned by
the said Gentleman, that at last he granted his Request, and rid one or two
Horses in presence of the said Marquess of Caracena, and the then Marquess, now
Duke of Ormond, who often used to honour my Lord with his Company: The said
Marquess of Caracena seemed to take much pleasure and satisfaction in it, and
highly complemented my Lord; and certainly I have observed, That Noble and
Meritorious persons take great delight in honouring each other.
But not only strangers, but His Majesty Himself (our now Gracious Sovereign)
was pleased to see my Lord ride, and one time did ride Himself, He being an
Excellent Master of that Art, and instructed by my Lord, who had the Honour to
set Him first on a Horse of Manage, when he was His Governor; where His
Majesties Capacity was such, that being but Ten years of Age, he would ride
leaping Horses, and such as would overthrow others, and manage them with the
greatest Skill and Dexterity, to the admiration of all that beheld Him.
Nor was this the only Honour my Lord received from His Majesty, but His
Majesty and all the Royal Race; that is to say, Her Highness the then Princess
Royal, His Highness the Duke of York, with His Brother the Duke of Gloucester,
(except the Princess Henrietta, now Duchess of Orleans) being met one time in
Antwerp, were pleased to honour my Lord with their Presence, and accept of a
small Entertainment at his House, such as his present Condition was able to
afford them. And some other time His Majesty passing through the City, was
pleased to accept of a private Dinner at my Lord's House; after which I
receiving that gracious Favour from His Majesty, that he was pleased to see me,
he did merrily, and in jest, tell me, That he perceived my Lord's Credit could
procure better Meat then His own; Again, some other time, upon a merry
Challenge playing a Game at Butts with my Lord, (when my Lord had the better of
Him) What (said He) my Lord, have you invited me, to play the Rook with me?
Although their Stakes were not at all considerable, but only for Pastime.
These passages I mention only to declare my Lord's happiness in his miseries,
which he received by the honour and kindness not only of foreign Princes, but
of his own Master, and Gracious Sovereign: I will not speak now of the good
esteem and repute he had by his late Majesty King Charles the First, and Her
Majesty the now Queen-Mother, who always held and found him a very loyal and
faithful Subject, although Fortune was pleased to oppose him in the height of
his endeavours; for his only and chief intention was to hinder His Majesties
Enemies from executing that cruel design which they had upon their gracious and
merciful King; In which he tried his uttermost power, in so much, that I have
heard him say out of a passionate Zeal and Loyalty, That he would willingly
sacrifice himself, and all his Posterity, for the sake of his Majesty, and the
Royal Race. Nor did he ever repine either at his losses or sufferings, but
rejoiced rather that he was able to suffer for His King and Country. His Army
was the only Army that was able to uphold His Majesties Power; which so long
as it was Victorious, it preserved both His Majesties Person and Crown; but so
soon as it fell, that fell too: and my Lord was then in a manner forced to seek
his own preservation in foreign Countries, where God was pleased to make
strangers his Friends, who received and protected him when he was banished his
native Country, and relieved him when his own Country-men sought to starve him,
by withholding from him what was justly his own, only for his Honesty and
Loyalty; which relief he received more from the Commons of those parts where he
lived, then from Princes, he being unwilling to trouble any foreign Prince with
his wants and miseries, well knowing, that Gifts of Great Princes come slowly,
and not without much difficulty; neither loves he to petition any one but His
own Sovereign.
But though my Lord by the civility of Strangers, and the assistance of some
few Friends of his native Country, lived in an indifferent Condition, yet (as
it hath been declared heretofore) he was put to great plunges and difficulties,
in so much that his dear Brother Sir Charles Cavendish would often say, That
though he could not truly complain of want, yet his meat never did him good, by
reason my Lord, his Brother, was always so near wanting, that he was never sure
after one meal to have another: And though I was not afraid of starving or
begging, yet my chief fear was, that my Lord for his debts would suffer
Imprisonment, where sadness of Mind, and want of Exercise, and Air, would have
wrought his destruction, which yet by the Mercy of God he happily avoided.
Some time before the Restoration of His Majesty to his Royal Throne, my Lord,
partly with the remainder of his Brothers Estate, which was but little, it
being wasted by selling of Land for compounding with the Parliament, paying of
several debts, and buying out the two Houses aforementioned, viz. Welbeck and
Bolsover; and the Credit which his Sons had got, which amounted in all to 2400
l. a year, sprinkled something amongst his Creditors, and borrowed so much of
Mr. Top and Mr. Smith (though without assurance) that he could pay such scores
as were most presssing, contracted from the poorer sort of Trades-men, and send
ready money to Market, to avoid cozenage (for small scores run up most
unreasonably, especially if no strict accounts be kept, and the rate be left to
the Creditors pleasure) by which means there was in a short time so much saved,
as it could not have been imagined.
About this time, a report came of a great number of Sectaries, and of several
disturbances in England, which heightened my Lord's former hopes into a firm
belief of a sudden Change in that Kingdom, and a happy Restoration of His
Majesty, which it also pleased God to send according to his expectation; for
His Majesty was invited by his Subjects, who were not able longer to endure
those great confusions and encumbrances they had sustained hitherto, to take
possession of His Hereditary Rights, and the power of all his Dominions: And
being then at the Hague in Holland, to take shipping in those parts for
England, my Lord went thither to wait on his Majesty, who used my Lord very
Graciously; and his Highness the Duke of York was pleased to offer him one of
those Ships that were ordered to transport His Majesty; for which he returned
his most humble thanks to his Highness, and begged leave of His Highness that
he might hire a Vessel for himself and his Company.
In the mean time whilst my Lord was at the Hague, His Majesty was pleased to
tell him, That General Monk, now Duke of Albemarle, had desired the Place of
being Master of the Horse: To which my Lord answered, That that gallant Person
was worthy of any Favour that His Majesty could confer upon him: And having
taken his leave of His Majesty, and His Highness the Duke of York, went towards
the Ship that was to transport him for England, (I might better call it a Boat,
then a Ship; for those that were entrusted by my Lord to hire a Ship for that
purpose, had hired an old rotten Frigate, that was lost the next Voyage after;
insomuch, that when some of the Company that had promised to go over with my
Lord, saw it, they turned back, and would not endanger their lives in it,
except the Lord Widdrington, who was resolved not to forsake my Lord.)
My Lord (who was so transported with the joy of returning into his Native
Country, that he regarded not the Vessel) having set Sail from Rotterdam, was
so becalmed, that he was six days and six nights upon the Water, during which
time he pleased himself with mirth, and passed his time away as well as he
could; Provisions he wanted not, having them in great store and plenty. At last
being come so far that he was able to discern the smoke of London, which he had
not seen in a long time, he merrily was pleased to desire one that was near
him, to jog and awake him out of his dream, for surely, said he, I have been
sixteen years asleep, and am not thoroughly awake yet. My Lord lay that night at
Greenwich, where his Supper seemed more savoury to him, then any meat he had
hitherto tasted; and the noise of some scraping Fiddlers, he thought the
pleasantest harmony that ever he had heard.
In the mean time my Lords Son, Henry Lord Mansfield, now Earl of Ogle, was
gone to Dover with intention to wait on His Majesty, and receive my Lord, his
Father, with all joy and duty, thinking he had been with His Majesty; but when
he missed of his design, he was very much troubled, and more, when His Majesty
was pleased to tell him, That my Lord had set to Sea, before His Majesty
Himself was gone out of Holland, fearing my Lord had met with some Misfortune
in his Journey, because he had not heard of his Landing. Wherefore he
immediately parted from Dover, to seek my Lord, whom at last he found at
Greenwich; with what joy they embraced and saluted each other, my Pen is too
weak to express.
But all this while, and after my Lord was gone from Antwerp, I was left alone
there with some of my servants; for my Lord being in Holland with His Majesty,
declared in a Letter to me his intention of going for England, withal
commanding me to stay in that City, as a Pawn for his debts, until he could
compass money to discharge them; and to excuse him to the Magistrates of the
said City for not taking his leave of them, and paying his due thanks for their
great civilities, which he desired me to do in his behalf. And certainly my
Lords affection to me was such, that it made him very industrious in providing
those means; for it being uncertain what or whether he should have any thing of
his Estate, made it a difficult business for him to borrow Money; At last he
received some of one Mr. Ash, now Sir Ioseph Ash, a Merchant of Antwerp, which
he returned to me; but what with the expense I had made in the mean while, and
what was required for my transporting into England, besides the debts formerly
contracted, the said money fell too short by 400 l. and although I could have
upon my own word taken up much more, yet I was unwilling to leave an engagement
amongst strangers: Wherefore I sent for one Mr. Shaw, now Sir Iohn Shaw, a near
kinsman to the said Mr. Ash, entreating him to lend me 400 l. which he did
most readily, and so discharged my debts.
My departure being now divulged in Antwerp, the Magistrates of the City came
to take their leaves of me, where I desired one Mr. Duart a very worthy
Gentleman, and one of the chief of the City, though he derives his Race from
the Portuguez (to whom and his Sisters, all very skilful in the Art of Music,
though for their own pastime and Recreation, both my Lord and my self were much
bound for their great civilities) to be my Interpreter. They were pleased to
express that they were sorry for our departure out of their City, but withal
rejoiced at our happy returning into our Native Country, and wished me soon and
well to the place where I most desired to be: Whereupon I having excused my
Lord's hasty going away without taking his leave of them, returned them mine
and my Lord's hearty Thanks for their great civilities, declaring how sorry I
was that it lay not in my power to make an acknowledgment answerable to them.
But after their departure from me, they were pleased to send their
Under-Officers (as the custom there is) with a Present of Wine, which I
received with all respect and thankfulness.
I being thus prepared for my Voyage, went with my Servants to Flussing, and
finding no English Man of War there, being loath to trust my self with a less
Vessel, was at last informed that a Dutch man of War lay there ready to Convoy
some Merchants; I forthwith sent for the Captain thereof, whose name was
Bankert, and asked him whether it was possible to obtain the favour of having
the use of his Ship to transport me into England? To which he answered, That
he questioned not but I might; for the Merchants which he was to convey, were
not ready yet, desiring me to send one of my servants to the State, to request
that favour of them; with whom he would go himself, and assist him the best he
could; which he also did. My suit being granted, my self and my chief servants
embarked in the said Ship; the rest, together with the Goods, being conveyed
in another good strong Vessel, hired for that purpose.
After I was safely arrived at London, I found my Lord in Lodgings; I cannot
call them unhandsome; but yet they were not fit for a Person of his Rank and
Quality, nor of the capacity to contain all his Family: Neither did I find my
Lord's Condition such as I expected: Wherefore out of some passion I desired
him to leave the Town, and retire into the Country; but my Lord gently
reproved me for my rashness and impatience, and soon after removed into
Dorset-house; which, though it was better then the former, yet not altogether
to my satisfaction, we having but a part of the said House in possession. By
this removal I judged my Lord would not hastily depart from London; but not
long after, he was pleased to tell me, That he had dispatched his business, and
was now resolved to remove into the Country, having already given order for
Waggons to transport our goods, which was no unpleasant news to me, who had a
great desire for a Countrey-life.
My Lord before he began his Journey, went to his Gracious Sovereign, and
begged leave that he might retire into the Country, to reduce and settle, if
possible, his confused, entangled, and almost ruined Estate. Sir, said he to
His Majesty, I am not ignorant, that many believe I am discontented; and 'tis
probable they'll say, I retire through discontent: But I take God to witness,
That I am in no kind or ways displeased; for I am so joyed at your Majesties
happy Restoration, that I cannot be sad or troubled for any Concern to my own
particular; but whatsoever Your Majesty is pleased to command me, were it to
sacrifice my Life, I shall most obediently perform it; for I have no other
Will, but Your Majesties Pleasure.
Thus he kissed His Majesty's hand, and went the next day into
Nottingham-shire, to his Mannor-house called Welbeck; but when he came there,
and began to examine his Estate, and how it had been ordered in the time of his
Banishment, he knew not whether he had left' any thing of it for himself, or
not, till by his prudence and wisdom he informed himself the best he could,
examining those that had most knowledge therein. Some Lands, he found, could be
recovered no further then for his life, and some not at all: Some had been in
the Rebels hands, which he could not recover, but by His Highness the Duke of
York's favour, to whom His Majesty had given all the Estates of those that were
condemned and executed for murdering his Royal Father of blessed memory, which
by the Law were forfeited to His Majesty; whereof His Highness graciously
restored my Lord so much of the Land that formerly had been his, as amounted to
730 l. a year. And though my Lord's Children had their Claims granted, and
bought out the Life of my Lord, their Father, which came near upon the third
part, yet my Lord received nothing for himself out of his own Estate, for the
space of eighteen years, viz. During the time from the first entering into War,
which was June 11. 1642, till his return out of Banishment, May 28. 1660; for
though his Son Henry, now Earl of Ogle, and his eldest Daughter, the now Lady
Cheiny, did all what lay in their power to relieve my Lord their Father, and
sent him some supplies of moneys at several times when he was in banishment;
yet that was of their own, rather then out of my Lord's Estate; for the Lady
Chieny sold some few Jewels which my Lord, her Father, had left her, and some
Chamber-Plate which she had from her Grandmother, and sent over the money to my
Lord, besides 1000 l. of her Portion: And the now Earl of Ogle did at several
times supply my Lord, his Father, with such moneys as he had partly obtained
upon Credit, and partly made by his Marriage.
After my Lord had begun to view those Ruins that were nearest, and tried the
Law to keep or recover what formerly was his, (which certainly showed no favour
to him, besides that the Act of Oblivion proved a great hinderance and
obstruction to those his designs, as it did no less to all the Royal Party) and
had settled so much of his Estate as possibly he could, he cast up the Sum of
his Debts, and set out several parts of Land sor the payment of them, or of
some of them (for some of his Lands could not be easily sold, being entailed)
and some he sold in Derbyshire to buy the Castle of Nottingham, which although
it is quite ruined and demolisht, yet, it being a seat which had pleased his
Father very much, he would not leave it since it was offered to be sold.
His two Houses Welbeck and Bolsover he found much out of repair, and this
later half pulled down, no furniture or any necessary Goods were left in them,
but some few Hangings and Pictures, which had been saved by the care and
industry of his Eldest Daughter the Lady Cheiny, and were bought over again
after the death of his eldest Son Charles, Lord Mansfield; for they being given
to him, and he leaving some debts to be paid after his death, My Lord sent to
his other Son Henry, now Earl of Ogle, to endeavour for so much Credit, that
the said Hangings and Pictures (which my Lord esteemed very much, the Pictures
being drawn by Van Dyke) might be saved; which he also did, and My Lord hath
paid the debt since his return.
Of eight Parks, which my Lord had before the Wars, there was but one left that
was not quite destroyed, viz. Welbeck-Park of about four miles compass; for my
Lord's Brother Sir Charles Cavendish, who bought out the life of my Lord in
that Lordship, saved most part of it from being cut down; and in Blore-Park
there were some few Deer left: The rest of the Parks were totally defaced and
destroyed, both Wood, Pales and Deer; amongst which was also Clipston-Park of
seven miles compass, wherein my Lord had taken much delight formerly, it being
rich of Wood, and containing the greatest and tallest Timber-trees of all the
Woods he had; in so much, that only the Pale-row was valued at 2000 l. It was
watered by a pleasant River that runs through it, full of Fish and Otters; was
well stocked with Deer, full of Hares, and had great store of Partridges, Poots,
Pheasants, c, besides all sorts of Water-fowl; so that this Park afforded all
manner of sports, for Hunting, Hawking, Coursing, Fishing, c. for which my Lord
esteemed it very much: And although his Patience and Wisdom is such, that I
never perceived him sad or discontented for his own Losses and Misfortunes, yet
when he beheld the ruins of that Park, I observed him troubled, though he did
little express it, only saying, he had been in hopes it would not have been so
much defaced as he found it, there being not one Timber-tree in it left for
shelter. However he patiently bore what could not be helped, and gave present
order for the cutting down of some Wood that was left him in a place near
adjoining, to repale it, and got from several Friends Deer to stock it.
Thus though his Law-suits and other unavoidable expenses were very chargeable
to him, yet he ordered his affairs so prudently, that by degrees he stocked and
manured those Lands he keeps for his own use, and in part repaired his
Mannor-houses, Welbeck, and Bolsover, to which later he made some additional
building; and though he has not yet built the Seat at Nottingham, yet he hath
stocked and paled a little Park belonging to it.
Nor is it possible for him to repair all the ruins of the Estate that is left
him, in so short a time, they being so great, and his losses so considerable,
that I cannot without grief and trouble remember them; for before the Wars my
Lord had as great an Estate as any subject in the Kingdom, descended upon him
most by Women, viz. by his Grandmother of his Father's side, his own Mother,
and his first Wife.
What Estate his Grandfather left to his Father Sir Charles Cavendish, I know
not; nor can I exactly tell what he had from his Grandmother, but she was very
rich; for her third Husband Sir Will. Saint Loo, gave her a good Estate in the
West, which afterwards descended upon my Lord, my Lord's Mother being the
younger daughter of the Lord Ogle, and sole Heir, after the death of her eldest
Sister Iane, Countess of Shrewsbury, whom King Charles the First restored to
her Fathers Dignity, viz. Baroness of Ogle: This Title descended upon my Lord
and his Heirs General, together with 3000 l. a year in Northumberland; and
besides the Estate left to my Lord, she gave him 20000 l. in Money, and kept
him and his Family at her own charge for several years.
My Lord's first Wife, who was Daughter and Heir to William Basset of Blore
Esq, Widow to Henry Howard, younger Son to Thomas Earl of Suffolk, brought my
Lord 2400 l. a Year Inheritance, between six and seven thousand Pounds in
Money, and a jointure for her life of 800 l. a Year. Besides my Lord increased
his own Estate before the Wars, to the value of 100000 l. and had increased it
more, had not the unhappy Wars prevented him; for though he had some
disadvantages in his Estate, even before the Wars, yet they are not
considerable to those he suffered afterwards for the service of his King and
Country: For example, His Father Sir Charles Cavendish had lent his Brother in
Law Gilbert Earl of Shrewsbury 16000 l. for which, although afterward before
his death he settled 2000 l. a year upon him; yet he having enjoyed the said
Money for many years without paying any use for it, it might have been improved
to my Lord's better advantage, had it been in his Fathers own hands, he being a
Person of great prudence in managing his Estate; and though the said Earl of
Shrewsbury made my Lord his Executor, yet my Lord was so far from making any
advantage by that Trust, even in what the Law allowed him, that he lost 17000
l. by it; and afterwards delivered up his Trust to William Earl of Pembrook,
and Thomas Earl of Arundel, who both married two Daughters of the said Earl of
Shrewsbury; And since his return into England, upon the desire of Henry Howard,
Second Son to the late Earl of Arundel, and Heir apparent, (by reason of his
Eldest Brother's Distemper) he resigned his Trust and Interest to him, which
certainly is a very difficult business, and yet questionable whether it may
lawfully be done, or not? But such was my Lord's Love to the Family of the
Shrewsburies, that he would rather wrong himself, then it.
To mention some lawful advantages which my Lord might have made by the said
Trust, it may be noted in the first place, That the Earl of Shrewsbury's Estate
was Let in long Leases, which, by the Law, fell to the Executor. Next, that
after some Debts and Legacies were paid out of those Lands, which were set out
for that purpose, they were settled so, that they fell to my Lord. Thirdly,
Seven hundred pounds a year was left as a Gift to my Lord's Brother, Sir
Charles Cavendish, in case the Countess of Kent, Second Daughter to the said
Earl of Shrewsbury, had no Children. But my Lord never made any advantage for
himself, of all these; neither was he inquisitive whether the said Countess of
Kent cut off the Entail of that Land, although she never had a Child; for my
Lord's Nature is so generous, that he hates to be Mercenary, and never minds
his own Profit or Interest in any Trust or Employment, more then the good and
benefit of him that entrusts or employs him.
But, as I said heretofore, these are but petty Losses in comparison of those
he sustained by the late Civil Wars, whereof I shall partly give you an
account: I say partly; for though it may be computed what the loss of the
Annual Rents of his Lands amounts to, of which he never received the least
worth for himself and his own profit, during the time both of his being
employed in the Service of War, and his Sufferings in Banishment; as also the
loss of those Lands that are alienated from him, both in present possession,
and in reversion; and of his Parks and Woods that were cut down; yet it is
impossible to render an exact account of his Personal Estate.
As for his Rents during the time he acted in the Wars, though he suffered
others to gather theirs for their own use, yet his own either went for the use
of the Army, or fell into the hands of the Enemy, or were suppressed and
with-held from him by the Cozenage of his Tenants and Officers, my Lord being
then not able to look after them himself.
About the time when His late Majesty undertook the expedition into Scotland
for the suppressing of some insurrection that happened there; My Lord, as before
is mentioned, amongst the rest, lent His Majesty 10000 l. sterling; But having
newly married a Daughter to the then Lord Brackly, now Earl of Bridgwater,
whose portion was 12000 l. the moiety whereof was paid in Gold on the day of
her marriage, and the rest soon after (although she was too young to be
bedded.) This, together with some other expenses, caused him to take up the
said 10000 l. at Interest, the Use whereof he paid many years after.
Also when after his sixteen years Banishment, he returned into England, before
he knew what Estate was left him, and was able to receive any Rents of his own,
he was necessitated to take 5000 l. upon Use for the maintenance of himself and
his Family; whereof the now Earl of Devonshire, his Cousin German, once
removed, lent him 1000 l. for which and the former 1000 l. mentioned
heretofore, he never desired nor received any Use from my Lord, which I
mention, to declare the favour and bounty of that Noble Lord.
But though it is impossible to render an exact account of all the losses which
My Lord has sustained by the said Wars, yet as far as they are accountable, I
shall endeavour to represent them in these following Particulars:
In the first place, I shall give you a just particular of My Lords Estate in
Lands, as it was before the Wars, partly according to the value of his own
Surveighers, and partly according to the rate it is let, at this present.
Next, I shall account the Woods cut down by the Rebellious Party, in several
places of My Lords Estate.
Thirdly, I shall compute the Value of those Lands which My Lord hath lost,
both in present possession, and in reversion; that is to say, those which he
has lost altogether, both for himself, and his Posterity; and those he has
recovered only during the time of his life, and which his only Son and Heir,
the now Earl of Ogle, must lose after his Fathers decease.
Fourthly, I shall make mention, how much of Land my Lord hath been forced to
sell for the payment of some of his Debts, contracted during the time of the
late Civil Wars, and when his Estate was sequestered; I say some, for there are
a great many to pay yet.
To which I shall, Fifthly, add the Composition of his Brothers Estate; and the
loss of it for Eight years.
A Particular of My Lords Estate in plain Rents, as it was partly surveighed in
the Year 1641, and partly is let at this present. Nottingham-shire.
l. s. d. THe Manor of Welbeck -- 0600 00 00 l. s. d. 6229 07 11 The Manor of
Norton, Carbarton, and the Granges -- 0454 19 01 Warksopp -- 0051 06 08 The
Mannor-house of Soakholm -- 0308 10 03 The Manor of Clipston Edwinstow -- 0334
09 08 Drayton -- 0008 16 06 Dunham -- 0099 17 08 Sutton -- 0185 00 05 The
Manor of Kirby, c. -- 1075 07 02 The Manor of Cotham -- 0833 18 08 The Manor
of Sitthorp -- 0704 01 00 Carcholston -- 0450 03 00 Hauksworth, c. -- 0139 04
02 Flawborough -- 0512 11 08 Mearing and Holm-Meadow -- 0471 02 00
Lincoln-shire.
Wellinger and Ingham Meals -- 0100 00 00 Derby-shire.
The Barrony of Bolsover and Woodthorp -- 0846 08 11 6128 11 10 The Manor of
Chesterfield -- 0378 00 00 The Manor of Barlow -- 0796 17 06 Tissington --
0159 11 00 Dronfield -- 0486 15 10 The Manor of Brampton -- 0142 04 08 Little-
Longston -- 0087 02 00 The Manor of Stoak -- 0212 03 00 Birth-Hall, and
Peak-Forrest -- 0131 08 00 The Manor of Gringlow -- 0156 08 00 The Manor of
Hucklow -- 0162 10 08 The Manor of Blackwall -- 0306 00 04 Buxton and
Tids-Hall -- 0153 02 00 Mansfield-Park -- 0100 00 00 Mappleton and Thorp --
0207 05 00 The Manor of Windly-Hill -- 0238 18 00 The Manor of Litchurch and
Markworth -- 0713 15 01 Church and Meynel Langly Manor -- 0850 01 00
Stafford-shire.
l. s. d. The Manor of Bloar with Caulton -- 0573 13 04 l. s. d. 2349 17 04
The Manor of Grindon, Cauldon, with Waterfull -- 0822 03 00 The Manor of
Cheadle with Kinsly -- 0259 18 00 The Manor of Barleston, c. -- 0694 03 00
Glocester-shire.
The Manor of Tormorton with Litleton -- 1193 16 00 1581 19 02 The Manor of
Acton Turvil -- 0388 03 02 Summerset-shire.
The Manor of Chewstoak -- 0816 15 06 1303 13 10 Knighton Sutton -- 0300 14 04
Stroud and Kingsham-Park -- 0186 04 00 York-shire.
The Manors of Slingsby, Hoverngham and Friton, Northinges and Pomfret -- 1700
00 00 Northumberland.
The Barrony of Bothal, Ogle and Hepple, c -- 3000 00 00 Total 22393 10 01
That this Particular of My Lords Estate was no less then is mentioned, may
partly appear by the rate, as it was surveighed, and sold by the Rebellious
Parliament; for they raised, towards the later end of their power, which was in
the year 1652, out of my Lords Estate, the sum of 111593 l. 10s. 11d. at five
years and a half Purchase, which was at above the rate of 18000 l. a year,
besides Woods; and his Brother Sir Charles Cavendish's Estate, which Estate was
2000 l. a year, which falls not much short of the mentioned account; and
certainly, had they not sold such Lands at easy rates, few would have bought
them, by reason the Purchasers were uncertain how long they should enjoy their
purchase: Besides, Under-Officers do not usually refuse Bribes; and it is well
known that the Surveighers did under-rate Estates according as they were feed
by the Purchasers.
Again, many of the Estates of banished Persons were given to Soldiers for the
payment of their Arrears, who again sold them to others which would buy them at
easier rates. But chiefly, it appears by the rate as my Lords Estate is let at
present, there being several of the mentioned Lands that are let at a higher
rate now then they were surveighed; nor are they all valued in the mentioned
particular according to the surveigh, but many of them which were not
surveighed, are accounted according to the rate they are let at this present.
The Loss of my Lords Estate, in plain Rents, as also upon ordinary Use, and
Use upon Use, is as follows:
The Annual Rent of My Lords Lands, viz. 22393 l. 10 s. 1 d. being lost for the
space of 18 years, which was the time of his acting in the Wars, and of his
Banishment, without any benefit to him, reckoned without any Interest, amounts
to 403083 l. But being accounted with the ordinary Use at Six in the Hundred,
and Use upon Use for the mentioned space of 18 Years, it amounts to 733579 l.
But some perhaps will say, That if My Lord had enjoyed his Estate, he would
have spent it, at least so much as to maintain himself according to his degree
and quality.
I answer; That it is very improbable My Lord should have spent all his Estate,
if he had enjoyed it, he being a man of great Wisdom and Prudence, knowing well
how to spend, and how to manage; for though he lived nobly before the time of
the Wars, yet not beyond the Compass of his Estate; nay, so far he would have
been from spending his Estate, that no doubt but he would have increased it to a
vast value, as he did before the Wars; where notwithstanding his Hospitality
and noble House-keeping, his charges of Building came to about 31000 l; the
portion of his second Daughter, which was 12000 l; the noble entertainments he
gave King Charles the First, one whereof came to almost 15000 l. another to
above 4000 l, and a third to 1700 l. as hereafter shall be mentioned; and his
great expenses during the time of his being Governor to His Majesty that now
is, he yet increased his Estate to the value of 100000 l, which is 5000 per
annum, when it was by so much less.
But if any one will reckon the charges of his House-keeping during the time of
his Exile, and when he had not the enjoyment of his Estate, he may substract
the sum accounted for the payment of his debts, contracted in the time of his
Banishment, which went to the maintenance of himself and his Family; or in lieu
thereof, considering that I do not account all My Lords losses, but only those
that are certainly known, he may compare it with the loss of his personal
Estate, whereof I shall make some mention anon, and he'll find that I do not
heighten my Lords Losses, but rather diminish them; for surely the losses of
his personal Estate, and those I account not, will counterbalance the charges
of his House-keeping, if not exceed them.
Again, others will say, That there was much Land sold in the time of My Lords
Banishment by his Sons, and Feoffees in Trust.
I answer, First, That whatsoever was sold, was first bought of the Rebellious
Power: Next, although they sold some Lands, yet My Lord knew nothing of it,
neither did he receive a penny worth for himself, neither of what they
purchased, nor sold, all the time of his Banishment till his return.
And thus much of the loss of My Lords Estate in Rents: Concerning the loss of
his Parks and Woods, as much as is generally known, (for I do not reckon
particular Trees cut down in several of his Woods yet standing) 'tis as
follows: 1. Clipston-Park and Woods cut down to the value of 20000 l. 2.
Kirkby-Woods, for which my Lord was formerly proffered 10000 l. 3. Woods cut
down in Derbyshire 8000 l. 4. Red-lodg-Wood, Rome-wood and others near Welbeck
4000 l. 5. Woods cut down in Stafford-shire 1000 l. 6. Woods cut down in
York-shire 1000 l. 7. Woods cut down in Northumberland 1500 l. The Total 45000
l.
The Lands which My Lord hath lost in present posession are 2015 l. per annum,
which at 20 years purchase come to 40300 l. and those which he hath lost in
Reversion, are 3214 l. per annum, which at 16 years purchase amount to the
value of 51424 l.
The Lands which my Lord since his return has sold for the payment of some of
his debts, occasioned by the Wars (for I do not reckon those he sold to buy
others) come to the value of 56000 l. to which out of his yearly revenue he has
added 10000 l. more, which is in all 66000 l.
Lastly, The Composition of his Brothers Estate was 5000 l. and the loss of it
for eight years comes to 16000 l.
All which, if summed up together, amounts to 941303 l.
These are the accountable losses, which My Dear Lord and Husband has suffered
by the late Civil Wars, and his Loyalty to his King and Country. Concerning the
loss of his personal Estate, since (as I often mentioned) it cannot be exactly
known; I shall not endeavour to set down the Particulars thereof, only in
General give you a Note of what partly they are:
1. The pulling down of several of his dwelling or Mannor-houses.
2. The disfurnishing of them, of which the Furniture at Bolsover and Welbeck
was very noble and rich: Out of his London-house at Clarken-well, there were
taken, amongst other Goods, suits of Linen, viz. Table-Cloths,
Sideboard-cloths, Napkins, c. whereof one suit cost 160 l. they being bought
for an Entertainment which My Lord made for Their Majesties, King Charles the
First, and the Queen, at Bolsover-Castle; And of 150 Suits of Hangings of all
sorts in all his Houses, there were not above 10 or 12 saved.
Of Silver-plate, My Lord had so much as came to the value of 3800 l. besides
several Curiosities of Cabinets, Cups, and other things, which after My Lord
was gone out of England, were taken out of his Manor house, Welbeck, by a
Garrison of the Kings Party that lay therein, whereof he recovered only 1100 l.
which Money was sent him beyond the Seas, the rest was lost.
As for Pewter, Brass, Bedding, Linen, and other Household-stuff, there was
nothing else left but some few old Feather-beds, and those all spoiled, and fit
for no use.
3. My Lord's Stock of Corn, Cattle, c. was very great before the Wars, by
reason of the largeness and capacity of those grounds, and the great number of
Granges he kept for his own use; as for example, Barlow, Carkholston,
Gleadthorp, Welbeck, and several more, which were all well manured and stocked.
But all this stock was lost, besides his Race of Horses in his Grounds,
Grange-Horses, Hackny-Horses, Mannage-Horses, Coach-Horses, and others he kept
for his use.
To these Losses I may well and justly join the charges which my Lord hath been
put to since his return into England, by reason they were caused by the ruins
of the said Wars; whereof I reckon,
1. His Law-suits, which have been very chargeable to him, more then
advantageous.
2. The Stocking, Manuring, Paling, Stubbing, Hedging, c. of his Grounds and
Parks; where it is to be noted, That no advantage or benefit can be made of
Grounds, under the space of three years, and of Cattle not under five or six.
3. The repairing and furnishing of some of his Dwelling-Houses.
4. The setting up a Race or Breed of Horses, as he had before the Wars; for
which purpose he hath bought the best Mares he could get for money.
In short, I can reckon 12000 l. laid out barely for the repair of some Ruins,
which my Lord could not be without, there being many of them to repair yet;
neither is this all that is laid out, but much more which I cannot well
remember; nor is there more but one Grange stocked, amongst several that were
kept for furnishing his House with Provisions: As for other Charges and Losses,
which My Lord hath sustained since his return, I will not reckon them, because
my design is only to account such losses as were caused by the Wars.
By which, as they have been mentioned, it may easily be concluded, That
although My Lord's Estate was very great before the Wars, yet now it is shrunk
into a very narrow compass, that it puts his Prudence and Wisdom to the Proof,
to make it serve his necessities, he having no other assistance to bear him up;
and yet notwithstanding all this, he hath since his return paid both for
Himself and his Son, all manner of Taxes, Lones, Levies, Assessments, c.
equally with the rest of His Majesties Subjects, according to that Estate that
is left him, which he has been forced to take upon Interest.
The Third Book.
THus having given you a faithful Account of all My Lords Actions, both before,
in, and after the Civil Wars, and of his Losses; I shall now conclude with
some particular heads concerning the description of his own Person, his Natural
Humour, Disposition, Qualities, Virtues; his Pedigree, Habit, Diet, Exercises,
c. together with some other Remarks and Particulars which I thought requisite
to be inserted, both to illustrate the former Books, and to render the History
of his Life more perfect and complete.
1. Of his Power.
After His Majesty King Charles the First, had entrusted my Lord with the Power
of raising Forces for His Majesties Service, he effected that which never any
Subject did, nor was (in all probability) able to do; for though many Great and
Noble Persons did also raise Forces for His Majesty, yet they were Brigades,
rather then well-formed Armies, in comparison to my Lord's. The reason was,
That my Lord, by his Mother, the Daughter of Cuthbert Lord Ogle, being allied
to most of the most ancient Families in Northumberland, and other the Northern
parts, could pretend a greater Interest in them, then a stranger; for they
through a natural affection to my Lord as their own Kinsman, would sooner
follow him, and under his Conduct sacrifice their Lives for His Majesty's
Service, then any body else, well knowing, That by deserting my Lord, they
deserted themselves; and by this means my Lord raised first a Troup of Horse
consisting of a hundred and twenty, and a Regiment of Foot; and then an Army of
Eight thousand Horse, Foot and Dragoons, in those parts; and afterwards upon
this ground, at several times, and in several places, so many several Troops,
Regiments and Armies, that in all from the first to the last, they amounted to
above 100000 men, and those most upon his own Interest, and without any other
considerable help or assistance; which was much for a particular Subject, and
in such a conjuncture of time; for since Armies are soonest raised by
Covetousness, Fear and Faction; that is to say, upon a constant and settled Pay,
upon the Ground of Terror, and upon the Ground of Rebellion; but very seldom
or never upon uncertainty of Pay; and when it is as hazardous to be of such a
Party, as to be in the heat of a Battle; also when there is no other design but
honest duty; it may easily be conceived that my Lord could have no little love
and affection when He raised his Army upon snch grounds as could promise them
but little advantage at that time.
Amongst the rest of his Army, My Lord had chosen for his own Regiment of Foot,
3000 of such Valiant, stout and faithful men, (whereof many were bred in the
Moorish-grounds of the Northern parts) that they were ready to die at my Lord's
feet, and never gave over, whenever they were engaged in action, until they
had either conquered the Enemy, or lost their lives. They were called
White-coats, for this following reason: My Lord being resolved to give them new
Liveries, and there being not red Cloth enough to be had, took up so much of
white as would serve to cloth them, desiring withal, their patience until he
had got it dyed; but they impatient of stay, requested my Lord, that he would
be pleased to let them have it un-dyed as it was, promising they themselves
would die it in the Enemies Blood: Which request my Lord granted them, and from
that time they were called White-Coats.
To give you some instances of their Valour and Courage, I must beg leave to
repeat some passages mentioned in the first Book. The Enemy having closely
besieged the City of York, and made a passage into the Mannor-yard, by
springing a Mine under the Wall thereof, was got into the Mannor-house with a
great number of their Forces; which My Lord perceiving, he immediately went and
drew 80 of the said White-coats thither, who with the greatest Courage went
close up to the Enemy, and having charged them, fell Pell-mell with the
But-ends of their Muskets upon them, and with the assistance of the rest that
renewed their Courage by their example, killed and took 1500, and by that means
saved the Town.
How valiantly they behaved themselves in the last fatal Battle upon
Hessom-moor near York, has been also declared heretofore; in so much, that
although most of the Army were fled, yet they would not stir, until by the
Enemies Power they were overcome, and most of them slain in rank and file.
Their love and affection to my Lord was such, that it lasted even when he was
deprived of all his power, and could do them little good; to which purpose I
shall mention this following passage:
My Lord being in Antwerp, received a Visit from a Gentleman, who came out of
England, and rendered My Lord thanks for his safe Escape at Sea; My Lord being
in amaze, not knowing what the Gentleman meant, he was pleased to acquaint Him,
that in his coming over Sea out of England, he was set upon by Pickaroons, who
having examined him, and the rest of his Company, at last some asked him,
whether he knew the Marquess of Newcastle? To whom he answered, That he knew
him very well, and was going over into the same City where my Lord lived.
Whereupon they did not only take nothing from him, but used him with all
Civility, and desired him to remember their humble duty to their Lord General,
for they were some of his White-Coats that had escaped death; and if my Lord
had any service for them, they were ready to assist him upon what Designs
soever, and to obey him in whatsoever he should be pleased to Command them.
This I mention for the Eternal Fame and Memory of those Valiant and Faithful
Men. But to return to the Power my Lord had in the late Wars: As he was the
Head of his own Army, and had raised it most upon his own Interest for the
Service of His Majesty; so he was never Ordered by His Majesty's Privy Council,
(except that some Forces of His were kept by His late Majesty, (which he sent
to Him) together with some Arms and Ammunition heretofore mentioned) until His
Highness Prince Rupert came from His Majesty, to join with him at the Siege of
York. He had moreover the Power of Coining, Printing, Knighting, c. which never
any Subject had before, when His Sovereign Himself was in the Kingdom; as also
the Command of so many Counties, as is mentioned in the First Book, and the
Power of placing and displacing what Governors and Commanders he pleased, and
of constituting what Garrisons he thought fit; of the chief whereof I shall give
you this following list.
A Particular of the Principal Garrisons, and the Governors of them, constituted
by my Lord.
In Northumberland. NEwcastle upon Tyne, Sir Iohn Marley Knight.
Tynmouth-Castle and Shields, Sir Thomas Riddal, Knight.
In the Bishopric of Durham. Hartlepool, Lieutenant Colonel Henry Lambton.
Raby-Castle, Sir William Savile, Knight and Baronet.
In Yorkshire. The City of York, Sir Thomas Glenham Knight and Baronet; and
afterwards when he took the Field, the Lord Io. Bellasyse. Pomfret-Castle,
Colonel Mynn, and after him Sir Io. Redman. Sheffield-Castle, Major Beamont.
Wortly-Hall, Sir Francis Wortley. Tickhill-Castle, Major Mountney. Doncaster,
Sir Francis Fane, Knight of the Bath, afterwards Governor of Lincoln.
Sandal-Castle, Captain Bonivant. Skipton-Castle, Sir Iohn Mallary, Baronet.
Bolton-Castle, Mr. Scroope. Hemsley-Castle, Sir Iordan Crosland.
Scarborough-Castle and Town, Sir Hugh Chomley. Stamford-Bridg, Colonel
Galbreth. Hallifax, Sir Francis Mackworth. Tadcaster, Sir Gamaliel Dudley.
Eyrmouth, Major Kaughton.
In Cumberland. The City of Carlisle, Sir Philip Musgrave, Knight and Baronet.
Cockermouth, Colonel Kirby.
In Nottinghamshire. Newark upon Trent, Sir Iohn Henderson, Knight; and
afterwards, Sir Richard Byron, Knight, now Lord Byron. Wyrton-House, Colonel
Rowland Hacker. Welbeck, Colonel Van Peire; and after, Colonel Beeton.
Shelford-House, Col. Philip Stanhop.
In Lincolnshire. The City of Lincoln, first Sir Francis Fane, Knight of the
Bath; secondly, Sir Peregrine Bartu. Gainsborough, Colonel St. George.
Bullingbrook-Castle, Lieutenant Colonel Chester. Beluoir-Castle, Sir Gervas
Lucas.
In Derbyshire. Bolsover-Castle, Colonel Muschamp. Wingfield Manor, Colonel
Roger Molyneux. Staly-House, the now Lord Fretchwile.
A LIST of the General OFFICERS of the ARMY.
1. THe Lord General, the now Duke of Newcastle, the Noble Subject of this
Book. 2. The Lieutenant General of the Army; first the Earl of Newport,
afterwards the Lord Eythin. 3. The General of the Ordnance, Charles Viscount
Mansfield. 4. The General of the Horse, George Lord Goring. 5. The Colonel
General of the Army, Sir Thomas Glenham. 6. The Major General of the Army, Sir
Francis Mackworth. 7. The Lieutenant General of the Horse, First Mr. Charles
Cavendish, after him Sir Charles Lucas. 8. Commissary General of Horse, First
Colonel Windham, after him Sir William Throckmorton, and after him Mr. George
Porter. 9. Lieutenant General of the Ordnance, Sir William Davenant. 10.
Treasurer of the Army, Sir William Carnaby. 11. Advocate-General of the Army,
Dr. Liddal. 12. Quarter-Master General of the Army, Mr. Ralph Errington. 13.
Providore-General of the Army, Mr. Gervas Nevil, and after Mr. Smith. 14.
Scout-Master-General of the Army, Mr. Hudson. 15. Waggon-Master-General of the
Army, Baptist Iohnson.
William Lord Widdrington was President of the Council of War, and Commander in
chief of the three Counties of Lincoln, Rutland and Nottingham, and the forces
there.
When my Lord marched with his Army to Newcastle against the Scots, then the
Lord Iohn Bellassis was constituted Governor of York, and Commander in Chief,
or Lieutenant General of York-shire.
As for the rest of the Officers and Commanders of every particular Regiment
and Company, they being too numerous, cannot well be remembered, and therefore I
shall give you no particular account of them.
2. Of His Misfortunes and obstructions.
ALthough Nature had favoured My Lord, and endued him with the best Qualities
and Perfections she could inspire into his soul; yet Fortune hath ever been
such an inveterate Enemy to him, that she invented all the spite and malice
against him that lay in her power; and notwithstanding his prudent Counsels and
Designs, cast such obstructions in his way, that he seldom proved successful,
but where he acted in Person. And since I am not ignorant that this unjust and
partial Age is apt to suppress the worth of meritorious persons, and that many
will endeavour to obscure my Lords noble Actions and Fame, by casting unjust
aspersions upon him, and laying (either out of ignorance or malice) Fortunes
envy to his charge, I have purposed to represent these obstructions which
conspired to render his good intentions and endeavours ineffectual, and at last
did work his ruin and destruction, in these following particulars.
1. At the time when the Kingdom became so infatuated, as to oppose and pull
down their Gracious King and Sovereign, the Treasury was exhausted, and no
sufficient means to raise and maintain Armies to reduce his Majesties
Rebellious Subjects; so that My Lord had little to begin withal but what his
own Estate would allow, and his Interest procure him.
2. When his late Majesty, in the beginning of the unhappy Wars, sent My Lord
to Hull, the strongest place in the Kingdom, where the Magazine of Arms and
Ammunition was kept, and he by his prudence had gained it to his Majesties
service; My Lord was left to the mercy of the Parliament, where he had surely
suffered for it, (though he acted not without His Majesties Commission) if some
of the contrary party had not quitted him, in hopes to gain him on their side.
3. After His Majesty had sent My Lord to Newcastle upon Tyne, to take upon him
the Government of that place, and he had raised there, of Friends and Tenants,
a troup of Horse and Regiment of Foot, which he ordered to conveigh some Arms
and Ammunition to His Majesty, sent by the Queen out of Holland; His Majesty
was pleased to keep the same Convoy with him to increase his own Forces, which
although it was but of a small number, yet at that present time it would have
been very serviceable to my Lord, he having then but begun to raise Forces.
4. When Her Majesty the now Queen-Mother, after her arrival out of Holland to
York, had a purpose to conveigh some Arms to His Majesty, My Lord ordered a
Party of 1500 to conduct the same, which His Majesty was pleased to keep with
him for his own service.
5. After Her Majesty had taken a resolution to go from York to Oxford, where
the King then was; my Lord for Her safer conduct quitted 7000 men of his Army,
with a convenient Train of Artillery, which likewise never returned to my Lord.
6. When the Earl of Montross was going into Scotland, he went to my Lord at
Durham, and desired of him a supply of some Forces for His Majesties service;
where my Lord gave him 200 Horse and Dragoons, even at such a time when he
stood most in need of a supply himself, and thought every day to encounter the
Scottish Army.
7. When my Lord out of the Northern parts went into Lincoln- and Derby-shires
with his Army, to order and reduce them to their Allegiance and Duty to His
Majesty, and from thence resolved to march into the Associate Counties, (where
in all porbability he would have made an happy end of the War) he was so
importuned by those he left behind him, and particularly the Commander in
Chief, to return into York-shire, alleging the Enemy grew strong, and would
ruin them all, if he came not speedily to succour and assist them; that in
honour and duty he could do no otherwise but grant their Requests; when as yet
being returned into those parts, he found them secure and safe enough from the
Enemies Attempts.
8. My Lord (as heretofore mentioned) had as great private Enemies about His
Majesty, as he had public Enemies in the Field, who used all the endeavour
they could to pull him down.
9. There was such Juggling, Treachery, and Falsehood in his own Army, and
amongst some of his own Officers, that it was impossible for my Lord to be
prosperous and successful in his Designs and Undertakings.
10. My Lord's Army being the chief and greatest Army which His Majesty had,
and in which consisted His prime Strength and Power; the Parliament resolved at
last, to join all their Forces with the Army of the Scots, (which when it came
out of Scotland, was above Twenty thousand Men) to oppose, and if possible, to
ruin it; well knowing, that if they did pull down my Lord, they should be
Masters of all the Three Kingdoms; so that there were Three Armies against One.
But although my Lord suffered much by the Negligence (and sometimes Treachery)
of his Officers, and was unfortunately called back into York-shire, from his
March he designed for the Associate Counties, and was forced to part with a
great number of his Forces and Ammunition, as aforementioned; yet he would
hardly have been overcome, and his Army ruined by the Enemy, had he but had
some timely supply and assistance at the Siege of York, or that his Counsel had
been taken in not fighting the Enemy then, or that the Battle had been differed
some two or three days longer, until those Forces were arrived which he
expected, namely three thousand men out of Northumberland, and Two thousand
drawn out of several Garrisons. But the chief Misfortune was, That the Enemy
fell upon the Kings Forces before they were all put into a Battallia, and took
them at their great disadvantage; which caused such a Panick fear amongst them,
that most of the Horse of the right Wing of His Majesty's Forces, betook
themselves to their heels; insomuch, that although the left Wing (commanded by
the Lord Goring, and my Brother Sir Charles Lucas) did their best endeavour,
and beat back the Enemy three times, and My Lord's own Regiment of Foot charged
them so courageously, that they never broke, but died most of them in their
Ranks and Files; yet the Power of the Enemy being too strong, put them at last
to a total rout and confusion. Which unlucky disaster put an end to all future
hopes of His Majesties Party; so that my Lord seeing he had nothing left in his
Power to do His Majesty any further service in that kind (for had he stayed, he
would have been forced to surrender all those Towns and Garrisons in those
parts, that were yet in His Majesties Devotion, as afterwards it also happened)
resolved to quit the Kingdom, as formerly is mentioned.
And these are chiefly the obstructions to the good success of my Lord's
Designs in the late Civil Wars; which being rightly considered, will save him
blameless from what otherwise would be laid to his charge; for, as according to
the old saying, 'Tis easy for men to swim, when they are held up by the chin:
So on the other side, it is very dangerous and difficult for them to endeavour
it, when they are pulled down by the Heels, and beaten upon their Heads.
3. Of His Loyalty and Sufferings.
I dare boldly and justly say, That there never was, nor is a more Loyal and
Faithful Subject then My Lord: Not to mention the Trust he discharged in all
those employments, which either King Iames, or King Charles the First, or His
now Gracious Master King Charles the Second, were pleased to bestow upon him,
which he performed with such care and fidelity, that he never disobeyed their
Commands in the least; I will only note,
1. That he was the First that appeared in Arms for His Majesty, and engaged
Himself and all his Friends he could for His Majesties Service; and though he
had but two Sons which were young, and one only Brother, yet they all were
with him in the Wars: His two Sons had Commands, but His Brother, though he had
no Command, by reason of the weakness of his body, yet he was never from My
Lord when he was in action, even to the last; for he was the last with my Lord
in the Field in that fatal Battle upon Hessom-moor, near York; and though my
Brother, Sir Charles Lucas, desired my Lord to send his Sons away, when the
said Battle was fought, yet he would not, saying, His Sons should show their
Loyalty and Duty to His Majesty, in venturing their lives, as well as Himself.
2. My Lord was the chief and only Person, that kept up the Power of His late
Majesty; for when his Army was lost, all the Kings Party was ruined in all
three of his Majesties Kingdoms; because in his Army lay the chief strength of
all the Royal Forces; it being the greatest and best formed Army which His
Majesty had, and the only support both of his Majesties Person and Power, and
of the hopes of all his Loyal Subjects in all his Dominions.
3. My Lord was 16 Years in Banishment, and hath lost and suffered most of any
subject, that suffered either by War, or otherways, except those that lost
their lives, and even that he valued not, but exposed it to so eminent dangers
that nothing but Heavens Decree had ordained to save it.
4. He never minded his own Interest more then his Loyalty and Duty, and upon
that account never desired nor received any thing from the Crown to enrich
himself, but spent great sums in His Majesties Service; so that after his long
banishment and return into England, I observed his ruined Estate was like an
Earthquake, and his Debts like Thunder-bolts, by which he was in danger of
being utterly undone, had not Patience and Prudence, together with Heavens
Blessings, saved him from that threatening Ruin.
5. He never repined at his Losses and Sufferings, because he lost and suffered
for his King and Country; nay, so far was he from that, that I have heard him
say, If the same Wars should happen again, and he was sure to lose both his
life, and all he had lest him, yet he would most willingly sacrifice it for His
Majesties Service.
6. He never connived or conspired with the Enemy, neither directly nor
indirectly; for though some Person of Quality being sent in the late Wars to
him into the North, from His late Majesty, who was then at Oxford, with some
Message, did withal in private acquaint him, that some of the Nobility that
were with the King, desired him to side with them against His Majesty,
alleging that if His Majesty should become an absolute Conqueror, both himself
and the rest of the Nobility would lose all their Rights and Privileges; yet
he was so far from consenting to it, that he returned him this answer, namely,
That he entered into actions of War, for no other end, but for the service of
His King and Master, and to keep up His Majesties Rights and Prerogatives, for
which he was resolved to venture both his Life, Posterity and Estate; for
certainly, said he, the Nobility cannot fall if the King be Victorious, nor can
they keep up their Dignities, if the King be overcome.
This Message was delivered by word of mouth, but none of their names
mentioned; so that it is not certainly known whether it was a real truth or
not; more probable it was, that they intended to sound my Lord, or to make, if
possible, more division; for certainly not all that pretended to be for the
King, were His Friends; and I my self remember very well, when I was with Her
Hajesty, the now Queen-Mother, in Oxford, (although I was too young to perceive
their intrigues, yet I was old enough to observe) that there were great
Factions both amongst the Courtiers and Soldiers. But my Lords Loyalty was
such, that he kept always faithful and true to His Majesty, and could by no
means be brought to side with the Rebellious Party, or to juggle and mind his
own Interest more then his Majesties Service; and this was the cause that he
had as great private Enemies at Court, as he had public Enemies in the Field,
who sought as much his ruin and destruction privately and ^ould cast
aspersions upon his Loyalty and Duty, as the^ did publicly oppose him.
In short, that it may appear the better what loyal and faithful services my
Lord has done both for His late Majesty King Charles the First, and His now
Gracious Master King Charles the Second, I have thought fit to subjoin both
Their Majesties Commendations which they were pleased to give him, when for his
Great and Loyal Services they conferred upon him the Titles and Dignities of
Marquess, and Duke of Newcastle.
A Copy of the Preamble of My Lord's Patent for Marquess, Englished.
Rex c.
Salutem.
WHereas it appears to Us, That William Earl of Newcastle upon Tyne, besides
his most Eminent Birth and splendid Alliances, hath equalled all those Titles
with which he is adorned by Desert, and hath also won them by Virtue,
Industry, Prudence, and a steadfast Faith: Whilst with dangers and expenses
gathering together Soldiers, Arms, and all other War-like Habiliments; and
applying them as well in Our Affairs, as most plentifully sending them to Us,
(having fore-thought of Our Dignity and security) he was ready with Us in all
Actions in Yorkshire, and governed the Town of Newcastle, and Castle in the
mouth of Tyne, at the time of that fatal Revolt of the People who were got
together; and with a Bond of his Friends did opportunely seize that Port, and
settled it a Garrison; bringing Arms to Us (then Our only relief:) In which
Service so strongly going on, (which was of grand moment to our affairs) We do
gratefully remember him still to have stood to: Afterwards, having Mustered
together a good Army, (Our self being gone else-where) the Rebels now enjoying
almost all York-shire, and the chiefest Fortress of all the Country now
appearing to have scarce refuge or safety for him against the swelling Rebels,
(the whole Country then desiring and praying for his coming, that he might
timely relieve them in their desperate condition) And leading his said Army in
the midst of Winter, gave the Rebels Battle in his passage, vanquished them,
and put them to flight, and took from them several Garrisons, and places of
Refuge, and restored Health to the Subjects, and by his many Victories, Peace
and Security to the Countries: Witness those places, made Noble by the death
and flight of the Rebels: in Lincoln-shire, Gainsborough and Lincoln; in
Derby-shire, Chesterfield; but in York-shire, Peirce-bridge, Seacroft,
Tankerly, Tadcaster, Sheffield, Rotheram, Yarum, Beverly, Cawood, Selby,
Halifax, Leeds, and above all, Bradford; where when the Yorkshire- and
Lancashire- Rebels were united, and Battle joined with them; when Our Army as
well by the great numbers of the Rebels, as much more the badness of Our
ground, was so pressed upon, that the Soldiers now seemed to think of flying; He,
their General, with a full Carrier, commanding two Troops to follow him, broke
into the very rage of the Battle, and with so much violence fell upon the right
Wing of those Rebels, That those who were but now certain of Victory, turned
their backs, and fled from the Conqueror, who by his Wisdom, Virtue and his own
Hand, brought death and flight to the Rebels, Victory and Glory to Himself,
Plunder to the Soldiery, and 22 great Guns, and many Ensigns to Us. Nor was
there before this, wanting to so much Virtue, equal Felicity, for Our most
beloved Consort, after a dismal Tempest coming from Holland, being drove ashore
at Burlington, and undergoing a more grievous danger, by the excursions of the
Rebels, then the tossing and tumbling of the Sea; He having heard of it,
speedily goes to Her with his Army, and dutifully receives Her, in safety
brings Her, and with all security conducts Her to Us at Oxford. Whereas
therefore the aforesaid Earl hath raised so many Monuments of His Virtue and
Fidelity towards Us, Our Queen, Children, and Our Kingdom; when also he doth at
this time establish with safety, and with His Power defend the Nothern parts of
Our Kingdom against the Rebels; when lastly, nothing more concerns Mankind and
Princes, and nothing can be more just, then that he may receive for his Deeds,
a Reward suitable to his name, which requires that he who defends the Borders,
should be created by Us, Governor of Marquess of the Borderers. Know
therefore, c.
A Copy of the Preamble of My Lord's Patent for DUKE, Englished.
Rex c.
Salutem.
WHereas Our most beloved and faithful Cousin and Counsellor, William Earl and
Marquess of Newcastle upon Tyne, c. worthy by his famous Name, Blood and
Office, of large Honours, has been eminent in so many, and so great Services
performed to Us and Our Father (of ever blessed memory) that his Merits are
still producing new effects, We have decreed likewise to add more Honour to his
former. And though these his such eminent Actions, which he hath faithfully and
valiantly performed to Us, Our Father, and Our Kingdom, speak loud enough in
themselves; yet since the valiant Services of a good Subject are always
pleasant to remember, We have thought fit to have them in part related for a
good Example and Encouragement to Virtue.
The great proofs of his Wisdom and Piety are sufficiently known to Us from Our
younger years, and We shall always retain a sense of those good Principles he
instilled into Us; the Care of Our Youth which he happily undertook for Our
good, he as faithfully and well discharged. Our years growing up amidst bad
Times, and the harsh Necessities of War, a new Charge and Care of Loyalty,
the Kingdom and Religion called him off to make use of his further Diligence
and Valour. Rebellion spread abroad, he levied Loyal Forces in great numbers,
opposed the Enemy, won so many and so great Victories in the Field, took in so
many Towns, Castles and Garrisons, as well in Our Northern parts, as elsewhere;
and behaved himself with so great Courage and Valour in the defending also what
he had got, especially at the Siege of York, which he maintained against three
Potent Armies of Scots and English, closely beleaguering, and with emulation
assaulting it for three Months (till Relief was brought) to the wonder and envy
of the Enemy; that, if Loyal and Humane Force could have prevailed, he had soon
restored Fidelity, Peace and his KING to the Nation, which was then hurrying to
Ruin by an unhappy Fate; So that Rebellion getting the upper hand, and no
place being left for him to act further valiantly in, for his King and
Country, he still retained the same Loyalty and Valour in suffering, being an
inseparable Follower of Our Exile; during which sad Catastrophe, his whole
Estate was sequestered and sold from him, and his Person always one of the
first of those few who were excepted both for Life and Estate (which was
offered to all others.) Besides, his Virtues are accompanied with a Noble
Blood, being of a Family by each Stock equally adorned and endowed with great
Honours and Riches. For which Reasons We have resolved to grace the said
Marquess with a new Mark of our Favour, he being every way deserving of it, as
one who loved virtue equal to his Noble Birth, and possessed Patrimonies
suitable to both, as long as loyalty had any place to show it self in our
Realm; which possessions he so well employed, and at last for Us and Our
Fathers service lost, till he was with Us restored. Know therefore, c.
4. Of his Prudence and Wisdom.
MY Lord's Prudence and Wisdom hath been sufficiently apparent both in his
Public and Private Actions and Employments; for he hath such a Natural
Inspection, and Judicious Observation of things, that he sees beforehand what
will come to pass, and orders his affairs accordingly. To which purpose I
cannot but mention, that Laud, the then Archbishop of Canterbury, between whom
and my Lord, interceded a great and entire Friendship, which he confirmed by a
Legacy of a Diamond, to the value of 200 l. left to my Lord when he died, which
was much for him to bequeath; for though he was a great Statesman, and in
favour with his late Majesty, yet he was not covetous to hoard up wealth, but
bestowed it rather upon the Public, repairing the Cathedral of St. Paul's in
London, which, had God granted him life, he would certainly have beautified,
and rendered as famous and glorious as any in Christendom: This said Arch-Bishop
was pleased to tell His late Majesty, that my Lord was one of the Wisest and
Prudentest Persons that ever he was acquainted with.
For further proof, I cannot pass by that my Lord told His late Majesty King
Charles the First, and Her Majesty the now Queen-Mother, some time before the
Wars, That he observed by the humours of the People, the approaching of a Civil
War, and that His Majesties Person would be in danger of being deposed, if
timely care was not taken to prevent it.
Also when my Lord was at Antwerp, the Marquess of Montross, before he went
into Scotland, gave my Lord a Visit, and acquainted him with his intended
Journey, asking my Lord whether he was not also going for England? My Lord
answered, He was ready to do His Majesty what service he could, and would shun
no opportunity, where he perceived he could effect something to His Majesties
advantage; Nay, said he, if His Majesty should be pleased to Command my single
Person to go against the whole Army of the Enemy, although I was sure to lose
my life, yet out of a Loyal Duty to His Majesty, and in Obedience to his
Commands, I should never refuse it. But to venture (said he) the life of my
Friends, and to betray them in a desperate action, without any probability of
doing the least good to His Majesty, would be a very unjust and unconscionable
act; for my Friends might perhaps venture with me upon an implicit Faith, that
I was so honest as not to engage them without a firm and solid foundation; but
I wanting that, as having no Ships, Arms, Ammunition, Provision, Forts, and
places of Rendezvous, and what is the chief thing, Money; To what purpose would
it be to draw them into so hazardous an Action, but to seek their ruin and
destruction, without the least benefit to His Majesty? Then the Marquess of
Montross asked my Lord's Advice, and what he should do in such a case? My Lord
answered, That he knowing best his own Country, Power and Strength, and what
probability he had of Forces, and other Necessaries for War, when he came into
Scotland, could give himself the best advice; but withal told him, That if he
had no Provision nor Ammunition, Arms and places of Rendezvous for his men to
meet and join, he would likely be forced to hide his head, and suffer for his
rash undertaking: Which unlucky Fate did also accordingly befall that worthy
Person.
These passages I mention to no other end, but to declare my Lord's Judgment
and Prudence in worldly Affairs; whereof there are so many, that if I should
set them all down, it would swell this History to a big Volume. They may in
some sort be gathered from his actions mentioned heretofore, especially the
ordering of his affairs in the time of War, with such Conduct, Prudence and
Wisdom, that notwithstanding at the beginning of his Undertaking that great
Trust and honourable Employment which His late Majesty was pleased to confer
upon him, he saw so little appearance of performing his Designs with good
success, His Majesty's Revenues being then much weakened, and the Magazines and
public Purse, in the Enemies Power, besides several other obstructions and
hindrances; yet as he undertook it cheerfully, and out of pure Loyalty and
Obedience to His Majesty; so he ordered it so wisely, that so long as he acted
by his own Counsels, and was personally present at the execution of his
Designs, he was always prosperous in his Success. And although he had so great
an Army, as aforementioned, yet by his wise and prudent Conduct, there appeared
no visible sign of devastation in any of the Countries where he marched; for
first, he settled a constant Rule for the Regular levy of money for the
convenient Maintenance of the Soldiery. Next, he constituted such Officers of
his Army, that most of them were known to be Gentlemen of large and fair
Estates, which drew a good part of their private Revenues, to serve and support
them in their public Employments; wherein my Lord did lead them the way by his
own good Example.
To which may be added his wisdom in ordering the Government of the Church, for
the advancement of the Orthodox Religion, and suppression of Factions; as also
in Coining, Printing, Knighting, and the like, which he used with great
discretion and prudence, only for the Interest of His Majesty, and the benefit
of the Kingdom, as formerly has been mentioned.
The Prudent manage of his private and domestic affairs, appears
sufficiently: 1. In his Marriage. 2. In the ordering and increasing his Estate
before the Wars, which notwithstanding his Noble House-keeping and Hospitality,
and his Generous Bounty and Charity, he increased to the value of 100000 l. 3.
In the ordering his Affairs in the time of Banishment, where although he
received not the least of his own estate, during all the time of his exile,
until his return; yet maintained himself handsomely and nobly, according to his
Quality, as much as his Condition at that time would permit. 4. In reducing his
torn and ruined Estate after his return, which beyond all probability, himself
hath settled and ordered so, that his Posterity will have reason gratefully to
remember it.
In short; Although my Lord naturally loves not business, especially those of
State, (though he understands them as well as any body) yet what business or
affairs he cannot avoid, none will do them better then himself. His private
affairs he orders without any noise or trouble, not over-hastily, but wisely:
Neither is he passionate in acting of business, but hears patiently, and orders
soberly, and pierces into the heart or bottom of a business at the first
encounter; but before all things, he considers well before he undertakes a
business, whether he be able to go through it or no, for he never ventures upon
either public or private business, beyond his strength.
And here I cannot forbear to mention, that my Noble Lord, when he was in
banishment, presumed out of his Duty and Love to his Gracious Master our now
Sovereign King Charles the Second, to write and send him a little Book, or
rather a Letter, wherein he delivered his Opinion concerning the Government of
his Dominions, whenever God should be pleased to restore him to his Throne,
together with some other Notes and Observations of Foreign States and Kingdoms;
but it being a private offer to His sacred Majesty, I dare not presume to
publish it.
5. Of His Blessings.
ALthough my Lord hath been one of the most Unfortunate Persons of his Rank and
Quality, which this later age did produce; yet Heaven hath been so propitious
to him, that it bestowed some blessings upon him even in the midst of his
Misfortunes, and supported him against Fortunes Malice, which otherwise, as it
seems, had designed his total ruin and destruction: Of these Blessings I may
name in the first place,
1. The Royal Favours of His Gracious Soveraign's, and the good esteem they had
of his Fidelity and Loyalty; which as it was the chief of his endeavours, so he
esteemed it above all the rest. To repeat them particularly would be too
tedious, and they are sufficiently apparent out of the precedent History; only
this I may add, that King Charles the First, out of a singular Favour to my
Lord, was pleased upon his most humble request, to create several Noble-men;
the Names of them, left I commit an offence, I shall not mention, by reason
most men usually pretend such claims upon the Ground of their own Merit.
2. That God was pleased to bless him with Wealth and Power, to enable him the
better for the service of his King and Country.
3. That he made him happy in his Marriage; (for his first Wife was a very
kind, loving and Virtuous Lady) and blessed him with Dutiful and Obedient
Children, free from Vices, Noble and Generous both in there Natures and Actions;
who did all that lay in their power to support and relieve my Lord their Father
in his Banishment, as before is mentioned.
4. The Kindness and Civility which my Lord received from Strangers, and the
Inhabitants of those places, where he lived during the time of his Banishment;
for had it not been for them, he would have perished in his extreme wants; but
it pleased God so to provide for him, that although he wanted an Estate, yet he
wanted not Credit; and although he was banished and forsaken by his own Friends
and Countrymen, yet he was civilly received and relieved by strangers, until
God blessed him,
Lastly, With a happy return to his Native Country, his dear Children, and his
own Estate; which although he found much ruined and broke, yet by his Prudence
and Wisdom, hath ordered as well as he could; and I hope, and pray God to add
this blessing to all the rest, That he may live long to increase it for the
benefit of his Posterity.
6. Of his Honours and Dignities.
THe Honours, Titles and Dignities which were conferred upon my Lord, by King
Iames, King Charles the First, and King Charles the Second, partly as an
encouragement for future Service, and a Reward for past, are following.
1. He was made Knight of the Bath, when he was but 15 or 16 years of Age, at
the Creation of Henry, Prince of Wales, King Iames's Eldest Son. 2. King Iames
Created him Viscount Mansfield, and Baron of Bolsover. 3. King Charles the
First constituted him Lord Lieutenant of Nottinghamshire, and 4. Lord Warden of
the Forest of Sherwood; as also, 5. Lord Lieutenant of Derby-shire. 6. He
chose him Governor to His Son Charles, our now gracious King; and 7. Made him
one of his Honourable Privy Council. 8. He constituted him Governor of the
Town and County of Newcastle, and General of all His Majesties Forces raised,
and to be raised in the Northern parts of England; as also of the several
Counties of Nottingham, Lincoln, Rutland, Derby, Stafford, Leicester, Warwick,
Northampton, Huntington, Cambridg, Norfolk, Sussex, Essex and Hereford,
together with all the Appurtenances belonging to so great a Power, as is
formerly declared. 9. He conferred upon him the Honour and Title of Earl of
Newcastle, and Baron of Bothal and Hepple. 10. He created him Marquess of
Newcastle. 11. His Majesty King CHARLEs the Second, was pleased, when my Lord
was in banishment, to make him Knight of the most Noble Order of the Garter;
And 12. After his Return into England, Chief Justice in Eyre Trent-North. 13.
He created him Duke of Newcastle, and Earl of Ogle.
7. Of the Entertainments He made for King CHARLES the First.
THough my Lord hath always been free and noble in his Entertainments and
Feastings, yet he was pleased to show his great Affection and Duty to his
Gracious King, Charles the First, and Her Majesty the Queen, in some particular
Entertainments which he made of purpose for them before the late Wars.
When His Majesty was going into Scotland to be Crowned, he took His way
through Nottinghamshire; and lying at Worksop-Mannor, hardly two miles distant
from Welbeck, where my Lord then was, my Lord invited His Majesty thither to a
Dinner, which he was graciously pleased to accept of: This Entertainment cost
my Lord between Four and Five thousand pounds; which His Majesty liked so well,
that a year after His Return out of Scotland, He was pleased to send my Lord
word, That Her Majesty the Queen was resolved to make a Progress into the
Northern parts, desiring him to prepare the like Entertainment for Her, as he
had formerly done for Him: Which My Lord did, and endeavoured for it with all
possible Care and Indudustry, sparing nothing that might add splendour to that
Feast, which both Their Majesties were pleased to honour with their Presence:
Ben Iohnson he employed in fitting such Scenes and Speeches as he could best
devise; and sent for all the Gentry of the Country to come and wait on their
Majesties; and in short, did all that ever he could imagine, to render it
Great, and worthy Their Royal Acceptance.
This Entertainment he made at Bolsover-Castle in Derbyshire, some five miles
distant from Welbeck, and resigned Welbeck for Their Majesties Lodging; it cost
him in all between Fourteen and Fifteen thousand pounds.
Besides these two, there was another small Entertainment which my Lord
prepared for His late Majesty, in his own Park at Welbeck, when His Majesty
came down, with his two Nephews, the now Prince Elector Palatine, and His
Brother Prince Rupert, into the Forest of Sherwood; which cost him Fifteen
hundred pounds.
And this I mention not out of a vain-glory, but to declare the great love and
Duty, my Lord had for His Gracious King and Queen, and to correct the mistakes
committed by some Historians, who not being rightly informed of those
Entertainments, make the World believe Falsehood for Truth. But as I said, they
were made before the Wars, when my Lord had the possessiou of a great Estate,
and wanted nothing to express his Love and Duty to his Sovereign in that
manner; whereas now he should be much to seek to do the like, his Estate being
so much ruined by the late Civil Wars, that neither himself nor his Posterity
will be able so soon to recover it.
8. His Education.
HIs Education was according to his Birth; for as he was born a Gentleman, so
he was bred like a Gentleman. To School-Learning he never showed a great
inclination; for though he was sent to the University, and was a Student of St.
Iohn's College in Cambridg, and had his Tutors to instruct him; yet they could
not persuade him to read or study much, he taking more delight in sports, then
in learning; so that his Father being a wise man, and seeing that his Son had a
good natural Wit, and was of a very good Disposition, suffered him to follow
his own Genius; whereas his other Son Charles, in whom he found a greater love
and inclination to Learning, he encouraged as much that way, as possibly he
could.
One time it happened that a young Gentleman, one of my Lord's Relations, had
bought some Land, at the same time when my Lord had bought a Singing-Boy for 50
l. a Horse for 50 l. and a Dog for 2 l. which humour his Father Sir Charles
liked so well, that he was pleased to say, That if he should find his Son to be
so covetous, that he would buy Land before he was 20 years of Age, he would
disinherit him. But above all the rest, my Lord had a great inclination to the
Art of Horsemanship and Weapons, in which later, his Father Sir Charles, being
a most ingenuous and unparalleled Master of that Age, was his only Tutor, and
kept him also several Masters in the Art of Horsemanship, and sent him to the
Mewse to Mons. Antoine, who was then accounted the best Master in that Art. But
my Lord's delight in those Heroic Exercises was such, that he soon became
Master thereof Himself, which increased much his Father's hopes of his future
perfections, who being himself a person of a Noble and Heroic nature, was
extremely well pleased to observe his Son take delight in such Arts and
Exercises as were proper and fit for a person of Quality.
9. His Natural Wit and Understanding.
ALthough my Lord has not so much of Scholarship and Learning as his Brother
Sir Charles Cavendish had, yet he hath an excellent Natural Wit and Judgment,
and dives into the bottom of every thing; as it is evidently apparent in the
forementioned Art of Horsemanship and Weapons, which by his own ingenuity he
has reformed and brought to such perfection, as never any one has done
heretofore: And though he is no Mathematician by Art, yet he hath a very good
Mathematical brain, to demonstrate Truth by natural reason, and is both a good
Natural and Moral Philosopher, not by reading Philosophical Books, but by his
own Natural Understanding and Observation, by which he hath found out many
Truths.
To pass by several other instances, I'll but mention, that when my Lord was at
Paris, in his Exile, it happened one time, that he discoursing with some of his
Friends, amongst whom was also that Learned Philosopher Hobbes, they began
amongst the rest, to argue upon this subject, namely, Whether it mere possible
to make Man by Art fly as Birds do; and when some of the Company had delivered
their Opinion, viz. That they thought it probable to be done by the help of
Artificial Wings: My Lord declared, that he deemed it altogether impossible,
and demonstrared it by this following Reason: Man's Arms, said he, are not set
on his shoulders in the same manner as Bird's wings are; for that part of the
Arm which joins to the Shoulder, is in Man placed inward, as towards the
breast, but in Birds outward, as toward the back; which difference and contrary
position or shape, hinders that man cannot have the same flying-action with his
Arms, as Birds have with their Wings; Which Argument Mr. Hobbes liked so well,
that he was pleased to make use of it in one of his Books called Leviathan, if
I remember well.
Some other time they falling into a Discourse concerning Witches, Mr. Hobbes
said, That though he could not rationally believe there were Witches, yet he
could not be fully satisfied to believe there were none, by reason they would
themselves confess it, if strictly examined.
To which my Lord answered, That though for his part he cared not whether there
were Witches or no; yet his Opinion was, That the Confession of Witches, and
their suffering for it, proceeded from an Erroneous Belief, viz. That they had
made a Contract with the Devil to serve him for such Rewards as were in his
Power to give them; and that it was their Religion to worship and adore him; in
which Religion they had such a firm and constant belief, that if any thing came
to pass according to their desire, they believed the Devil had heard their
prayers, and granted their requests, for which they gave him thanks; but if
things fell out contrary to their prayers and desires, then they were troubled
at it, fearing they had offended him, or not served him as they ought, and
asked him forgiveness for their offences. Also (said my Lord) they imagine that
their Dreams are real exterior actions; for example, if they dream they fly in
the Air, or out of the Chimney top, or that they are turned into several
shapes, they believe no otherwise, but that it is really so: And this wicked
Opinion makes them industrious to perform such Ceremonies to the Devil, that
they adore and worship him as their God, and choose to live and dye for him.
Thus my Lord declared himself concerning Witches, which Mr. Hobbes was also
pleased to insert in his fore-mentioned Book: But yet my Lord doth not count
this Opinion of his so universal, as if there were none but imaginary Witches;
for he doth not speak but of such a sort of Witches as make it their Religion
to worship the Devil in the manner aforesaid. Nor doth he think it a Crime to
entertain what Opinion seems most probable to him, in things indifferent; for
in such cases men may discourse and argue as they please, to exercise their
Wit, and may change and alter their Opinions upon more probable Grounds and
Reasons; whereas in Fundamental matters both of Church and State, he is so
strict an Adherent to them, that he will never maintain or defend such Opinions
which are in the least prejudicial to either.
One proof more I'll add to confirm his Natural Understanding and Judgment,
which was upon some Discourse I held with him one time, concerning that famous
Chemist Van Helmont, who in his Writings is very invective against the
School-men, and amongst the rest, accuses them for taking the Radical moisture
for the fat of Animal Bodies. Whereupon my Lord answered, That surely the
Schoolmen men were too wise to commit such an Error; for, said he, the Radical
moisture is not the fat or tallow of an Animal, but an Oily and Balsamous
Substance; for the fat and tallow, as also the watery parts, are cold; whereas
the Oily and Balsamous parts, have at all times a lively heat; which makes that
those Creatures which have much of that Oil or Balsom, are long-liv'd, and
appear young; and not only Animals, but also Vegetables, which have much of
that Oil or Balsom, as Ivy, Baize, Laurel, Holly, and the like, live long, and
appear fresh and green, not only in Winter, but when they are old. Then I
asked my Lord's Opinion concerning the Radical heat: To which he answered, That
the Radical heat lived in the Radical moisture; and when the one decayed, the
other decayed also; and then was produced either an unnatural heat, which
caused an unnatural dryness; or an unnatural moisture, which caused Dropsies,
and these, an unnatural coldness.
Lastly; His Natural Wit appears by his delight in Poetry; for I may justly
call him the best Lyrick and Dramatic Poet of this Age: His Comedies do
sufficiently show his great Observation and Judgment, for they are composed of
these three Ingredients, viz. Wit, Humour and Satire; and his chief Design in
them, is to divulge and laugh at the follies of Mankind; to persecute Vice, and
to encourage Virtue.
10. Of his Natural Humour and Disposition.
MY Lord may justly be compared to Titus the Deliciae of Mankind, by reason of
his sweet, gentle and obliging Nature; for though his Wisdom and Experience
found it impossible to please all men, because of their different humours and
dispositions; yet his Nature is such, that he will be sorry when he sees that
men are displeased with him out of their own ill Natures, without any cause;
for he loves all that are his Friends, and hates none that are his Enemies: He
is a Loyal Subject, a kind Husband, a Loving Father, a Generous Master, and a
Constant Friend.
His natural Love to his Parents has been so great, that I have heard him say,
he would most willingly, and without the lest repining, have begged for his
daily relief, so God would but have let his Parents live.
He is true and just both in his words and actions, and has no mean or petty
Designs, but they are all just and honest.
He condemns not upon Report, but upon Proof; nor judges by Words, but Actions;
he forgets not past Service, for present Advantage; but gives a present Reward
to a present Desert.
He hath a great Power over his Passions, and hath had the greatest trials
thereof; for certainly He must of necessity have a great share of Patience,
that can forgive so many falfe, treacherous, malicious and ungrateful Persons
as he hath done; but he is so wise, that his Passion never out-runs his
Patience, nor his Extravagancies his Prudence; and although his Private Enemies
have been numerous, yet I verily believe, there is never a subject more
generally beloved then He is.
He hates Pride and loves Humility; is civil to Strangers, kind to his
Acquaintance, and respectful to all persons, according to their Quality; He
never regards Place, except it be for Ceremony: To the meanest person he'll put
off his Hat, and suffer every body to speak to him.
He never refuses any Petition, but accepts them; and being informed of the
business, will give a just, and as much as lies in him, a favourable answer to
the Petitioning Party.
He easily Pardons, and bountifully Rewards; and always praises particular men's
Virtues, but covers their Faults with silence.
He is full of Charity and Compassion to persons that are in misery, and full
of Clemency and Mercy; in so much, that when he was General of a great Army, he
would never sit in Council himself upon Causes of Life and Death, but granted
Pardon to many Delinquents that were condemned by his Council of War; so that
some were forced to Petition him not to do it, by reason it was an ill
president for others. To which my Lord merrily answered, That if they did hang
all, they would leave him none to fight.
His Courage he always showed in Action, more then in Words, for he would
Fight, but not Rant.
He is not Vain-glorious to heighten or brag of his Heroic Actions; Witness
that great Victory upon Atherton-moor, after which he would not suffer his
Trumpets to sound, but came quietly and silently into the City of York, for
which he would certainly have been blamed by those that make a great noise upon
small causes; and love to be applauded, though their actions little deserve it.
His noble Bounty and Generosity is so manifest to all the World, that I should
light a Candle to the Sun, if I should strive to illustrate it; for he has no
self-designs or self-interest, but will rather wrong and injure himself then
others. To give you but one proof of this noble Virtue, it is known, that where
he hath a legal right to Felons Goods, as he hath in a great part of his
Estate, yet he never took or exacted more then some inconsiderable share for
acknowledgment of his Right; saying, That he was resolved never to grow rich by
other men's misfortunes.
In short, I know him not addicted to any manner of Vice, except that he has
been a great lover and admirer of the Female Sex; which whether it be so great
a crime as to condemn him for it; I'll leave to the judgment of young Gallants
and beautiful Ladies.
11. Of His outward Shape and Behaviour.
HIs Shape is neat, and exactly proportioned; his Stature of a middle size, and
his Complexion sanguine.
His Behaviour is such, that it might be a Pattern for all Gentlemen; for it is
Courtly, Civil, easy and free, without Formality or Constraint; and yet hath
something in it of grandeur, that causes an awful respect towards him.
12. Of His Discourse.
HIs Discourse is as free and unconcerned, as his Behaviour, Pleasant, Witty,
and Instructive; He is quick in Reparties or sudden answers, and hates dubious
disputes, and premeditated Speeches. He loves also to intermingle his Discourse
with some short pleasant stories, and witty sayings, and always names the
Author from whom he hath them; for he hates to make another man's Wit his own.
13. Of His HABIT.
HE accouters his Person according to the Fashion, if it be one that is not
troublesome and uneasy for men of Heroic Exercises and Actions. He is neat
and cleanly; which makes him to be somewhat long in dressing, though not so
long as many effeminate persons are. He shifts ordinarily once a day, and every
time when he uses Exercise, or his temper is more hot then ordinary.
14. Of His DIET.
IN his Diet he is so sparing and temperate, that he never eats nor drinks
beyond his set proportion, so as to satisfy only his natural appetite: He
makes but one Meal a day, at which he drinks two good Glasses of Small-Beer,
one about the beginning, the other at the end thereof, and a little Glass of
Sack in the middle of his Dinner; which Glass of Sack he also uses in the
morning for his Breakfast, with a Morsel of Bread. His Supper consists of an
Egg, and a draught of Small-beer. And by this Temperance he finds himself very
healthful, and may yet live many years, he being now of the Age of Seventy
three, which I pray God from my soul, to grant him.
15. His Recreation and Exercise.
HIS prime Pastime and Recreation hath always been the Exercise of Manage and
Weapons; which Heroic Arts he used to practise every day; but I observing that
when he had over-heated himself, he would be apt to take cold, prevailed so
far, that at last he left the frequent use of the Manage, using nevertheless
still the Exercise of Weapons; and though he doth not ride himself so
frequently as he hath done; yet he takes delight in seeing his Horses of
Manage rid by his Escuyers, whom he instructs in that Art for his own
pleasure. But in the Art of Weapons (in which he has a method beyond all that
ever were famous in it, found out by his own Ingenuity and Practice) he never
taught any body, but the now Duke of Buckingham, whose Guardian He hath been,
and his own two Sons.
The rest of his time he spends in Music, Poetry, Architecture and the like.
16. Of His Pedigree.
HAving made promise in the beginning of the first Book, that I would join a
more large Description of the Pedigree of my Noble Lord and Husband, to the end
of the History of his life: I shall now discharge my self; and though I could
derive it from a longer time, and reckon up a great many of his Ancestors, even
from the time of William the Conqueror, He being descended from the most
ancient family of the Gernouns, as Cambden relates in his Britannia, in the
Description of Derbyshire; yet it being a work fitter for Heralds, I shall
proceed no further then his Grandfather, and show you only those noble
Families which my Lord is allied to by his Birth.
My Lord's Grandfather, by his Father, (as is formerly mentioned) was Sir
William Cavendish, Privy-Counsellor and Treasurer of the Chamber to King Henry
the Eighth, Edward the Sixth, and Queen Mary; who married two Wives; by the
first he had only two Daughters; but by the second, Elizabeth, who was my
Lords Grandmother, he had three Sons and four Daughters, whereof one Daughter
died young. She was Daughter to Iohn Hardwick of Hardwick, in the County of
Derby, Esq and had four Husbands: The first was -- Barlow Esq who died before
they were bedded together, they being both very young. The second was Sir
William Cavendish, my Lord's Grandfather, who being somewhat in years, married
her chiefly for her beauty; she had so much power in his affection, that she
persuaded him to sell his Estate which he had in the Southern parts of England
(for he was very rich) and buy an Estate in the Northern parts, viz. in
Derbyshire, and thereabout, where her own friends and kindred lived, which he
did; and having there settled himself, upon her further persuasion, built a
Mannor-house in the same County, called Chattesworth, which, as I have heard,
cost first and last above 80000 l. sterling. But before this House was
finished, he died, and left six Children, viz. three Sons and three Daughters,
which before they came to be marriageable, she married a third Husband, Sir
William St Loo Captain of the Guard to Queen Elizabeth, and Grand Butler of
England; who dying without Issue, she married a fourth Husband, George Earl of
Shrewsbury, by whom she left no Issue.
The Children which she had by her second Husband, Sir William Cavendish, being
grown marriageable; the eldest Son Henry, married Grace the youngest Daughter
of his Father in Law, the said George Earl of Shrewsbury, which he had by his
former Wife Gertrude, Daughter of Thomas Manners, Earl of Rutland, but died
without Issue.
The second Son William, after Earl of Devonshire, had two Wives; the first was
an Heiress, by whom he had Children, but all died save one Son, whose name was
also William, Earl of Devonshire: His second Wife was Widow to Sir Edward
Wortly, who had several Children by her first Husband, and but one Son by the
said Will. Cavendish, after Earl of Devonshire, who dyed young.
His Son by his first Wife, ( William Earl of Devonshire) married Christian,
Daughter of Edward Lord Bruce, a Scots-man, by whom he had two Sons, and one
Daughter; the Eldest Son William, now Earl of Devonshire, married Elizabeth,
the second Daughter of William Earl of Salisbury, by whom he has three
children, viz. Two Sons and one Daughter, whereof the Eldest Son William is
married to the second Daughter of Iames now Duke of Ormond; the second Son
Charles is yet a youth: The Daughter Anne married the Lord Rich, the only Son
and Child to Charles now Earl of Warwick; but he dyed without Issue.
The second Son of William Earl of Devonshire, and Brother to the now Earl of
Devonshire, was unfortunately slain in the late Civil Wars, as is before
mentioned.
The Daughter of the said William Earl of D evonshire, Sister to the now Earl
of D evonshire, married Robert Lord Rich, Eldest Son to Robert Earl of Warwick,
by whom she had but one Son, who married, but dyed without Issue.
The third and youngest Son of Sir William Cavendish, Charles Cavendish, (my
Lord's Father) had two Wives; the first was Daughter and Coheir to Sir Thomas
Kidson, who dyed a year after her Marriage, without issue: The second was the
younger Daughter of Cuthbert Lord Ogle, and after her Elder and only Sister
Iane, Wife to Edward Earl of Shrewsbury, who dyed without Issue, became Heir to
her Father's Estate and Title; by whom he had three Sons; whereof the eldest
dyed in his Infancy; the second was William, my dear Lord and Husband; the
third, Charles, who dyed a Bachelor about the age of Sixty three.
My Lord hath had two Wives; the first was Elizabeth, Daughter and Heir to
William Basset of Bloore, in the County of Stafford, Esq and Widow to Henry
Howard, younger Son to Thomas Earl of Suffolk; by whom he had ten Children,
viz. Five Sons, and five Daughters; whereof five, viz. three Sons, and two
Daughters, dyed young; the rest, viz. Two Sons and three Daughters, came to be
married.
His Elder Son, Charles, Viscount of Mansfield, married the Eldest Daughter and
Heir of Mr. Richard Rogers, by whom he had but one Daughter, who dyed soon
after her birth; and he dyed also without any other Issue.
His second Son Henry, now Earl of Ogle, married Francis the eldest Daughter of
Mr. William Pierrepont, by whom he hath had three Sons, and four Daughters; two
Sons were born before their narural time; the third, Henry Lord Mansfield is
alive: The four Daughters are, the Lady Elizabeth, Lady Frances, Lady Margaret,
and Lady Catharine.
My Lords three Daughters were thus married; The eldest, Lady Iane, married
Charles Cheiney, Esq descended of a very noble and ancient Family; by whom she
hath one Son and two Daughters. The second, Lady Elizabeth, married Iohn now
Earl of Bridgwater, then Lord Brackly, and eldest Son to Iohn then Earl of
Bridgwater; who died in Childbed, and left five Sons, and one Daughter, whereof
the eldest Son Iohn Lord Brackly, married the Lady Elizabeth, only Daughter
and Child to Iames then Earl of Middlesex.
My Lords third Daughter, the Lady Frances, married Oliver Earl of
Bullingbrook, and hath had no Child yet.
After the death of my Lords first Wife, who died the 17 th of April, in the
Year 1643, he married me, Margaret, Daughter to Thomas Lucas of St. Iohns near
Colchester, in Essex, Esquire; but hath no Issue by me.
And this is the Posterity of the three Sons of Sir William Cavendish, my Lords
Grandfather by his Fathers side; The three Daughters were disposed of as
follows:
The eldest, Frances Cavendish, married Sir Henry Pierrepont of Holm
Pierrepont, in the County of Nottingham, by whom she had two Sons, whereof the
first died young; The second, Robert, after Earl of Kingston upon Hull, married
Gertrude, the eldest Daughter, and Co-heir to Henry Talbot, fourth Son to
George Earl of Shrewsbury, by whom he had five Sons and three Daughters,
whereof the eldest Son, Henry, now Marquess of Dorchester, hath had two Wives;
the first Cecilia, Eldest Daughter to the Lord Viscount Bayning, by whom he had
several Children, of which there are living only two Daughters; the eldest
Anne, who married Iohn Rosse, only Son to Iohn now Earl of Rutland; the
second, Grace, who is unmarried. His second Wife was Catharine, second Daughter
to Iames Earl of Derby, by whom he has no Issue living.
The second Son of the Earl of Kingston, William, married the sole Daughter and
Heir of Sir Thomas Harries, by whom he had Issue five Sons, and five Daughters,
whereof two Sons and two Daugters died unmarried: The other six are,
Robert the Eldest, who married Elizabeth, Daughter and Co-heir to Sir Iohn
Evelyne, by whom he has three Sons, and one Daughter. The second Son George,
and the third Gervas, are yet unmarried.
The eldest Daughter of William Pierrepont, Frances, is married to my Lords now
only Son and Heir, Henry Earl of Ogle, as before is mentioned.
The second, Grace, is married to Gilbert now Earl of Clare, by whom he hath
Issue, Two sons, and three daughters.
The third, Gertrude, is unmarried.
The third son of the Earl of Kingston, Francis Pierrepont, married Elizabeth
the eldest daughter of Mr. Bray, by whom he had Issue, one son, and one
daughter; the son, Robert, married Anne the daughter of Henry Murray. The
daughter, Frances, married William Pagatt, eldest son to William Lord Pagatt.
The fourth son of the Earl of Kingston, Gervase, is unmarried.
The fifth son, George Pierrepont, married the daughter of Mr. Ionas, by whom
he had two sons unmarried, Henry and Samuel.
The three daughters of the said Earl of Kingston, are, Frances the eldest, who
was married to Philip Rowleston; the second, Mary, dyed young; the third,
Elizabeth, is unmarried.
The second daughter of Sir William Cavendish, Elizabeth, married the Earl of
Lennox, Uncle to King Iames; by whom she had only one daughter, the Lady
Arabella, who against King Iame's Commands (she being after Him and His
Children, the next Heir to the Crown) married William, the second son to the
Earl of Hereford; for which she was put into the Tower, where not long after
she dyed.
The youngest daughter Mary Cavendish, married Glbert Talbot, second son to
George Earl of Shrewsbury; who after the decease of his Father, and his elder
Brother Francis, who dyed without Issue, became Earl of Shrewsbury; by whom she
had Issue, four sons, and three daughters; the sons all dyed in their Infancy,
but the daughters were married.
The eldest, Mary Talbot, married William Herbert, Earl of Pembroke, by whom
(some eighteen years after her Marriage) she had one son, who dyed young.
The second daughter, Elizabeth, married Sir H enry G ray, after Earl of Kent,
(the fourth Earl of England) by whom she had no Issue.
The third and youngest daughter Aletheia, married Thomas Howard Earl of
Arundel, the first Earl, and Earl-Marshal of England; by whom she left two
sons, Iames, who died beyond the seas without Issue; and H enry, who married
Elizabeth, daughter of Esme Stuart, Duke of Lennox; by whom he had Issue,
several sons, and one daughter; whereof the eldest son, Thomas, (since the
Restoration of King Charles the Second) was restored to the Dignity of his
Ancestors, viz. Duke of Norfolk, next to the Royal Family, the first Duke of
England.
And this is briefly the Pedigree of my dear Lord and Husband, from his
Grandfather by his Fathers side; concerning his Kindred and alliances by his
Mother, who was Katherine, Daughter to Cuthbert Lord Ogle, they are so many,
that it is impossible for me to enumerate them all, My Lord being by his Mother
related to the chief of the most ancient Families of Northumberland, and other
the Northern parts; only this I may mention, that My Lord is a Peer of the
Realm, from the first year of King Edward the Fourth his Reign.
THE FOURTH BOOK: Containing several Essays and Discourses Gathered from the
Mouth of MY NOBLE LORD and HVSBAND. With some few Notes of mine own.
I have heard My Lord say,
I.
THat those which command the Wealth of a Kingdom, command the hearts and hands
of the People.
II.
That He is a great Monarch, who hath a Sovereign Command over Church, Laws and
Arms; and He a wise Monarch, that employs his subjects for their own profit,
(for their profit is his) encourages Tradesmen, and assists and defends
Merchants.
III.
That it is a part of Prudence in a Commonwealth or Kingdom to encourage
drayners; for drowned Lands are only fit to maintain and increase some wild
Ducks, whereas being drained, they are able to afford nourishment and food to
Cattle, besides the producing of several sorts of Fruit and Corn.
IV.
That without a well ordered force, a Prince doth but reign upon the courtesy
of others.
V.
That great Princes should not suffer their chief Cities to be stronger then
themselves.
VI.
That great Princes are half-armed, when their subjects are unarmed, unless it
be in time of Foreign Wars.
VII.
That that Prince is richest, who is Master of the Purse; and he strongest that
is Master of the Arms; and he wisest that can tell how to save the one, and
use the other.
VIII.
That Great Princes should be the only Pay-Masters of their Soldiers, and pay
them out of their own Treasuries; for all men follow the Purse; and so they'll
have both the Civil and Martial Power in their hands.
IX.
That Great Monarchs should rather study men, then Books; for all affairs or
business are amongst Men.
X.
That a Prince should advance Foreign Trade or Traffic to the utmost of his
Power, because no State or Kingdom can be Rich without it; and where Subjects
are poor, the Sovereign can have but little.
XI.
That Trade and Traffic brings Honey to the Hive; that is to say, Riches to
the Commonwealth; whereas other Professions are so far from that, that they
rather rob the Commonwealth, instead of enriching it.
XII.
That it is not so much unseasonable Weather that makes the Country complain
of Scarcity, but want of Commerce; for whenever Commodities are cheap, it is
a sign that Commerce is decayed; because the cheapness of them, shows a
scarcity of money; for example, put the case five men came to Market to buy a
Horse, and each of them had no more but ten pounds, the Seller can receive no
more then what the Buyer has, but must content himself with those ten pounds,
if he be necessitated to sell his Horse: But if each one of the Buyers had an
hundred pounds to lay out for a Horse, the Seller might receive as much. Thus
Commodities are cheap or dear, according to the plenty or scarcity of money;
and though we had Mines of Gold and Silver at home, and no Traffic into
Foreign parts, yet we should want necessaries from other Nations, which proves
that no Nation can live or subsist well, without Foreign Trade and Commerce;
for God and Nature have ordered it so, That no particular Nation is provided
with all things.
XIII.
That Merchants by carrying out more Commodities then they bring in; that is to
say, by selling more then they buy, do enrich a State or Kingdom with money,
that hath none in its own bowels; but what Kingdom or State soever hath Mines
of Gold and Silver, there Merchants buy more then they sell, to furnish and
accommodate it with necessary provisions.
XIV.
That debasing, and setting a higher value upon money, is but a present shift
of poor and needy Princes; and doth more hurt for the future, then good for the
present.
XV.
That Foreign Commerce causes frequent Voyages; and frequent Voyages make
skilful and experienced Sea-men, and Skilful Seamen are a Brazen Wall to an
Island.
XVI.
That he is the Powerfullest Monarch that hath the best shipping; and that a
Prince should hinder his Neighbours as much as he can, from being strong at
Sea.
XVII.
That wise States-men ought to understand the Laws, Customs and Trade of the
Commonwealth, and have good intelligence both of Foreign Transactions and
Designs, and of Domestic Factions; also they ought to have a Treasury, and
well-furnished Magazine.
XVIII.
That it is a great matter in a State or Kingdom, to take care of the Education
of Youth, to breed them so, that they may know first how to obey, and then how
to command and order affairs wisely.
XIX.
That it is great Wisdom in a State, to breed and train up good States men: As,
first, To let them be some time at the Universities: Next, To put them to the
Innes of Court, that they may have some knowledge of the Laws of the Land; then
to send them to travel with some Ambassador, in the quality of Secretary; and
let them be Agents or Residents in Foreign Countries. Fourthly, To make them
Clerks of the Signet, or Council: And lastly, To make them Secretaries of
State, or give them some other Employment in State-Affairs.
XX.
That there should be more Praying, and less Preaching; for much Preaching
breeds Faction; but much Praying causes Devotion.
XXI.
That young people should be frequently Catechised, and that Wise Men rather
then Learned, should be chosen heads of Schools and Colleges.
XXII.
That the more divisions there are in Church and State, the more trouble and
confusion is apt to ensue: Wherefore too many Controversies and Disputes in the
one, and too many Law-Cases and Pleadings in the other ought to be avoided and
suppressed.
XXIII.
That Disputes and Factions amongst States-men, are fore-runners of future
disorders, if not total ruins.
XXIV.
That all Books of Controversies should be writ in Latin, that none but the
Learned may read them, and that there should be no Disputations but in Schools,
lest it breed Factions amongst the Vulgar; for Disputations and Controversies
are a kind of Civil War, maintained by the Pen, and often draw out the sword
soon after; Also that all Prayer-Books should be writ in the native Language;
that Excommunications should not be too frequent for every little and petty
trespass; that every Clergy-man should be kind and loving to his Parishioners,
not proud and quarrelsome.
XXV.
That Ceremony is nothing in it self, and yet doth every thing; for without
Ceremony there would be no distinction neither in Church nor State.
XXVI.
That Orders and Professions ought not to entrench upon each other, lest in
time they make a confusion amongst themselves.
XXVII.
That in a Well-ordered State or Government, care should be taken lest any
degree or profession whatsoever swell too big, or grow too numerous, it being
not only a hinderance to those of the same profession, but a burden to the
Commonwealth, which cannot be well if it exceeds in extremes.
XXVIII.
That the Taxes should not be above the riches of the Commonwealth, for that
must upon necessity breed Factions and Civil Wars, by reason a general poverty
united, is far more dangerous then a private Purse; for though their Wealth be
small, yet their Unity and Combination makes them strong; so that being armed
with necessity, they become outrageous with despair.
XXIX.
That Heavy Taxes upon Farms, ruin the Nobility and Gentry; for if the Tenant
be poor, the Landlord cannot be rich, he having nothing but his Rents to live
on.
XXX.
That it is not so much Laws and Religion, nor Rhetoric, that keeps a State or
Kingdom in order, but Arms; which if they be not employed to an evil use, keep
up the right and privileges both of Crown, Church and State.
XXXI.
That no equivocations should be used either in Church or Law; for the one
causes several Opinions to the disturbance of men's Consciences; the other long
and tedious Suits, to the disturbance of men's private Affairs; and both do
oftentimes ruin and impoverish the State.
XXXII.
That in Cases of Robberies and Murders, it is better to be severe, then
merciful; for the hanging of a few, will save the lives and Purses of many.
XXXIII.
That many Laws do rather entrap, then help the subject.
XXXIV.
That no Martial Law should be executed, but in an Army.
XXXV.
That the Sheriffs in this Kingdom of England have been so expensive in
Liveries and Entertainments in the time of their Sherifalty, as it hath ruined
many Families that had but indifferent Estates.
XXXVI.
That the cutting down of Timber in the time of Rebellion, has been an
inestimable loss to this Kingdom, by reason of Shipping; for though Timber
might be had out of Foreign Countries that would serve for the building of
Ships, yet there is none of such a temper as our English Oak; it being not
only strong and large, but not apt to splint, which renders the Ships of other
Nations much inferior to ours; and that therefore it would be very beneficial
for the Kingdom, to set out some Lands for the bearing of such Oaks, by sowing
of Acorns, and then transplanting them; which would be like a Store-house for
shipping, and bring an incomparable benefit to the Kingdom, since in Shipping
consists our greatest strength, they being the only Walls that defend an
Island.
XXXVII.
That the Nobility and Gentry in this Kingdom, have done themselves a great
injury, by giving away (out of a petty pride) to the Commonalty, the power of
being Juries and Justices of Peace; for certainly they cannot but understand,
that that must of necessity be an act of great Consequence and Power, which
concerns men's Lives, Lands and Estates.
XXXVIII.
That it is no act of Prudence to make poor and mean persons Governors or
Commanders, either by Land or Sea; by reason their poverty causes them to take
Bribes, and so betray their Trust; at best, they are apt to extort, which is a
great grievance to the people; besides, it breeds envy in the Nobility and
Gentry, who by that means rise into Factions, and cause disturbances in a State
or Commonwealth: Wherefore the best way is to choose Rich and Honourable
Persons, (or at least, Gentlemen) for such Employments, who esteem Fame and
Honourable Actions, above their Lives; and if they want skill, they must get
such under-Officers as have more then themselves, to instruct them.
XXXIX.
That great Princes should consider, before they make War against Foreign
Nations, whether they be able to maintain it; for if they be not able, then it
is better to submit to an honourable Peace, then to make War to their great
disadvantage; but if they be able to maintain War, then they'll force (in time)
their Enemies to submit and yield to what Terms and Conditions they please.
XL.
That, when a State or Government is ensnarled and troubled, it is more easy
to raise the common people to a Factious Mutiny, then to draw them to a Loyal
Duty.
XLI.
That in a Kingdom where Subjects are apt to rebel, no Offices or Commands
should be sold; for those that buy, will not only use extortion, and practise
unjust ways to make out their purchase, but be ablest to rebel, by reason they
are more for private gain, then the public good; for it is probable their
Principles are like their Purchases.
But, that all Magistrates, Officers, Commanders, Heads and Rulers, in what
Profession soever, both in Church and State, should be chosen according to
their Abilities, Wisdom, Courage, Piety, Justice, Honesty and Loyalty; and then
they'll mind the public Good, more then their particular Interest.
XLII.
That those which have Politic Designs, are for the most part dishonest, by
reason their Designs tend more to Interest, then Justice.
XLIII.
That Great Princes should only have Great, Noble and Rich Persons to attend
them, whose Purses and Power may always be ready to assist them.
XLIV.
That a Poor Nobility is apt to be Factious; and a Numerous Nobility is a
burden to a Commonwealth.
XLV.
That in a Monarchical Government, to be for the King, is to be for the
Commonwealth; for when Head and Body are divided, the Life of Happiness dies,
and the Soul of Peace is departed.
XLVI.
That, as it is a great Error in a State to have all Affairs put into Gazettes,
(for it over-heats the peoples brains, and makes them neglect their private
Affairs, by over-busying themselves with State-business;) so it is great Wisdom
for a Council of State to have good Intelligences (although they be bought with
great Cost and Charges) as well of Domestic, as Foreign Affairs and
Transactions, and to keep them in private for the benefit of the Commonwealth.
XLVII.
That there is no better Policy for a Prince to please his People, then to have
many Holy-dayes for their ease, and order several Sports and Pastimes for their
Recreation, and to be himself sometime Spectator thereof; by which means he'll
not only gain love and respect from the people, but busy their minds in
harmless actions, sweeten their Natures, and hinder them from Factious Designs.
XLVIII.
That it is more difficult and dangerous for a Prince or Commander to raise an
Army in such a time when the Country is embroiled in a Civil War, then to
lead out an Army to fight a Battle; for when an Army is raised, he hath
strength; but in raising it, he hath none.
XLIX.
That good Commanders, and experienced Soldiers, are like skilful Fencers, who
defend with Prudence, and assault with Courage, and kill their Enemies by Art,
not trusting their Lives to Chance or Fortune; for as a little man with skill,
may easily kill an ignorant Giant; so a small Army that hath experienced
Commanders, may easily overcome a great Army that hath none.
L.
That Gallant men having no employment for Heroic Actions, become lazy, as
hating any other business; whereas Cowards and base persons are only active
and stirring in times of Peace, working ill designs to breed Factions, and
cause disturbances in a Common-wealth.
LI.
That there have been many Questions and Disputes concerning the Governments of
Princes; as, Whether they ought to govern by Love, or Fear? But the best way of
Government is, and has always been by just Rewards and Punishments; for that
State which cannot tell how and when to punish and reward, does not know how to
govern, by reason all the World is governed that way.
LII.
That if the ancienr Britains had had skill, according to their Courage, they
might have conquered all the World, as the Romans did.
LIII.
That it would be very beneficial for great Princes to be sometimes present in
Courts of Judicature, to examine the Causes of their poor Subjects, and find
out the Extortions and Corruptions of Magistrates and Officers; by which
glorious Act they would gain much Love and Fame from the People.
LIV.
That it would be very advantageous for Subjects, and not in the least
prejudicial to the Sovereign, to have a general Register in every County, for
the Entry of all manner of Deeds, and Conveyance of Land between party and
party, and Offices of Record; for by this means, whosoever buys, would see
clearly what Interest and Title there is in any Land he intends to purchase,
whereby he shall be assured that the Sale made to him is good and firm, and
prevent many Law-suits touching the Title of his Purchase.
LV.
That there should be a Limitation for Law-Suits; and that the longest Suit
should not last above two Terms, at length not above a Year; which would
certainly be a great benefit to the Subjects in general, though not to Lawyers;
and though some Politicians object, That the more the people is busy about
their private Affairs, the less time have they to make disturbanee in the
public; yet this is but a weak Argument, since Law-suits are as apt to breed
Factions, as any thing else; for they bring people into poverty, that they know
not how to live, which must of necessity breed discontent, and put them upon
ill designs.
LVI.
That Power, for the most part, does more then Wisdom; for Fools with Power,
seem wise; whereas wise men, without Power, seem Fools; and this is the reason
that the World takes Power for Wisdom; and the want of Power for Foolishness.
LVII.
That a valiant man will not refuse an honourable Duel; nor a wise man fight
upon a Fools Quarrel.
LVIII.
That men are apt to find fault with each other's actions; believing they prove
themselves wise in finding fault with their Neighbours.
LIX.
That a wise man will draw several occasions to the point of his design, as a
Burning-Glass doth the several beams of the Sun.
LX.
That although actions may be prudently designed, and valiantly performed; yet
none can warrant the issue; for Fortune is more powerful then Prudence, and had
Caesar not been fortunate, his Valour and Prudence would never have gained him
so much applause.
LXI.
That ill Fortune, makes wise and honest men seem Fools and Kanves; but good
Fortune makes Fools and Knaves seem wise and honest men.
LXII.
That ill Fortune doth oftner succeed good, then good Fortune succeeds ill; for
those that have ill Fortune, do not so easily recover it, as those that have
good Fortune are apt to lose it.
LXIII.
That he had observed, That seldom any person did laugh, but it was at the
follies or misfortunes of other men; by which we may judge of their good
natures.
LXIV.
I have heard my Lord say, That when he was in Banishment, He had nothing left
him, but a clear Conscience, by which he had and did still conquer all the
Armies of misfortunes that ever seized upon him.
LXV.
Also I have heard him say, That he was never beholding to Lady Fortune; for he
had suffered on both sides, although he never was but on one side.
LXVI.
I have heard him say, That his Father one time, upon some discourse of
expenses, should tell him, It was but just that every man should have his time.
LXVII.
I have heard my Lord say, That bold soliciting and intruding men, shall gain
more by their importunate Petitions, then modest honest men shall get by
silence (as being loath to offend, or be too troublesome) both in the manner
and matter of their requests: The reason is, said he, That Great Princes will
rather grant sometimes an unreasonable suit, then be tired with frequent
Petitions, and hindered from their ordinary Pleasures; And when I asked my
Lord, whether the Grants of such importunate suits were fitly and properly
placed? He answered, Not so well as those that are placed upon due
consideration, and upon trial and proof.
LXVIII.
I have heard my Lord say, That it is a great Error, and weak Policy in a
State, to advance their Enemies, and endeavour to make them friends by bribing
them with Honours and Offices, saying, They are shrewd men, and may do the
State much hurt: And on the otherside, to neglect their Friends, and those that
have done them great service, saying, they are Honest men, and mean the State
no harm: For this kind of Policy comes from the Heathen, who prayed to the
Devil, and not to God, by reason they supposed God was Good, and would hurt no
Creature; but the Devil they flattered and worshipped out of fear, lest he
should hurt them: But by this foolish Policy, said he, they most commonly
increase their Enemies, and lose their Friends; for first, it teaches men to
observe, that the only way to Preferment, is to be against the State or
Government: Next, Since all that are Factious, cannot be rewarded or preferred,
by reason a State hath more Subjects, then Rewards or Preferments, there must
of necessity be numerous Enemies; for when their hopes of Reward fail them,
they grow more Factious and Inveterate then ever they were at first: Wherefore
the best Policy in a State or Government, said my Lord, is to reward Friends,
and punish Enemies, and prefer the Honest before the Factious; and then all
will be real Friends, and profer their honest service, either out of pure Love
and Loyalty, or in hopes of Advancement, seeing there is none but by serving
the State.
LXIX.
I have heard him say several times, That his love to his gracious Master King
Charles the Second, was above the love he bore to his Wife, Children, and all
his Posterity, nay to his own life: And when, since His Return into England, I
answered him, That I observed His Gracious Master did not love him so well as
he loved Him; he replied, That he cared not whether His Majesty loved him again
or not; for he was resolved to love him.
LXX.
I asking my Lord one time, What kind of Fate it was, that restored our
Gracious King, Charles the Second, to His Throne? He answered, It was a blessed
kind of Fate. I replied, That I had observed a perfect contrariety between the
Fortunes of His Royal Father, of blessed memory, and Him; for as there was a
division amongst the generality of the people, in the Reign of King Charles the
First, tending to His Destruction; so there was a general Combination and
Agreement between them in King Charles the Second His Restoration; and as
there was a general malice amongst the people against the Father to Depose Him;
so there was a general Love for the Son to Enthrone Him. My Lord answered, I
had observed something, but not all; for, said he, there was a Necessity for
the people to desire and Restore King Charles the Second; but there was no
Necessity to Murder King Charles the First. For the Kingdom being through so
many Alterations and Changes of Government, divided into several Factions and
Parties, was at last hurried into such a Confusion, that it was impossible in
that manner to subsist, or hold out any longer; Which Confusion having opened
the Peoples Eyes, the generality being tyred with the evil effects and
consequences of their unsettled Governments under unjust Usurpers, and frightened
with the apprehension of future dangers, began to call to mind the happy Times,
when in an uninterrupted Peace they enjoyed their own, under the happy Reign of
their Lawful Sovereigns; and hereupon with an unanimous consent Recalled and
Restored our now gracious King; which, although it was opposed by some Factious
Parties, yet the generality of the people outweighed the rest; neither was the
Royal Party wanting in their endeavours.
LXXI.
Asking my Lord one time, Whether it was easy or difficult to govern a State
or Kingdom? He answered me, That most States were governed by secret Policy,
and so with difficulty; for those that govern, are (at least, should be) wiser
then the State or Commonwealth they govern. I replied, That in my opinion, a
State was easily governed, if their Government was like unto God's; that is to
say, If Governors did Reward and Punish according to the desert. My Lord
answered, I said well; but he added, the Follies of the People are many times
too hard for the Prudence of the Governor; like as the sins of men work more
evil effects in them, then the Grace of God works good; for if this were not,
there would be more good then bad, which, alas, Experience proves otherwise.
LXXII.
Some Gentlemen making a complaint to my Lord, That some he employed in His
Majesty's Affairs, were too hasty and over-busie. My Lord told them, That he
would rather choose such persons for His Majesties service as were over-active,
then such that would be fuller of Questions then Actions. The same he would do
for his own particular affairs.
LXXIII.