id	author	title	date	words	sentences	pages	flesch	cache	txt	summary	abstract	url	doi
cord-31070-28rwxs5q	Bergmann, Eirikur	The Third Wave: The International Financial Crisis and Refugees	2020-05-24	28805	1508		52	./cache/cord-31070-28rwxs5q.txt	./txt/cord-31070-28rwxs5q.txt	Nativist populism spread further into the mainstream in European and American politics than ever before, for instance bringing Brexit to the UK, Donald Trump to power in America and Marine Le Pen qualifying to the second round in the presidential elections in France. In France, the National Rally (previously named the National Front) found renewed support under the leadership of the more composed-looking Marine Le Pen, who had replaced her more aggressive father Jean-Marie Le Pen. One of the greatest successes of populist parties in the third wave came in the 2014 European Parliament elections. In addition to others stealing their anti-immigration policies, two new parties, positioned further out on the fringe, ran with far more extremist views than had ever been heard before in prominent Danish politics-including a call for expelling all Muslims out of the country.	This chapter examines the third wave of nativist populism in the post-war era, which began to brew in the wake of the International Financial Crisis starting in 2008. A fundamental shift occurred in the third wave with the Refugee Crisis heightening in 2015. Nativist populism spread further into the mainstream in European and American politics than ever before, for instance bringing Brexit to the UK, Donald Trump to power in America and Marine Le Pen qualifying to the second round in the presidential elections in France. Indeed, this was a brand-new world. The four largest democracies in the world—Brazil, Indonesia and India in addition to the US—were all governed by politicians often labelled as being populist. With the Coronavirus Crisis of 2020 nationalist sentiments were hightening again. Whichever way we attempt to slice this trend, the third wave brought a fundamental shift in the evolution of nativist populism and came to constitute a clear trend of Neo-Nationalism spreading across Europe, America and elsewhere.	https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC7245514/	10.1007/978-3-030-41773-4_5
cord-191550-ujvnio3f	Gatens, Moira	Spinoza: thoughts on hope in our political present	2020-05-25	14979	615		46	./cache/cord-191550-ujvnio3f.txt	./txt/cord-191550-ujvnio3f.txt	In the Theologico-Political Treatise, Spinoza offers an incisive account of how Moses used narrative, song, prayer, and law to bind the Hebrews, recently freed from slavery, into a unified affective community, now motivated by shared loves, fears, and hopes materialised through sanctioned images, enforced rituals, and socially authorised attachments. Each contribution here attempts to bring Spinoza''s account of hope to bear critically on our political present in a way that endeavours to enhance our collective powers of action and our shared capacities for joyful fellowship. For Susan James, the disempowering affects and lack of stable consensus, recently witnessed in political debates over Brexit, can be usefully addressed through a Spinozist framework that casts hope and fear in a mutually corrective and jointly empowering role. Hope and fear -about plagues, wars, and natural disasters -are not new, and remain the two most powerful drivers of our political behaviour, and the constructive institutional management of these passions is essential if governments are to provide safety and security.	nan	https://doi.org/10.1057/s41296-020-00406-4	10.1057/s41296-020-00406-4
cord-28355-q88x155m	Goode, J. Paul	Everyday Nationalism in Unsettled Times: In Search of Normality during Pandemic	2020-05-22	12573	621		41	./cache/cord-28355-q88x155m.txt	./txt/cord-28355-q88x155m.txt	Drawing on a range of cases including China, Russia, the UK, and USA, we examine three categories of everyday practice during the COVID-19 pandemic that respond to disruptions in daily routines and seek a return to national normality: performing national solidarities and exclusions by wearing face masks; consuming the nation in the form of panic buying and conspiracy theories; and enforcing foreign policies through social media and embodiment. Even in unsettled times, people need to maintain their everyday foreign policy routines: tweeting with and about the nation, identifying enemies and allies, asserting their country''s status in the world, having long discussions on social media about which preposition to use with the country of Ukraine in Russian 10 , ordering a "rossiano" instead of an americano in Russia, or eating "freedom fries" instead of French fries in the USA.	Pandemics and other crisis situations result in unsettled times, or ontologically insecure moments when social and political institutions are in flux. During such crises, the ordinary and unnoticed routines that structure everyday life are thrust into the spotlight as people struggle to maintain or recreate a sense of normalcy. Drawing on a range of cases including China, Russia, the UK, and USA, we examine three categories of everyday practice during the COVID-19 pandemic that respond to disruptions in daily routines and seek a return to national normality: performing national solidarities and exclusions by wearing face masks; consuming the nation in the form of panic buying and conspiracy theories; and enforcing foreign policies through social media and embodiment. This analysis thus breaks with existing works on everyday nationalism and banal nationalism that typically focus on pervasively unnoticed forms of nationalism during settled times, and it challenges approaches to contentious politics that predict protest mobilization for change rather than restoration of the status quo ante. In highlighting the ways that unsettled times disrupt domestic and international structures, this work also presents a first attempt to link everyday nationalism with growing work on international practices.	https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC7322168/	10.1017/nps.2020.40
cord-189564-xnxbt6t7	McLaren, Peter	Religious Nationalism and the Coronavirus Pandemic: Soul-Sucking Evangelicals and Branch Covidians Make America Sick Again	2020-05-19	10876	536		52	./cache/cord-189564-xnxbt6t7.txt	./txt/cord-189564-xnxbt6t7.txt	'' And in this toxic mix of circumstances-where we are saddled with a president who has claimed that a final US coronavirus death toll of approximately 100,000 to 200,000 people would indicate that his administration has ''done a very good job'' (Rupar 2020 )-the evangelical community is putting countless numbers of people at risk by refusing to stop holding large church gatherings and refusing to cease its decades long attack on science. The compatibility and mutual buttressing between the secular state and the evangelical community redound to the Trump administration, solidifying his Christian base while accentuating the chasm between the illegitimate state and the ''true'' religious calling of the country to bring freedom to all nations of the world, whether this includes imposing sanctions or bombing those countries back to the Stone Age. The Hebraic idea of people enjoying a special covenant with God has had an impact on Northern Irish, Afrikaner, and Israeli nationalism-and also on US nationalism (Grzymala-Busse 2019).	This article investigates the response to the coronavirus crisis by Evangelical Christian nationalists in the USA. The article outlines the curious mediaverse of religious nationalism—its post-truth and fake news aspects in particular—links religious nationalism to American exceptionalism, and analyzes conflicts between secular and religious authorities. Drawing upon some lessons from the past, the article addresses the wider implications of Christian nationalism on American politics, and capitalist ideology, as it has been played out virally in the corporate media. The article shows that the ideological underpinnings of evangelical Christianity prevent its proponents from understanding the virus in an historical and materialist manner and points toward more epistemically sound approaches to relationships between science and religion. It concludes that privatization, austerity capitalism, and ‘gig economy’ need to be replaced by socialist alternatives and seeks inspiration in theory and practice of Marxism and South American liberation theology.	https://doi.org/10.1007/s42438-020-00122-7	10.1007/s42438-020-00122-7
cord-31427-gvudxbc2	Medina González, María Concepción	Mexican Law of Religion at 28 Years of the Constitutional Reform on Religious Matters	2020-05-17	8743	420		35	./cache/cord-31427-gvudxbc2.txt	./txt/cord-31427-gvudxbc2.txt	For that reason, among others, I prefer to refer to the "Mexican Law of Religion" as the set of rules of the State concerning the religious factor that attends to the religious needs and interests at the individual level (individual juridical person), corporate level (religious communities and religious associations), and collective level (indigenous peoples, with respect to their religious practices and customs), under the principles of religious freedom, laicity (laicidad), and separation of state and churches (or religious communities). Although a prohibition is incorporated: "No one can use the public acts of expression of this freedom for political purposes, proselytism or propaganda." Before this reform, several civil and non-Catholic religious associations demonstrated in about 20 states in the Mexican Republic to warn that they would not allow the reform of Article 24 of the Constitution, because it threatens the secular nature of the Mexican State and it gives privileges for Catholics.	In the framework of the centenary of the promulgation of the Political Constitution of the United Mexican States (1917), the current directions of Mexican Law of Religion are addressed. The starting point is the constitutional reform of January 28, 1992, to Articles 3, 5, 24, 27, and 130, which are the basis for the development of a Law of Religion in a positive sense. This reform contains the principles that guarantee the freedom of religion in Mexico: separation between State and churches and Laicity of State. “Mexican Law of Religion” means the totality of state legal norms that include the religious factor linked to individual, corporate, and collective religious needs and interests under the fundamental principles of religious freedom, secularism (laicity), and separation of the State and religious communities. In this sense, the holders of the religious factor are not only the individual person and the religious communities or religious associations but also the indigenous peoples. For the analysis, I will focus my remarks on some fundamental topics: the amendments to Articles 24 and 40 of the Political Constitution and the New Constitution of Mexico City; development and legal protection of the dimensions of religious freedom; management of religious diversity as public policy and recent cases, such as the Native American Church case and the Blood Transfusion case, since these illustrate the Supreme Court’s readiness to protect the right of religious freedom. One of the most difficult issues to resolve with respect to the register of religious associations has been how to define “notorio arraigo.” The Basic Law strives to protect religious freedom and to establish a society tolerant of religious difference. Furthermore, increased protection of religious minorities may signal a change in Mexican cultural perceptions of religious minorities.	https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC7229517/	10.1007/978-3-030-46717-3_7
cord-152230-gmt83xm7	Pullen, Alison	Feminist Ethics and Women Leaders: From Difference to Intercorporeality	2020-05-12	8154	422		37	./cache/cord-152230-gmt83xm7.txt	./txt/cord-152230-gmt83xm7.txt	We draw on the work of Luce Irigaray''s writing, together with Miri Rozmarin''s (2013) development of Irigaray''s notion of agency, to advance a practical, political approach to initiate alternatives for women leaders that traverse the classic gender bind that limits the feminine to being the other of the masculine (Fletcher 2004) . 3) notes that the normalised and normative gendered assumptions invoked by female and feminine leadership approaches, such as care and empathy: create disadvantage in contexts which stage leadership as importantly constituted by male-embodied, but also stereotypically masculine, practices that historically have proceeded with no mention of care […] Simply put, for females, social, intersubjective, and organizational engagement often includes the manifestation of so-called caring traits, which contrasts with varied notions and practices of power, a traditional path to organizational advancement.[In addition] stereotypical feminine notions-such as emotional attachment and self sacrifice, often embedded in care ethics-potentially undermined female agency, that is, the ability to make things happen (Borgerson 2018, p.	This paper problematises the ways women’s leadership has been understood in relation to male leadership rather than on its own terms. Focusing specifically on ethical leadership, we challenge and politicise the symbolic status of women in leadership by considering the practice of New Zealand Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern. In so doing, we demonstrate how leadership ethics based on feminised ideals such as care and empathy are problematic in their typecasting of women as being simply the other to men. We apply different strategies of mimesis for developing feminist leadership ethics that does not derive from the masculine. This offers a radical vision for leadership that liberates the feminine and women’s subjectivities from the masculine order. It also offers a practical project for changing women’s working lives through relationality, intercorporeality, collective agency and ethical openness with the desire for fundamental political transformation in the ways in which women can lead.	https://doi.org/10.1007/s10551-020-04526-0	10.1007/s10551-020-04526-0
cord-32134-vovc31jp	Yetunde, Pamela Ayo	Buddhist-Christian Interreligious Dialogue for Spiritual Care for Transgender Hospital Patients	2020-05-01	11299	604		48	./cache/cord-32134-vovc31jp.txt	./txt/cord-32134-vovc31jp.txt	I argue that pastoral and spiritual caregivers need to be involved in democratic institutions beyond voting; as educated, critically thinking spiritual leaders they hold the potential to wisely engage in the democratic process in ways that can contribute wisdom and compassion in the protection of minority rights while respecting religious freedom. 8 If the Parable of the Good Samaritan is part of Christian teachings and part of our national values, then these Christians are actively paving the path to hell by making health care clinics, hospice organizations, hospitals, and so on, places where transgender people (and others) can be refused care, even by spiritual care and medical professionals, on religious grounds. Nhat Hanh''s cosmic Buddhology offers "intelligent design" Christians engaged in interreligious dialogue with Buddhists, mystical wisdom and spiritual practices to consider when contemplating deepening empathy with transgender hospital patients. Christians and Buddhists engaged in interreligious dialogue related to the spiritual care of transgender people must also include topics like law and politics in their conversations.	The Pastoral Care profession in public hospitals in the United States has been largely populated and led by Protestant Christians. Buddhist practitioners have entered the field creating opportunities for Christian-Buddhist dialogue. Transgender US citizens are especially vulnerable to medical, social, and spiritual neglect in health care settings due to policy changes in the Department of Health and Human Services. Christians are also vulnerable to the manipulation of basic Christian principles by Trump and Pence. Buddhist-Christian dialogue can strengthen compassionate care and promote public practical theology for transgender hospital patients.	https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC7192528/	10.1007/978-3-030-42560-9_1
cord-27724-kfjg81i7	jagodzinski, jan	Inflexions of Deleuze|Guattari: For a New Ontology of Media, When West-East Meet	2020-05-05	13014	704		54	./cache/cord-27724-kfjg81i7.txt	./txt/cord-27724-kfjg81i7.txt	This is remarkably illustrated by Amir Vodka (2013) who makes the claim that the cinema of kung fu can be related to Deleuze|Guattari''s Body without Organs via Tao, which forms its own kind of BwO as "the shape that has no shape, the image that is without substance" (Lao-Tzu 1963: 18) . Deleuze|Guattari are against any forms of identity as the "dogmatic image of thought." All representational thinking presupposes a subject-object gap, a ''correlationism'' (Meillassoux 2008) . The simulacrum dispels any form of representational truth or essence or category of an object or thing, and works with what Deleuze calls the "powers of the false," where the only truth is time itself; that is change, the "eternal return of difference" as theorized by Nietzsche, where and when the new emerges.	Deleuze|Guattari’s philosophical oeuvre has become increasingly known in East Asia as scholars recognize their importance for virtually all disciplines. In this chapter, I try to show why representational thought, which they overturn, continues to retain its force over us. By introducing concepts, which they developed, such as simulacrum, powers of the false, the event, and affect, I make the attempt to show how non-representational thought can be understood within visual art and media. Lastly, when West-East Meet, there is an attempt on my part to show the relationship between Taoist understanding of chaos and Deleuze|Guattari’s use of the transcendental plane to grasp the genesis of creativity proper.	https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC7333450/	10.1007/978-3-030-48618-1_2
cord-180559-e84ospib	van Uden, Annelies	Beyond Coronativism: The Need For Agape	2020-07-01	7830	403		49	./cache/cord-180559-e84ospib.txt	./txt/cord-180559-e84ospib.txt	In line with this, globally, we have seen the rise of national calls and even national legal enforcements of togetherness to maximally protect the elderly (children and young people are less affected in contrast to especially elderly men), and the vulnerable (especially heart, lung and diabetes patients), who face the highest risk of becoming seriously ill and to spread the pressure on the health care in the best possible way, such that every patient receives the care he/s/he needs radical measures were needed. We will end with a short reflection on the autoimmune effects of this b/ordering of solidarity, what we, using a portmanteau, typify as coronativism, and argue that for a virus that travels beyond borders we also need a togetherness beyond socially constructed in-groups -what we call ''agape'', defined as love for mankind -if we wish to create a sustainable and just immunisation and exit strategy.	In this contribution we focus on togetherness, as one of the key notions in the current COVID‐19 crisis. Globally, it is seen as vital to stand and act together to combat the virus, and avoid a tragedy of the commons, in which actors are acting out of self‐interest and counterproductively to the general interest. In this essay we analyse the current geographical dissonant developments that the required human togetherness across the globe is facing. We find that the main conflicting tendencies, that we summarise as utilitarian locking up, nationalistic locking in and exclusionary locking out, are all employing a notion of togetherness which is largely based on an in‐group solidarity based on either age, gender, ethnicity, nationality or fitness. We argue that such narrow definition of togetherness falls short in dealing with the crisis in an effective as well as non‐discriminatory manner, and potentially could even lengthen or worsen the corona crisis. We end with a plea for a different conceptualisation of solidarity in the combat of the crisis, a radical non‐dividing form of togetherness: agape.	https://doi.org/10.1111/tesg.12438	10.1111/tesg.12438