A59100.xml

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            <title>Tracts written by John Selden of the Inner-Temple, Esquire ; the first entituled, Jani Anglorvm facies altera, rendred into English, with large notes thereupon, by Redman Westcot, Gent. ; the second, England's epinomis ; the third, Of the original of ecclesiastical jurisdictions of testaments ; the fourth, Of the disposition or administration of intestates goods ; the three last never before extant.</title>
            <title>Selections. 1683</title>
            <author>Selden, John, 1584-1654.</author>
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               <date>1683</date>
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            <idno type="STC">Wing S2441</idno>
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                  <title>Tracts written by John Selden of the Inner-Temple, Esquire ; the first entituled, Jani Anglorvm facies altera, rendred into English, with large notes thereupon, by Redman Westcot, Gent. ; the second, England's epinomis ; the third, Of the original of ecclesiastical jurisdictions of testaments ; the fourth, Of the disposition or administration of intestates goods ; the three last never before extant.</title>
                  <title>Selections. 1683</title>
                  <author>Selden, John, 1584-1654.</author>
                  <author>Littleton, Adam, 1627-1694.</author>
                  <author>White, Robert, 1645-1703.</author>
                  <author>Selden, John, 1584-1654. Jani Anglorum facies altera. English.</author>
                  <author>Selden, John, 1584-1654. England's epinomis.</author>
                  <author>Selden, John, 1584-1654. Of the original of ecclesiastical jurisdiction of testaments.</author>
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               <extent>[34], 131, [9], 39, [5], 24 p., [1] leaf of plates : port.  </extent>
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                  <publisher>Printed for Thomas Basset ... and Richard Chiswell ...,</publisher>
                  <pubPlace>London :</pubPlace>
                  <date>MDCLXXXIII [1683]</date>
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                  <note>Engraved frontispiece portrait of the author signed: R: White sculpsit.</note>
                  <note>Error in paging: p. 23 of second count misnumbered 19.</note>
                  <note>Errata: p. [1] following p. [131] of first grouping.</note>
                  <note>Reproduction of original in the Duke University Library.</note>
                  <note>Includes bibliographical references.</note>
                  <note>The reverse or back-face of the English Janus, to-wit, all that is met with in story concerning the common and statute-law of English Britanny ... / written in Latin by John Selden ... ; and rendred into English by Redman Westcot, Gent. London : Printed for Thomas Basset, and Richard Chiswell, MDCLXXXII [1682] -- England's epinomis / by John Selden, Esquire. London : Printed for Thomas Basset ... and Richard Chiswell ..., MDCLXXXIII [1683] -- Two treatises written by John Selden ... : the first, Of the original ecclesiastical jurisdiction of testaments, the second, Of the disposition or administration in intestates goods. London : Printed for Thomas Basset ... and Richard Chiswell ... MDCLXXXIII [1683].</note>
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            <p>
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                  <head>JOHANNES SELDENUS. Armig:</head>
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            <p>TRACTS Written by JOHN SELDEN OF THE INNER-TEMPLE, Esquire. <list>
                  <item>The First Entituled, JANI ANGLORVM FACIES ALTERA, rendred into <hi>English,</hi> with large Notes thereupon, by <hi>REDMAN WESTCOT,</hi> Gent.</item>
                  <item>The Second, <hi>ENGLAND</hi>'s <hi>EPINOMIS.</hi>
                  </item>
                  <item>The Third, Of the Original of ECCLESIASTICAL Jurisdictions of Testaments.</item>
                  <item>The Fourth, Of the Disposition or Administration of Intestates Goods.</item>
               </list>
            </p>
            <p>The Three last never before Extant.</p>
            <p>LONDON, Printed for Thomas Basset at the <hi>George</hi> in <hi>Fleet-street,</hi> and Richard Chiswell at the <hi>Rose</hi> and <hi>Crown</hi> in S. <hi>Paul</hi>'s Church-Yard. <abbr>MDCLXXXIII.</abbr>
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                  <p>THE Reverse or Back-face OF THE <hi>English</hi> JANUS. TO-WIT, All that is met with in STORY Concerning the COMMON AND STATUTE-LAW OF English Britanny, From the first MEMOIRS of the two NATIONS, to the Decease of King <hi>HENRY</hi> II. set down and tackt together succinctly by way of Narrative. Designed, Devoted and Dedicated to the most Illustrious the EARL of <hi>SALISBURY.</hi>
                  </p>
                  <p>Written in <hi>Latin</hi> by <hi>JOHN SELDEN</hi> of <hi>Salvinton,</hi> Student of the <hi>Inner-Temple</hi> in <hi>LONDON;</hi> and Rendred into <hi>English</hi> by <hi>REDMAN WESTCOT,</hi> Gent.</p>
                  <figure>
                     <head>Haec faci<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>es Populum spectat; at illa Larem.</head>
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                     <hi>London,</hi> Printed for <hi>Thomas Basset,</hi> and <hi>Richard Chiswell.</hi> 
                     <abbr>MDCLXXXII.</abbr>
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               <div type="dedication">
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                  <opener>To the Right Honourable and truly Noble Lord, <hi>Robert</hi> Earl of <hi>Salisbury,</hi> Viscount <hi>Cranborn,</hi> Baron <hi>Cecil</hi> of <hi>Essenden,</hi> Knight of the Illustrious Order of the Garter, Lord High Treasurer of <hi>England,</hi> Master of the Court of Wards, and Privy Counsellor to His Most Excellent Majesty, <hi>JAMES,</hi> King of <hi>Great Britain, France</hi> and <hi>Ireland,</hi> Heartily according to his high desert, I devote and dedicate,</opener>
                  <p>
                     <seg rend="decorInit">A</seg>ND as it were with consecrated Flowr, and crackling grain of Salt, I offer up in Sacrifice. I am not in condition to do it with a costly Victim, or a full Censer. <hi>GREAT SIR,</hi> deign with favour to receive these scraps of Collection; relating intirely, what they are, and as far as the present Age may be supposed to be concerned in ancient Sto<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ries and Customes, to the <hi>English-British</hi> State and Government; and so far forth to <hi>Your</hi> most Honoured <hi>Name.</hi> Which Name of Yours, whilest I, one of the lowermost Bench, do with dazzled eye-sight look up<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>on (most <hi>Noble Lord,</hi> and great Support of your Country) I devoutly lay down Upon its ALTAR This small Earnest and Pledge of my Obedience and Duty.</p>
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               <div type="translators_preface">
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                  <head>THE TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE TO THE READER.</head>
                  <opener>
                     <salute>Reader,</salute>
                  </opener>
                  <p>
                     <seg rend="decorInit">T</seg>HOU canst not be such a Stranger to thy own Countrey, as to need my commenda<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tion of the Learned, Worthy and Famous <hi>AUTHOR</hi> of these following Sheets; or that I should tell thee, what a Scholar, a Phi<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>lologer, a Humanist, a Linguist, a Lawyer, a Critick, an Antiquary, and (which proves him an ab<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>solute Master of all these and many other Knowledges) what a Writer, the Great <hi>SELDEN</hi> was. Since it is liberally acknowledged by every body, that knows any thing (not only at home, but abroad also among Foreigners) that <hi>Europe</hi> seldom hath brought forth <hi>His Fellow</hi> for exquisite Endow<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ments of Nature, Attainments of Study, and Accomplishments of Ingenuity, Sagacity and Industry. And indeed, to save me the labour of saying any more concerning this <hi>Non-pareil</hi> in all kinds of Learning, His own <hi>WORKS,</hi> which are now
<pb facs="tcp:108529:6"/>
under a Review, and will e're long be made Publick in seve<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ral Volumes, will sufficiently speak his Character, and be a more prevailing Argument to indear Him to thy good Opi<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>nion and firm Acquaintance, than mine or any other <hi>Words</hi> can.</p>
                  <p>My business now is only to give thee some Account of the Author's design in this little <hi>Treatise,</hi> and of those mea<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>sures I took in Translating Him, that is, in restoring him to his own Native Language; though his great <hi>Genius</hi> had made the <hi>Latin</hi> and several other <hi>Tongues,</hi> as natural and familiar to Himself, as the <hi>English</hi> was.</p>
                  <p>To speak first of the <hi>Author,</hi> I do take this Piece to have been one of his first Essays, if not the very first; wherein he launched into the World, and did not so much try the Judgement, as deservedly gain the Approbation of the Learned: which was certainly one Reason, why, though the whole matter of the Book be of an <hi>English</hi> Complexion and Concern, yet he thought fit to put it forth in a <hi>Latin</hi> dress. That this was his first <hi>Specimen,</hi> or at least one of the first, I gather from the time of his Writing it, <hi>viz.</hi> in the Six and Twentieth year of his Age; when I suppose he was not of any very long standing in the <hi>Temple</hi>; I mean, in all likelihood, whilst he was on this side the Bar. For having fraught himself with all kind of Learning, which the <hi>University</hi> could afford him (which could be, we must imagine, no small time neither; as I may be allowed to guess from that passage of his in this Book, where he so affectionately recognizeth his Duty and Gratitude to his dear Mother <hi>OXFORD</hi>; who, if she had no other <hi>Anti<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>quity</hi> to boast of, is and ever will be Famous for This Her Scho<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>lar, our great <hi>Antiquary</hi>; who hath also such a Monument to be seen in her publick <hi>Library,</hi> as will make her Glory and his Memory ever to flourish) I say, having after some compe<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tent time taken leave of <hi>Academical</hi> Institutions, and being now engaged into the Study of <hi>Law,</hi> he thought he could not do his Profession a better service, than by looking back into former times, and making a faithful Collection of what might be Pertinent and Useful, to bring down, along through all Changes and Vicissitudes of State, the Light and Strength, the Evidence and Reputation of old Institutes and Precedents to our present Establishments under our Gracious and Happy Monarchy. May It, as it is in its Constitution to the <hi>English</hi> people <hi>Gracious;</hi> so be ever in its Success to It self, and con<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>sequently
<pb facs="tcp:108529:6"/>
to Us all, <hi>Happy!</hi> Here then thou wilt find the Rights of Government through all Ages, so far as our Histo<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ries will help us; Here thou wilt see, from the first, our <hi>KING</hi> setled in his just Power, even in his <hi>Ecclesiastical Ju<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>risdiction</hi> against the <hi>Papal Usurpation;</hi> one shrewd Instance whereof is, the forbidding Appeals to the <hi>Pope,</hi> at such a time when the <hi>Popish Religion</hi> was at its Zenith in this Island; that is, when People in all probability were most Ignorant. Here thou wilt easily be brought to acknowledge the Antiqui<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ty and Usefulness of <hi>Parliaments</hi> (though under other Names till after the Conquest) when all the <hi>Barons,</hi> that is, as that Title did at first import, all Lords of Mannors, all Men of Estate assembled together for the determination of publick Affairs: which Usage, because it produced too numerous and cumbersome a confluence, was afterwards for better conve<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>nience retrenched into a popular Election by the Kings Writ to chuse some of the Chiefest to act for all the rest. And sure enough, if we in Duty keep up the <hi>Royal Prerogative,</hi> and our Kings, as ever they have done, and ever, I hope, will, in Grace and Clemency oblige the <hi>Peoples Consent</hi> in their Re<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>presentatives; we shall alwayes have such Laws, such a Go<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>vernment, such a Correspondence betwixt Prince and Subjects, as must (according to the Rules of Humane Prudence, ad<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ding our Piety to it) make this Kingdom of Great <hi>Britanny</hi> (maugre the malice of the Devil and his Agents whatever, <hi>Je<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>suits</hi> or <hi>Fanaticks</hi>) a flourishing and impregnable Kingdom.</p>
                  <p>Having said this in General of the Author's design, I shall not descend to Particulars, which I leave to thy self, <hi>R<gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                           <desc>•</desc>
                        </gap>ader,</hi> to find out, in the perusal, that may be of good Use and great Consequence to the Publick; but fearing, thou maist think I am so much taken up with the <hi>Author,</hi> that I have for<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>got <hi>My self,</hi> I have two or three words to speak of that sorry subject, before I leave thee.</p>
                  <p>As to the <hi>Translator;</hi> I confess, it is no great credit for any one to appear in that Figure; a Remark, which I have learn't from one, who hath translated another excellent Piece of this <hi>Noble Author, (Noble</hi> I call him, sith Nobility is rais'd by Parts and Merits, no less than continued by Birth and Descent) it was his <hi>Mare Clausum,</hi> wherein he, I spoke of, hath acquitted him<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>self very well, abating for his Villanous <hi>Dedication</hi> to the <hi>RUMP-Parliament,</hi> which was then setting up for a <hi>Republick;</hi> in which Dedication of his, he hath vilely and like himself (I
<pb facs="tcp:108529:7" rendition="simple:additions"/>
speak in Charity, as to his Interest, I mean, not his Judge<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ment or Conscience at least, if there were any) aspersed the <hi>Royal Family</hi> with Weakness and Collusion, to have lower'd the <hi>British</hi> Renown.</p>
                  <p>I am bid by Him, who puts this into thy hands, to tell thee, that when he was embark'd into this Employ; what<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ever it was, upon the coasting of it over, he was surprized to find, he had undertaken such a difficult and hazardous Voy<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>age, and did presently conclude, That none but a <hi>Selden</hi> (that is, a Person of omnifarious Reading) was fit to be a <hi>Selden</hi>'s Interpreter. For no other person, but one so qualified, can be Master of his Sense, Master of his Expression. His ordi<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>nary Style, where he delivers himself plainest, is as to the Matter of it, so full of Historical and Poetical Allusions and as to the Method (and hath that of Crabbed in it besides) so Intricate and Perplex, that he seems, even where he pre<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tends to Teach and Instruct, to have intended only to Amuse and Confound the Reader. In very deed, it is such a Style, as became a Learned <hi>Antiquary,</hi> which is to be <hi>Antique</hi> and Ora<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>cular; that one would think, the very Paper, he wrote upon, was made of the <hi>Sibyll</hi>'s old-worn Sheets, and that his mean<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ing could not be fisht out without the assistance of a <hi>Delian</hi> Diver. However the <hi>Translator</hi> (though so much Inferiour to the Undertaking, as to be almost Unacquainted with some considerable parts of it) did presume (whether rightly or no, must be left to thy judgement) that he was not utterly unfurnished with those Skills and Helps, which might make the Work Intelligible and Acceptable even to Plebeians. For though it was at first designed by the Excellent Author in his <hi>Latin</hi> for such as were meerly Lawyers and Scholars (they must be both, that mean to understand it as he wrote it) yet now it being done into <hi>English,</hi> it was to be calculated to the Meri<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>dian of common Capacities and vulgar Understandings. Which end he hath, he hopes, in some good measure an<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>swered; and in order to which end, he hath, to supply the de<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>fects of his <hi>Translation,</hi> at the end of the Book subjoyned some <hi>Annotations,</hi> which may serve partly to clear the Author's meaning, and partly to vindicate himself in the Interpreta<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tion. He did think once to have affixt those <hi>Annotations</hi> to the places they belong to; but upon second and better thoughts, he consider'd, that the Authors <hi>Quotations</hi> would be enow of themselves to charge the <hi>Margin</hi> with, and a further superfoe<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tation
<pb facs="tcp:108529:7"/>
would but cloy and surbate the Reader; though in the body of the Work, there are up and down many Explanati<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ons inserted, to excuse him from the trouble of having re<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>course to those Notes, which are added out of pure necessity, and not from any vanity of Ostentation, since the whole, if it had its due, might seem to require a perpetual <hi>Comment.</hi> In the main, which is enough for a <hi>Translator,</hi> be his <hi>Author</hi> what he will, he doth assure thee, that the meanest Subject of <hi>En<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>gland</hi> may now read one of her greatest Champions and Wri<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ters (for Learned Pens sometimes do as good and as great service as Valiant Swords do) so understandingly, that he may edifie and learn, what duty and deference he ought to have for the Best of Governments.</p>
                  <p>And now, <hi>Reader,</hi> excuse me in a Digression, and do not impute it as a Levity to me, that I follow my Grave Au<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>thor. It is my Duty so to do; it is my Happiness, if I can: He doth not despair, now he appears in <hi>English,</hi> to have <hi>Fe<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>male-Readers</hi> too, to court him so far at least as to peruse his Translation, who hath so highly courted them with Noble Caresses in that Chapter, wherein he hath so learnedly plead<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ed the Excellencies and Rights of that <hi>Angelical Sex,</hi> (if Angels have any Sex) to the abashment and overthrow of the <hi>Salick</hi> Law. To what purpose did the <hi>Author</hi> write so much in their Commendation, if they were not to know it? which, if the poor <hi>Translator</hi> hath any Obligations upon the Sex, he hopes they will own this as an Addition: not to men<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tion that other Chapter of his, where, like a Gentleman and a Lawyer both, he maintains that freedom peculiar to our <hi>English Ladies,</hi> and which with Lawyers leave, I may call <hi>The Courtesie of England,</hi> in receiving of Salutes, against the censure of Rudeness on the one hand, and the suspicion of Wantonness on the other. Though I must confess also, that some of his Citati<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ons in that defence, are so free, that I thought fit rather to leave them as I found them, than by putting them into <hi>En<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>glish,</hi> to expose the Modesty of the Sex.</p>
                  <p>I have no more to say, <hi>Reader,</hi> but to beg thy Excuse, for any thing, wherein I may appear to have come short of the Weighty and Abstruse Senses of our Great and Worthy Au<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>thor, and that I may detain thee no longer from his Conver<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>sation, to bid thee <hi>Farewell.</hi>
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                  <head>THE AUTHOR'S PREFACE TO THE READER.</head>
                  <p>
                     <seg rend="decorInit">A</seg>ND that the Tutelar or Guardian of my threshold may not entertain thee with unlucky or ill-boding terms, he doth freely be speak thee Health and Greeting, whoever thou art, <hi>Dear Reader.</hi> More<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>over, he is in the humour to declare both the Occasion of drawing the first Furrow of this Enterprize, and also the Model and Frame of the whole Work, what it is, finished and compleated. It is a long while ago, considering how young a man I am, since from the first I have made it my hearty wish, that the ancient Ori<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ginal and Procedure of our <hi>Civil Law</hi> might more fairly and clearly be made out; as far, I mean, as the thing will bear, and as what store we have of publick Records affords assistance.
<q>
                        <gap reason="foreign">
                           <desc>〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉</desc>
                        </gap>,</q>
                     <q>For several men with several things are pleas'd,</q>
as said <hi>Archilochus</hi> of old; and I do own for my self, what <hi>Seneca</hi> the Declaimer saith,<note place="margin">Senec. con<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>trov.</note> that <hi>I take pleasure in going back to Studies of Antiquity, and in looking behind me to our Grand-sires better times.</hi> Which, to say truth, they who do too much, slight,
<q>
                        <pb facs="tcp:108529:9"/>
                        <note place="margin">Lucret. l. 1.</note>Ardua dum m<gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                           <desc>•</desc>
                        </gap>tuunt, amittunt ver<gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                           <desc>•</desc>
                        </gap> viai.</q>
that is,
<q>
                        <l>Whilst l<gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                              <desc>•</desc>
                           </gap>fty passes they do fear, through sloth</l>
                        <l>They lose the certain tracks and paths of troth</l>
                     </q>
And, so may the Muses alway favour me, they are such things as are
<q>
                        <l>—Anteiqua, sepolta, vetusta,</l>
                        <l>
                           <note place="margin">Eno. Annal. l. 7.</note>Quai faciunt mores veterésque novosque tenentem</l>
                        <l>Moltarum veterum Legum, Divômque Hominumque</l>
                        <l>Prudentem.—</l>
                     </q>
as saith another old <hi>Latin</hi> Poet; that is, such stori<gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="2 letters">
                        <desc>••</desc>
                     </gap> as are
<q>
                        <l>Antique, buried in rubbish, old and musty,</l>
                        <l>Which make one verst in customs old and new,</l>
                        <l>And of Laws, Gods and Men giving a view,</l>
                        <l>Render the careful Student skill'd and trusty.</l>
                     </q>
Some spare hours have been spent by me in reading over <hi>Historians, Chronologers, Antiquaries,</hi> Foreigners and our own Countrey-men, those of Ancient date and the more polite of the Modern sort: those especially who seem'd to make out the quickest course to that Goal and design I spoke of. I have carefully cull'd out whatsoever I met with, that lookt like the Orders and Decisions of <hi>Praetors</hi> or Lord Chief Ju<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>stices, and whatsoever concerns the <hi>Civil</hi> or <hi>Prophane Law. (Pro<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>phane</hi> I call that, which is not held by the Religion of the Church; as <hi>Sextus Pompeius</hi> hath taught me.) I did judge that there were a great many things in those Writers worth the knowing, and which might deserve to be digested into a kind of Volume according to order of Chro<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>nology, I did in the first place advise, and took that special order with my self, that as to this undertaking, I might with the greater ease have my Attendants ready at hand to wait upon my Studies. I went about to give s<gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                        <desc>•</desc>
                     </gap>me closure and coment, such as it is, <hi>(i. e.</hi> some method and con<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>nexion) to the scattered and disjointed bulk, and I brought it to a con<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>clusion; and assoon as it came into my mind to publish it, I endea<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>voured according to that meanness, which it appears in, to finish it (that I may make use of a Mathematick term) with its Complement. I have set the model and frame upon a sure account (not upon mine
<pb facs="tcp:108529:9"/>
own credit neither, who am too apt to take on trust things suspected) <hi>and in a compendious way:</hi> I have writ my self compendiously and succinctly; I have transcribed out of others <hi>faithfully.</hi> I do on set purpose vouch the credit, I go upon, to be none of mine, but the Authors, I have taken out of, that I may not be accused of false dealing by unskil<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ful or careless Readers. I have applyed my self not only to the mean<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ing of the Writers, or to their historical account, but even to the very words and syllables, which they spoke, and have inserted them printed in a different character; those, I confess, unless it be from them of the middle age, many times sufficiently barbarous, that miserably want po<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>lishing, such as Criti<gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                        <desc>•</desc>
                     </gap>ks cannot away with, and do very well agree with the Records and Reports of Law, which we converse with. However I would not have thee disdain in the mean time brimful and wholsome draughts of liquor, because the Bowl was not made in a Potters shop of <hi>Colias</hi> a place in <hi>Athens,</hi> or in cold Winter to slight a garment which is not made of <hi>Attick</hi> Wooll;<note place="margin">
                        <hi>Plutar. de au<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>diènde.</hi>
                     </note> as <hi>Plutarch</hi> hath admonished the hearers of Philosophy. Let young Ladies speak finically with their golden Flower<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>amours, and let them, who have store and leave at once, court the graces of words and beauties of expression. 'Tis true, the care of exact speak<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ing, is a thing befits the <hi>Muses,</hi> yet how the most abstruse Mysteries even of the highest <hi>Urania,</hi> of Divinity it self, are laid open without it, the <hi>Thomists,</hi> the <hi>Scotists,</hi> and what other Sects and Parties of School-men there are, know well enough. And there are some others also, that think they know; I mean the inquirers into Heavenly Calcu<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>lations <hi>(Astrologers)</hi> and the Weather-wise-men <hi>(Almanack-makers)</hi> who in good deed for the most part rely too much upon the trifling stories of their Masters. Now they, and not without good reason, have preferred the <hi>Arab</hi> Writers barbarously translated, and slovenly <hi>Bonatus</hi> before <hi>Julius Firmicus</hi> and modern <hi>Pontanus,</hi> as spruce as they are. These two may rather be termed Grammarians, than Astrologers. Nor do <hi>Aristotle's</hi> crabbed Lectures of natural Phi<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>losophy discourage Interpreters or procure to themselves any discredit, by reason of the affected obscurity of speech, they are delivered in: and as to neatness of Poetry, <hi>Apollo</hi> himself hath been out-done by <hi>Sappho, Homer, Hesiod.</hi>
                     <note place="margin">
                        <hi>Plutar. lib. orac. Pyt<gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                              <desc>•</desc>
                           </gap>.</hi>
                     </note> Though the Matter doth often surpass the Work<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>manship; yet who is there is so rigid or so fond a Censurer, as to dispa<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>rage and debase the Matter upon the account of the Workmanship? Which I would not have be said only of those passages, which I have brought into this Piece out of those fore-mentioned Authors, but also of the whole Body of our Common-Law. I have, I hope, not unluckily be<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>gun with the very first Inhabitants of this Isle, as far as we can come to the knowledge of them. Those Authors, whom I have followed in the
<pb facs="tcp:108529:10"/>
original of Story, I have, as it was meet, set down and remark'd, ad<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ding the Judgement and Censure of the Learned. Afterward, besides <hi>Caesar</hi> and <hi>Tacitus</hi> there are but few that afford us any help, and that but in few things too. For the name of <hi>Brittany</hi> was known but of late to the <hi>Greeks,</hi> but of late to the <hi>Romans;</hi> and the <hi>Britans</hi> were truly for a long while divided from all the world besides. But among Foreigners the latter Ages have enquired after them. I speak of <hi>Strabo, Pliny, Ptolomy,</hi> others; and a certain Writer of <hi>Asia, Marcianus Heracleotes,</hi> not y<gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                        <desc>•</desc>
                     </gap>t, that I know of, turned into <hi>Latin,</hi> saith thus, <hi>Albion the Brittish Isle hath in it Thirty Three Na<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tions,</hi>
                     <note place="margin">
                        <hi>Marcian. Heracleot.</hi> 
                        <gap reason="foreign">
                           <desc>〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉</desc>
                        </gap>.</note> 
                     <hi>Fifty Nine remarkable Cities;</hi> and then he sub<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>joyns other things concerning the number of Rivers, Promontories, Ha<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>vens and Creeks or Bays. I have stretched out this Piece to the death of King <hi>Henry</hi> the Son of <hi>Mawd</hi> the Empress by <hi>Jeoffrey</hi> the Count of <hi>Angers</hi> in <hi>France.</hi> In whose time, or near thereabout, are the first beginnings of our Law, as our Lawyers now account. There come in by the way <hi>Richard</hi> called <hi>Coeur de Lion</hi> and King <hi>John</hi>; but there is scarce any thing in that interim to our purpose. I have on pur<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>pose passed by Mr. <hi>Lambard</hi>'s <hi>Archaeonomia</hi> (or Antiquites of Law) without medling with it at all, only when some obvious accasion did some<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>times suggest it for the explaining of what is set down by us. I have divided the whole into two Books; the <hi>first</hi> closes with the <hi>Saxons;</hi> the <hi>second</hi> begins with the <hi>Norman</hi> Conquest, the most famous <hi>Aera</hi> or Date of the <hi>English</hi> Government in the reckonings of time.</p>
                  <p>But however to refer the original of our <hi>English</hi> Laws to that Conquest (as some make bold to do) is a huge mistake; forasmuch as they are of a far more ancient Date.<note place="margin">
                        <p>
                           <hi>Philip. Ho<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>nor. Thes. po<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>litic. Lat. &amp; Ital.</hi>
                        </p>
                        <p>
                           <hi>Machiavell in Principe &amp; comment. ad Liv. l. 1. c. 25. &amp; 26.</hi>
                        </p>
                        <p>
                           <hi>Cujacius. Al<gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                                 <desc>•</desc>
                              </gap>er. Gentil. l. 3. c. 11. de jure bell.</hi>
                        </p>
                     </note> For it is a remark amongst Statesmen, That new acquired Empires, do run some hazard by attemp<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ting to make new Laws: and the <hi>Norman</hi> did warily provide against this danger, by bestowing upon the yielding conquered Nation the re<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>quital of their ancient Law: a requital, I say, but more, as it should seem, for shew than use; and rather to curry favour with the people at the present, than in good deed for the advantage of the <hi>English</hi> Name. Wherein he in some measure followed well near the practice of <hi>Alaricus,</hi> who having conquered the <hi>Romans,</hi> and finding that they took it in dudgeon to be bound up by the Laws of the <hi>Goths,</hi> though in other things they were compliant enough, restored to them the <hi>Roman</hi> Laws, but by sly interpretations against the sense and meaning of the <hi>Roman</hi> Laws he drew these Laws back again to the <hi>Gothish.</hi> For the times on this side the <hi>Normans</hi> entrance, are so full of new Laws, especially such as belong to the right of Tenancy or Vassalage; though other Laws have been carefully enough kept up from the time of the
<pb facs="tcp:108529:10"/>
                     <hi>Saxons,</hi> and perhaps from an earlier date. For neither did the gliding Decrees of that Blazing-Star, which appeared in the <hi>Easter</hi> of that year, so well known for this Victory, prognosticate, as the change of the Kingdom (a thing which Astrologers affirm) so the abolition of our Laws; and yet in some sense peradventure an alteration of them both; at that rate, I mean, as <hi>Jerom Cardan</hi> writes,<note place="margin">
                        <hi>H. Cardan. in Ptolem. l. 2. judic. astron. text. 54.</hi>
                     </note> that the Comet in the year <hi>1533.</hi> which appeared in <hi>Aries</hi> (to which Sign, our Island ac<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>cording to <hi>Ptolomies</hi> doctrine is lyable) under the North side of the Milky Way, being of a Jovial, Martial and Mercurial force and effica<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>cy, was the fore-teller or fore-runner of the change of Religion; which happened three years after in <hi>Henry</hi> the Eighth's time. But whatever may be thought in other cases, Christianity is exempt from the Laws and over-ruling power of the Stars, and I do but too well perceive, that <hi>Cardan's</hi> piety is wanting in this and in other instances, and particu<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>larly in casting our Saviours Nativity. And why do I too much besides my purpose, trouble my self about these things here? Go thy wayes to our <hi>Janus,</hi> (for thou canst hardly chuse but own him having two faces) where to speak of our <hi>English Brittish</hi> Law ('tis no Treason I trow so to call it)
<q>
                        <l>Nobilitas nec origo latet, sed luce sequente<note place="margin">Stat. 1. Silv.</note>
                        </l>
                        <l>Vincitur.—</l>
                     </q>
That is,
<q>
                        <l>It's noble rise doth not lye hid, but tight.</l>
                        <l>Attending makes it far more clear and bright.</l>
                     </q>
For,
<q>
                        <l>Si nobilitas cunctis exordia pandit<note place="margin">Claudian. in laud. Serenae uxor. Stilic.</note>
                        </l>
                        <l>Laudibus, atque omnes redeunt in semina causae.</l>
                     </q>
That is,
<q>
                        <l>If nobleness doth first commence all praise,</l>
                        <l>And all things from their seeds do themselves raise.</l>
                     </q>
However it does not at all boast of its <hi>Romulus's,</hi> its <hi>Numa's,</hi>
                     <note place="margin">
                        <hi>L. 2. Sect. 2. omnia. C. de vet. jur. en<gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                              <desc>•</desc>
                           </gap>cl.</hi>
                     </note> its <hi>Decemviri,</hi> its <hi>2000.</hi> Books, its <hi>4000.</hi> and <hi>4000.</hi> and <hi>4000.</hi> Verses, and the like; which having been digested long since (as it were
<q>
                        <pb facs="tcp:108529:11"/>
                        <note place="margin">Virg. Aen. 1.</note>—non hos quaesitum munus in usus,</q>
That is,
<q>A boon not purchas'd for such use as this)</q>
do far and near bear sway in Courts of Law throughout all <hi>Europe</hi>; yet is not the rise and original of our Laws also less to be regarded; nor is it perchance for distance of time further from <hi>Iapetus</hi> than they. But go thy wayes, I say, and see that thou dost not undertake without reason and good advice, to fit any thing to the present Age, otherwise than the changes, the repeals and cancelling parts of Laws, and new emergencies and vicissitudes of affairs, which were frequent, will give thee leave. Remember <hi>Lucretius</hi> in this case alike as in others.
<q>
                        <l>
                           <note place="margin">Lucret. l. 5. de rer. nat.</note>Quod fuit in pretio, fit nullo denique honore;</l>
                        <l>Porrò aliud succedit, &amp; è contemtibus exit,</l>
                        <l>In<expan>
                              <am>
                                 <g ref="char:abque"/>
                              </am>
                              <ex>que</ex>
                           </expan> dies magis appetitur, floretque repertum</l>
                        <l>Laudibus, &amp; miro'st mortaleis inter honore.</l>
                     </q>
That is,
<q>
                        <l>What was in price, at last hath no esteem;</l>
                        <l>Whilst somewhat else starts up, and gains repute,</l>
                        <l>And every day grows more in vogue and brute,</l>
                        <l>And mortals strangely do it highly deem.</l>
                     </q>
According to what that other, and the greatest Philosopher among the Poets saith,
<q>
                        <l>
                           <note place="margin">Virg. l. 11. Aeneid.</note>Multa dies, variusque labor mutabilis aevi</l>
                        <l>Rettulit in melius.—</l>
                     </q>
That is,
<q>
                        <l>Time and the various toyl of changing age</l>
                        <l>Many things betters, and reforms the Stage.</l>
                     </q>
                     <pb facs="tcp:108529:11"/>
And the <hi>Greek</hi> sentence,
<q>
                        <gap reason="foreign">
                           <desc>〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉</desc>
                        </gap>.</q>
                     <q>For time to Laws themselves gives Law full oft.</q>
without a world of rubs in the way and slips or distances of years, I saw I was not able to put upon the work the face of a History, and to muster up all things that are wanting. Very many things are so effaced by in<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>jury of time, several things have been lost through neglect, nor is the Learned World under a small discontent, or at small variance by reason of this loss. These remains, which are left us, to be handled upon oc<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>casion, I have alwayes accounted pleasant researches: I, and perhaps one may say, that those Learned Pieces, which <hi>Pomponius, Rivallius, Zasius, Oldendorp, Brissonius,</hi> and others, have published concer<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ning the Twelve Tables, and the Laws written upon Oaken Planks, upon Elephants Skins, and in former Ages upon Brass, are not of more use and advantage for the City <hi>Spire</hi> in <hi>Germany,</hi> than these Collecti<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ons may be for <hi>Westminster-Hall</hi> amongst us. We have said enough and to spare, concerning the model and frame of the Work. For me now to beg the Readers pardon, that I may speak a little concerning my self, seeing it was at my own choice, whether I would give him trouble or no, would be silly. If so be that any one shall shew himself more busie or pragmatical in these Writings of mine, than becomes him;
<q>
                        <gap reason="foreign">
                           <desc>〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉</desc>
                        </gap>,<note place="margin">Aristoph. <gap reason="foreign">
                              <desc>〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉</desc>
                           </gap>.</note>
                     </q>
                     <q>Not knowing <hi>(as we say)</hi> a Pig from a Dog</q>
I would not have him ignorant, that I value it no more than a rush, to be lashed with the flouts of prattle-boxes or tittle-tatlers, and such creatures as carry the Goddess <hi>Nemesis</hi> on pickpack. Nor does any one that is in his wits, when an Ass kicks and flings at him to little or no purpose, regard an idle oafish affront so as to requite it. I paint upon my weather-boards <hi>Averrunca,</hi> i. e. God forefend, (as they did of old <hi>Arse verse</hi> upon houses, to preserve them from fire.) May <hi>In<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tercedona, Pilumnus,</hi> and <hi>Deverra,</hi> drive away <hi>Silvanus,</hi> and keep him off from doing this tender Infant any harm. Well! let Ass<gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                        <desc>•</desc>
                     </gap>s and silly Animals commend, find fault, tune their pipes, how they will:
<pb facs="tcp:108529:12"/>
let the envious and ill natured with their sneerings, prate and talk; let snotty nosed Fellows and Clowns, that feed upon cockle bread, appro<gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="2 letters">
                        <desc>••</desc>
                     </gap> what I write, or let them flout and fleer, or let them play Jack of both sides; it's all fiddle faddle to me, nor would I put a straw between.
<q>
                        <lg>
                           <l>
                              <note place="margin">Hegesand. Delphus ap. Athen. dip<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>nos. 4.</note>
                              <gap reason="foreign">
                                 <desc>〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉</desc>
                              </gap>,</l>
                           <l>
                              <gap reason="foreign">
                                 <desc>〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉</desc>
                              </gap>.</l>
                        </lg>
                     </q>
                     <q>
                        <lg>
                           <l>Brow-benders, making Nose and Chin to meet,</l>
                           <l>With dangling Beards like sacks down to your feet.</l>
                        </lg>
                     </q>
Ye rigid <hi>Cato's</hi> and severe <hi>Criticks,</hi> do ye take in good part, what I have done; nor let me be altogether slighted, if by chance ye shall vouch<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>safe to look this way, nor with your skew looks fore-speak my harvest in the blade. I shall readily and willingly yield the conquest to him that fairly gets it, and rightfully corrects me. But whoever thou art of that sort of men,
<q>
                        <lg>
                           <l>Per meos fines &amp; aprica rura</l>
                           <l>
                              <note place="margin">Horat. Carm. 3. Od. 18.</note>Lenis incedas, abeasque parvis</l>
                           <l>Aequus alumnis.</l>
                        </lg>
                     </q>
                     <q>
                        <lg>
                           <l>O're my bounds and sunny plain</l>
                           <l>Take a gentle walk or twain;</l>
                           <l>Then depart with friendly mind,</l>
                           <l>To me and my Lambkins kind.</l>
                        </lg>
                     </q>
You,<note place="margin">
                        <hi>Plin. epist. ad Nat. Hist.</hi>
                     </note> that are candid and courteous, know, that 'tis a very hard matter <hi>to brighten things that are grown out of use, to furnish things obscure with light, to set off things that are disdained, with credit, to make things doubtful pass for probable, to as<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>sign to every thing its own nature, and every thing to its own nature; and that it is a very brave and gallant thing,</hi> as he sayes, <hi>for those that have not attained their design, yet to have endeavoured it</hi>; when the Will (<hi>as we say</hi>) is accepted for the Deed. But I know too, that every <hi>Cone</hi> or point of vision in the <hi>Opticks</hi> differs from a right angle;<note place="margin">
                        <hi>Senec. praef. ad controver.</hi>
                     </note> and I know how odious a thing a Train or solemn Procession is in the publick Games. Therefore, <hi>dear
<pb facs="tcp:108529:12"/>
Reader,</hi> I bid thee heartily farewel; and with a fortunate endeavour, fetch out hence, what may make for thy turn. Why do I delay all this while to let thee in? <gap reason="foreign">
                        <desc>〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉</desc>
                     </gap>. Go thy wayes in, o'Gods name.
<q>
                        <lg>
                           <l>Laudamus veteres, sed nostris utimur annis:<note place="margin">Ovid. Fast. 1.</note>
                           </l>
                           <l>Mos tamen est aeque dignus uterque coli.</l>
                        </lg>
                     </q>
                     <q>
                        <lg>
                           <l>We praise old times, but make use of our own;</l>
                           <l>And yet 'tis fit they both alike be known.</l>
                        </lg>
                     </q>
Go in and welcome heartily; and be not unkind to thy Entertainer,</p>
                  <closer>
                     <dateline>
                        <hi>From the</hi> Inner Temple London, <date>Decemb. <hi>25. 1610.</hi>
                        </date>
                     </dateline>
                  </closer>
               </div>
               <div type="encomium">
                  <pb facs="tcp:108529:13"/>
                  <head>
                     <gap reason="foreign">
                        <desc>〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉</desc>
                     </gap>.</head>
                  <l>
                     <gap reason="foreign">
                        <desc>〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉</desc>
                     </gap>
                  </l>
                  <l>
                     <gap reason="foreign">
                        <desc>〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉</desc>
                     </gap>.</l>
                  <l>
                     <gap reason="foreign">
                        <desc>〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉</desc>
                     </gap>
                  </l>
                  <l>
                     <gap reason="foreign">
                        <desc>〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉</desc>
                     </gap>
                  </l>
                  <l>
                     <gap reason="foreign">
                        <desc>〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉</desc>
                     </gap>
                  </l>
                  <l>
                     <gap reason="foreign">
                        <desc>〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉</desc>
                     </gap>.</l>
                  <closer>
                     <signed>
                        <gap reason="foreign">
                           <desc>〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉</desc>
                        </gap>.</signed>
                  </closer>
               </div>
               <div type="encomium">
                  <pb facs="tcp:108529:13"/>
                  <head>In laudem dignissimi Authoris, &amp; politioris literaturae candidati, Carmen.</head>
                  <l>CUm Jovis effoeti Pallas foret orta cerebro,</l>
                  <l>Vagitus teneros virgo patrima dedit.</l>
                  <l>Accurrit, tacitéque novam subducere prolem</l>
                  <l>Tentat, &amp; abstrusis abdere Juno locis.</l>
                  <l>Jupiter ingenuam solerti indagine natam</l>
                  <l>Quaeritat, &amp; celeri permeat astra pede;</l>
                  <l>Stat, cerebrique tuam cernens, <hi>Seldene,</hi> Minervam</l>
                  <l>In natae amplexus irruit ille tuae.</l>
                  <l>Atque suam credit; parilique ab imagine formae</l>
                  <l>Illa fuit suavis, suavis &amp; illa fuit.</l>
                  <l>Lisque foret, nisi quae quondam Lucina fuisset,</l>
                  <l>Musarum testis turba novena fuit.</l>
                  <l>Quam cognata Jovis tua casta Minerva Minervae est,</l>
                  <l>Cum tantum fallax lusit imago Deum?</l>
               </div>
               <div type="encomium">
                  <head>ALIUD.</head>
                  <l>DUm tuus ambiguâ <hi>Janus,</hi> facieque biformi</l>
                  <l>Respicit antiqua, &amp; posteriora videt:</l>
                  <l>Archivos Themidis canos, monumentaque legum</l>
                  <l>Vindicat à veteri semi-sopita situ.</l>
                  <l>Hinc duplex te <hi>Jane</hi> manet veterane corona,</l>
                  <l>Gratia canitie, posteritate decus.</l>
                  <closer>
                     <signed>Gulielmus Bakerus Oxon.</signed>
                  </closer>
               </div>
               <div type="encomium">
                  <pb facs="tcp:108529:14"/>
                  <head>ASTRAEAE BRIT.</head>
                  <lg>
                     <l>ULtima caelicolûm terras Astraea reliquit.</l>
                     <l>Tu tamen alma redi &amp; terras Astraea revise:</l>
                     <l>Astraea alma redi tuis Britannis:</l>
                     <l>Et diva alma fave tuis Britannis:</l>
                     <l>Et diva alma fove tuos Britannos:</l>
                     <l>Et diva alma regas tuos Britannos:</l>
                     <l>Cantemus tibi sic tui Britanni:</l>
                     <l>Foelices nimium ô tui Britanni:</l>
                     <l>Tu tandem alma redis divum postrema Britannis:</l>
                     <l>Ultima coelicolûm terras Astraea revisit.</l>
                  </lg>
                  <lg>
                     <l>
                        <hi>Alma redi.</hi> sacro redolent altaria fumo</l>
                     <l>Et tibi sacratis ignibus. <hi>Alma redi.</hi>
                     </l>
                     <l>
                        <hi>Alma redi.</hi> posuit Liber hic primordia juris</l>
                     <l>Anglos quo poteris tu regere. <hi>Alma redi.</hi>
                     </l>
                     <l>
                        <hi>Alma redi.</hi> tibi templa struit <hi>Seldenus</hi>: at aram</l>
                     <l>Qui tibi nil potuit sanctius. <hi>Alma redi.</hi>
                     </l>
                  </lg>
                  <closer>
                     <signed>E. Heyward.</signed>
                  </closer>
               </div>
               <div type="encomium">
                  <head>In Epigraphen Libri Carmen.</head>
                  <l>QUisnam Iò mussat? Posuisti Enyo</l>
                  <l>Arma; jam doctos Iber haùt Batavos</l>
                  <l>Marte turbat; Foedere jam <hi>Britannus</hi>
                  </l>
                  <l>Continet Orbem.</l>
                  <l>
                     <hi>Clusium</hi> Audax quis reserat latentem?</l>
                  <l>Falleris. Diae <hi>Themidis</hi> recludo</l>
                  <l>
                     <hi>Intima.</hi> Haec portâ meliùs feratâ</l>
                  <l>Pandit <hi>Eanus.</hi>
                  </l>
                  <closer>
                     <signed>I. S.</signed>
                  </closer>
               </div>
               <div type="table_of_contents">
                  <pb facs="tcp:108529:14"/>
                  <div n="1" type="book">
                     <head>THE CONTENTS OF THE CHAPTERS. BOOK I.</head>
                     <list>
                        <item>
                           <label>CHAP. I.</label> THE counterfeit <hi>Berosus</hi> with the Monk that put him forth, both censured. The Story of <hi>Samothes</hi> the first <hi>Celtick</hi> King. The bounds of <hi>Celtica.</hi> From <hi>Samothes,</hi> say they, the <hi>Britans</hi> and <hi>Gauls</hi> were called <hi>Samothei.</hi> For which <hi>Dio<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>genes Laertius</hi> is falsly quoted; the word in him, being <hi>Semno<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>thei, page 1.</hi>
                        </item>
                        <item>
                           <label>CHAP. II.</label> An Account of the <hi>Semnothei.</hi> Why so called; the opinion of <hi>H. Stephen,</hi> and of the Author. Old Heroes and Philosophers went by the names of Demy-gods. The <gap reason="foreign">
                              <desc>〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉</desc>
                           </gap> or <hi>Venerable Goddesses,</hi> the same as <hi>Eumenides,</hi> dispensers of Justice. And by <hi>Plutarch</hi> and <hi>Orpheus</hi> they are set for Civil Magistrates. Judges in Scripture so called <hi>Elohim, i. e.</hi> Gods. These <hi>Semnai theai</hi> the same as <hi>Deae Matres</hi> in an old British Inscription, <hi>p. 3</hi>
                        </item>
                        <item>
                           <label>CHAP. III.</label> One Law of <hi>Samothes</hi> out of <hi>Basingstoke</hi> concerning the reckoning of Time by Nights. <hi>Bodinus</hi> his censure of Astrologers for other<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>wise computing their Planetary Hours. A brief account of some
<pb facs="tcp:108529:15"/>
of <hi>Samothes</hi> his Successors, <hi>Magus, Sarron, Druis,</hi> from whom the <hi>Druids,</hi> &amp;c. <hi>p. 5</hi>
                        </item>
                        <item>
                           <label>CHAP. IV.</label> K. <hi>Phranicus 900.</hi> Years after <hi>Samothes</hi> being to reside in <hi>Panno<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>nia,</hi> intrusts the <hi>Druids</hi> with the Government. In the mean time <hi>Brutus, Aeneas</hi> his Grand-son, arrives and is owned King by the <hi>Britans,</hi> and builds <hi>T<gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                                 <desc>•</desc>
                              </gap>oynovant,</hi> i. e. <hi>London. Dunvallo Molmutius 600.</hi> years after is King, and makes Laws concerning Sanctuaries, Roads or High-wayes and Plow-lands. K. <hi>Belin</hi> his Son confirms those Laws, and casts up four great Cause-wayes through the Island. A further account of <hi>Molmutius. p. 6</hi>
                        </item>
                        <item>
                           <label>CHAP. V.</label> A brief Account of Q. Regent <hi>Martia,</hi> and of <hi>Merchenlage,</hi> whe<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ther so called from her, or from the <hi>Mercians. Annius</hi> again censured for a Forger, and his <hi>Berosus</hi> for a Fabulous Writer, <hi>p. 7</hi>
                        </item>
                        <item>
                           <label>CHAP. VI.</label> The story of <hi>Brutus</hi> canvast and taken to be a Poetick Fiction of the Bards. <hi>Jeoffry</hi> of <hi>Monmouth</hi>'s credit called in question. Antiquaries at a loss in their judgements of these frivolous stories, <hi>p. 8</hi>
                        </item>
                        <item>
                           <label>CHAP. VII.</label> What the <hi>Trojan</hi> Laws were, which <hi>Brutus</hi> brought in. That con<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>cerning the Eldest Sons Inheriting the whole Estate, confuted. In the first times there were no Positive Laws; yet mention made of them in some very ancient Authors, notwithstanding a remark of some ancient Writers to the contrary, <hi>p. 10</hi>
                        </item>
                        <item>
                           <label>CHAP. VIII.</label> An Account of the <hi>DRUIDS</hi> out of <hi>Caesar</hi>'s Commentaries, whence they were so called. Their determining in point of Law, and pas<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>sing Sentence in case of Crime. Their Award binds all parties. Their way of Excommunicating or Outlawing. They have a Chief over them. How he is chosen. Their Priviledge and Immunity, <hi>p. 12</hi>
                        </item>
                        <item>
                           <label>CHAP. IX.</label> The menage of their Schools without Writing. On other occasions they might use the <hi>Greek</hi> Letters, as <hi>Caesar</hi> saith, yet not have the language. The <hi>Greek</hi> Letters then were others than what they are now. These borrowed from the <hi>Gauls,</hi> as those from the <hi>Phoeni<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>cians. Ceregy-Drudion,</hi> or the <hi>Druids Stones</hi> in <hi>Wales.</hi> This Place of <hi>Caesar</hi>'s suspected. <hi>Lipsius</hi> his Judgement of the whole Book, <hi>p. 13</hi>
                        </item>
                        <item>
                           <pb facs="tcp:108529:15"/>
                           <label>CHAP. X.</label> The <hi>Druids</hi> reckoning of time. An Age consists of thirty Years. What Authors treat of the <hi>Druids.</hi> Their Doctrines and Customs savour of <hi>Pythagoras</hi> and the <hi>Cabbalists.</hi> They were the eldest Philosophers and Lawyers among the <hi>Gentiles.</hi> Some odd Images of theirs in Stone, in an Abby near <hi>Voitland,</hi> described, <hi>p. 15</hi>
                        </item>
                        <item>
                           <label>CHAP. XI.</label> The <hi>Britans</hi> and <hi>Gauls</hi> had Laws and Customs much alike, and whence that came. Some things common to them both, set down; in rela<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tion to the breeding of their Children, the Marrying of their Wives, the Governing of their Families, burning Women that killed their Husbands, and burning some Servants with the dead Master for company. Together with some Remarks of their publick Government, <hi>p. 16</hi>
                        </item>
                        <item>
                           <label>CHAP. XII. </label>Women admitted to publick debates. A large commendation of the Sex, together with a vindication of their fitness to govern; against the <hi>Salick</hi> Law, made out by several examples of most Nations, <hi>p. 18</hi>
                        </item>
                        <item>
                           <label>CHAP. XIII.</label> Their putting themselves under protection by going into great mens ser<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>vice. Their Coins of money, and their weighing of it. Some sorts of flesh not lawful to be eaten by them, <hi>p. 21</hi>
                        </item>
                        <item>
                           <label>CHAP. XIV.</label> Community of Wives among the <hi>Britans,</hi> used formerly by other Nati<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ons also. <hi>Chalcondylas</hi> his mistake from our Civil Custom of Saluting. A rėbuke of the foolish humour of Jealousie, <hi>p. 22</hi>
                        </item>
                        <item>
                           <label>CHAP. XV.</label> An account of the <hi>British</hi> State under the <hi>Romans. Claudius</hi> wins a Battel, and returns to <hi>Rome</hi> in Triumph, and leaves <hi>A. Plautius</hi> to order affairs. A Colony is sent to <hi>Maldon</hi> in <hi>Essex,</hi> and to several other places. The nature of these Colonies out of <hi>Lipsius. Julius Agricola</hi>'s Government here in <hi>Vespasian</hi>'s time, <hi>p. 24</hi>
                        </item>
                        <item>
                           <label>CHAP. XVI.</label> In <hi>Commodus</hi> his time King <hi>Lucy</hi> embraces the Christian Religion, and desires <hi>Eleutherius</hi> then Pope, to send him the <hi>Roman</hi> Laws. In stead of Heathen Priests, he makes three Arch-Bishops and twenty eight Bishops. He endows the Churches, and makes them Sanctuaries. The manner of Government in <hi>Constantine</hi>'s time, where ends the <hi>Roman</hi> account. <hi>p. 27</hi>
                        </item>
                        <item>
                           <label>CHAP. XVII.</label> The <hi>Saxons</hi> are sent for in by <hi>Vortigern</hi> against the <hi>Scots</hi> and <hi>Picts,</hi>
                           <pb facs="tcp:108529:16"/>
who usurping the Government, set up the Heptarchy. The <hi>Angles, Jutes, Frisons,</hi> all called <hi>Saxons.</hi> An account of them and their Laws, taken out of <hi>Adam</hi> of <hi>Bremen, p. 29</hi>
                        </item>
                        <item>
                           <label>CHAP. XVIII.</label> The <hi>Saxons</hi> division of their people into four ranks. No person to mar<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ry out of his own rank. What proportion to be observed in Mar<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>riages according to Policy. <hi>Like to like</hi> the old Rule. Now Matrimony is made a matter of money, <hi>p. 30</hi>
                        </item>
                        <item>
                           <label>CHAP. XIX.</label> The <hi>Saxons</hi> way of judging the Event of War with an Enemy. Their manner of approving a proposal in Council, by clattering their Arms. The Original of <hi>Hundred-Courts.</hi> Their dubbing their Youth into Men. The priviledge of young Lads Nobly born. The <hi>Morganheb</hi> or Wedding-dowry, <hi>p. 32</hi>
                        </item>
                        <item>
                           <label>CHAP. XX.</label> Their severe punishments of Adultery, by maiming some parts of the body. The reason of it given by <hi>Bracton.</hi> The like practised by <hi>Danes</hi> and <hi>Normans, p. 33</hi>
                        </item>
                        <item>
                           <label>CHAP. XXI.</label> The manner of Inheriting among them. Of deadly Feuds. Of <hi>Wer<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>gild</hi> or Head-money for Murder. The Nature of Country-Tenures and Knights Fees, <hi>p. 36</hi>
                        </item>
                        <item>
                           <label>CHAP. XXII.</label> Since the return of Christianity into the Island. King <hi>Ethelbert</hi>'s Law against Sacriledge. Thieves formerly amerced in Cattel. A blot upon <hi>Theodred</hi> the Good, Bishop of <hi>London,</hi> for hanging Thieves. The Country called <hi>Engelond</hi> by Order of King <hi>Eg<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>bert,</hi> and why so called. The Laws of King <hi>Ina, Alfred, E<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>thelred,</hi> &amp;c. are still to be met with in <hi>Saxon.</hi> Those of <hi>Ed<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ward</hi> the Confessor, and King <hi>Knute</hi> the <hi>Dane,</hi> were put forth by Mr. <hi>Lambard</hi> in his <hi>Archaeonomia, p. 37</hi>
                        </item>
                        <item>
                           <label>CHAP. XXIII.</label> King <hi>Alfred</hi> divides <hi>England</hi> into Counties or Shires, and into Hundreds and Tythings. The Original of <hi>Decenna</hi> or <hi>Court<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>leet, Friburg,</hi> and <hi>Mainpast.</hi> Forms of Law, how Peo<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ple were to answer for those whom they had in <hi>Borgh</hi> or <hi>Main<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>past, p. 39</hi>
                        </item>
                        <item>
                           <label>CHAP. XXIV.</label> King <hi>Alfred</hi> first appointed Sheriffs. By <hi>Duns Scotus</hi> his advice, he gave Order for the breeding up of Youth in Learning. By the way, what a <hi>Hide</hi> of Land is. King <hi>Edgar</hi>'s Law for Drink<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ing. Prelates investiture by the Kings Ring and Staff. King
<pb facs="tcp:108529:16"/>
                           <hi>Knute</hi>'s Law against any English-man that should kill a <hi>Dane.</hi> Hence <hi>Englescyre.</hi> The manner of Subscribing and Sealing till <hi>Edward the Confessor's</hi> time. King <hi>Harold</hi>'s Law, that no Welch-man should come on this side <hi>Offa</hi>'s Dike with a weapon, <hi>p. 41</hi>
                        </item>
                        <item>
                           <label>CHAP. XXV.</label> The Royal Consorts great Priviledge of Granting. Felons Estates forfeited to the King. Estates granted by the King with three Exceptions of Expedition, Bridge, and Castle. The Ceremony of the Kings presenting a Turf at the Altar of that Church, to which he gave Land. Such a Grant of King <hi>Ethelbald</hi> com<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>prized in old Verse, <hi>p. 43</hi>
                        </item>
                     </list>
                  </div>
                  <div n="2" type="book">
                     <pb facs="tcp:108529:17"/>
                     <list>
                        <head>THE CONTETNS. BOOK II.</head>
                        <item>
                           <label>CHAP. I. WIlliam</label> the Conquerour's Title. He bestows Lands upon his followers, and brings Bishops and Abbots under Military service. An account of the old English Laws, called <hi>Merchen<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>lage, Danelage,</hi> and <hi>Westsaxen-lage.</hi> He is prevailed upon by the Barons, to govern according to King <hi>Edward's</hi> Laws, and at <hi>S. Albans</hi> takes his Oath so to do. Yet some new Laws were added to those old ones, <hi>p. 47</hi>
                        </item>
                        <item>
                           <label>CHAP. II.</label> The whole Country inrolled in <hi>Dooms-day Book.</hi> Why that Book so called. <hi>Robert</hi> of <hi>Glocester's</hi> Verses to prove it. The Origi<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>nal of Charters and Seals from the <hi>Normans,</hi> practised of old among the <hi>French.</hi> Who among the <hi>Romans</hi> had the priviledge of using Rings to seal with, and who not, <hi>p. 51</hi>
                        </item>
                        <item>
                           <label>CHAP. III.</label> Other wayes of granting and conveying Estates, by a Sword, <hi>&amp;c.</hi> par<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ticularly by a Horn. <hi>Godwin's</hi> trick to get <hi>Boseham</hi> of the Arch-Bishop of <hi>Canterbury.</hi> Pleadings in <hi>French.</hi> The <hi>French</hi> Language and Hand when came in fashion. Coverfeu. Laws against taking of Deer, against Murder, against Rape, <hi>p. 54</hi>
                        </item>
                        <item>
                           <label>CHAP. IV.</label> Sheriffs and Juries were before this time. The four Terms. Judges to act without appeal. Justices of Peace. The Kings payments made at first in Provisions. Afterwards changed into Mony, which the Sheriff of each County was to pay in to the Exchequer. The Constable of <hi>Dover</hi> and Warder of the <hi>Cinque Ports</hi> why made. A disorder in Church-affairs Reformed, <hi>p. 56</hi>
                        </item>
                        <item>
                           <pb facs="tcp:108529:17"/>
                           <label>CHAP. V.</label>
                           <hi>William Rufus</hi> succeeds. <hi>Annats</hi> now paid to the King. Why claimed by the Pope. No one to go out of the Land without leave. Hunting of Deer made Felony. <hi>p. 59</hi>
                        </item>
                        <item>
                           <label>CHAP. VI. Henry</label> the First why called <hi>Beauclerk.</hi> His Letters of Repeal. An Order for the Relief of Lands. What a <hi>Hereot</hi> was. Of the Marriage of the Kings Homagers Daughter, <hi>&amp;c.</hi> Of an Orphans Marriage. Of the Widows Dowry. Of other Homagers the like. Coynage-money remitted. Of the disposal of Estates. The Goods of those that dye Intestate, now and long since, in the Churches Jurisdiction; as also the business of Wills. Of Forfeitures. Of Misdemeanors. Of Forests. Of the <hi>Fee de Hauberk.</hi> King <hi>Edward's</hi> Law restored, <hi>p. 60</hi>
                        </item>
                        <item>
                           <label>CHAP. VII.</label> His order for the restraint of his Courtiers. What the punishment of Theft. Coyners to lose their Hands and Privy members. Guelding a kind of death. What Half-pence and Farthings to pass. The right measure of the Eln. The Kings price set for provisions, <hi>p. 63</hi>
                        </item>
                        <item>
                           <label>CHAP. VIII.</label> The Regality claim'd by the Pope, but within a while resumed by the King. The <hi>Coverfeu</hi> dispensed with. A Subsidy for marrying the Kings daughter. The <hi>Courtesie of England.</hi> Concerning Shipwrack. A Tax levied to raise and carry on a War, <hi>p. 65</hi>
                        </item>
                        <item>
                           <label>CHAP. IX.</label> In King <hi>Stephen's</hi> Reign all was to pieces. Abundance of Castles built. Of the priviledge of Coining. Appeals to the Court of <hi>Rome</hi> now set on foot. The <hi>Roman</hi> Laws brought in, but disowned. An instance in the <hi>Wonder-working Parliament, p. 67</hi>
                        </item>
                        <item>
                           <label>CHAP. X.</label> In King <hi>Henry</hi> the Seconds time, the Castles demolished. A Par<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>liament held at <hi>Clarendon.</hi> Of the Advowson and Presentation of Churches. Estates not to be given to Monasteries without the Kings leave. Clergymen to answer in the Kings Court. A Cler<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>gyman convict, out of the Churches Protection. None to go out of the Realm, without the Kings leave. This Repealed by King <hi>John.</hi> Excommunicate Persons to find Surety. Laymen how to be impleaded in the Ecclesiastical Court. A Lay-Jury to swear there, in what case. No Homager or Officer of the Kings to be Excommunicated, till He or his Justice be acquainted, <hi>p. 69</hi>
                        </item>
                        <item>
                           <pb facs="tcp:108529:18"/>
                           <label>CHAP. XI.</label>Other Laws of Church affairs. Concerning Appeals. A Suit betwixt a Clergy-man and a Lay-man, where to be tryed. In what case one, who relates to the King, may be put under an Interdict. The difference betwixt that and Excommunication. Bishops to be present at the Tryals of Criminals, until Sentence of Death, <hi>&amp;c.</hi> pass. Profits of vacant Bishopricks, <hi>&amp;c.</hi> belong to the King. The next Bishop to be chosen in the Kings Chappel, and to do Homage before Consecration. Deforcements to the Bishop, to be righted by the King. And on the contrary, Chattels forfeit to the King, not to be detained by the Church. Pleas of debts whatsoever in the Kings Court. Yeomens Sons not to go into Orders without the Lords leave, <hi>p. 72</hi>
                        </item>
                        <item>
                           <label>CHAP. XII.</label> The Statutes of <hi>Clarendon</hi> mis-reported in <hi>Matthew Paris,</hi> amended in <hi>Quadrilegus.</hi> These Laws occasioned a Quarrel be<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tween the King and <hi>Thomas a Becket.</hi> Witness <hi>Robert</hi> of <hi>Glo<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>cester,</hi> whom he calls <hi>Yumen.</hi> The same as <hi>Rusticks,</hi> i. e. <hi>Vil<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>lains.</hi> Why a Bishop of <hi>Dublin</hi> called <hi>Scorch-Uillein.</hi> Vil<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>lanage before the <hi>Normans</hi> time, <hi>p. 74</hi>
                        </item>
                        <item>
                           <label>CHAP. XIII.</label> The Poet gives account which of those Laws were granted by <hi>Thomas a Becket,</hi> which withstood. <hi>Leudemen</hi> signifies Lay-men, and more generally all illiterate Persons, <hi>p. 77</hi>
                        </item>
                        <item>
                           <label>CHAP. XIV.</label> The Pope absolves <hi>Thomas a Becket</hi> from his Oath, and damns the Laws of <hi>Clarendon.</hi> The King resents it, writes to his She<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>riffs, Orders a Seisure. Penalties inflicted on Kindred. He provides against an Interdict from <hi>Rome.</hi> He summons the Bi<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>shops of <hi>London</hi> and <hi>Norwich.</hi> An account of <hi>Peter</hi> Pence, <hi>p. 79</hi>
                        </item>
                        <item>
                           <label>CHAP. XV.</label> A Parliament at <hi>Northampton.</hi> Six Circuits ordered. A List of the then Justices. The Jury to be of twelve Knights. Several sorts of Knights. In what cases Honorary Knights to serve in Juries. Those who come to Parliament by right of Peerage, sit as Barons. Those who come by Letters of Summons, are styled <hi>Chevaliers, p. 81</hi>
                        </item>
                        <item>
                           <label>CHAP. XVI.</label> The person convict by <hi>Ordeal,</hi> to quit the Realm within Forty dayes. Why Forty dayes allowed. An account of the Ordeals by Fire and Water. Lady <hi>Emme</hi> clear'd by going over burning Coulters. Two sorts of tryal by Water. Learned conjectures at the rise and
<pb facs="tcp:108529:18"/>
reason of these customs. These Ordeals, as also that of single Combat condemned by the Church, <hi>p. 84</hi>
                        </item>
                        <item>
                           <label>CHAP. XVII.</label>Other Laws: Of entertaining of strangers. An <hi>Uncuth,</hi> a <hi>Gust,</hi> a <hi>Hogenhine;</hi> what of him who confesseth the Murder, <hi>&amp;c.</hi> Of <hi>Frank pledge.</hi> Of an Heir under age. Of a Widows Dowry. Of taking the Kings fealty. Of setting a time to do homage. Of the Justices duty. Of their demolishing of Castles. Of Felons to be put into the Sheriffs hands. Of those who have de<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>parted the Realm, <hi>p. 87</hi>
                        </item>
                        <item>
                           <label>CHAP. XVIII.</label> Some Laws in favour of the Clergy. Of forfeitures on the account of Forest or hunting. Of Knights fees. Who to bear Arms, and what Arms. Arms not to be alienated. No <hi>Jew</hi> to bear Arms. Arms not to be carryed out of <hi>England.</hi> Rich men under suspi<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>cion to clear themselves by Oath. Who allowed to swear against a Free-man. Timber for building of Ships not to be carryed out of <hi>England.</hi> None but Free-men to bear Arms. Free-men who. Rusticks or Villains not such, <hi>p. 90</hi>
                        </item>
                        <item>
                           <label>CHAP. XIX.</label> Of Law-makers. Our Kings not Monarchs at first. Several of them in the same County. The <hi>Druids</hi> meeting-place where. Un<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>der the <hi>Saxons,</hi> Laws made in a general Assembly of the States. Several instances. This Assembly under the <hi>Normans</hi> called <hi>Parliament.</hi> The thing taken from a custome of the ancient <hi>Germans.</hi> Who had right to sit in Parliament. The harmony of the Three Estates, <hi>p. 93</hi>
                        </item>
                        <item>
                           <label>CHAP. XX.</label> The Guardians of the Laws, who. In the <hi>Saxons</hi> time seven Chief. One of the Kings among the Heptarchs styled <hi>Monarch</hi> of all <hi>En<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>gland.</hi> The Office of Lord <hi>High Constable.</hi> Of Lord <hi>Chancellor,</hi> ancient. The Lord <hi>Treasurer. Alderman</hi> of <hi>England,</hi> what. Why one called <hi>Healfkoning. Aldermen</hi> of Provinces and <hi>Graves,</hi> the same as <hi>Counts</hi> or <hi>Earls</hi> and <hi>Vis<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>counts</hi> or Sheriffs. Of the <hi>County Court,</hi> and the Court of Inquests, called <hi>Tourn le Viscount.</hi> When this Court kept, and the original of it, <hi>p. 95</hi>
                        </item>
                        <item>
                           <label>CHAP. XXI.</label> Of the <hi>Norman</hi> Earls. Their Fee. Their power of making Laws. Of the <hi>Barons, i.e.</hi> Lords of Manours. Of the <hi>Court-Baron.</hi> Its rise. An instance of it out of <hi>Hoveden.</hi> Other Offices much alike with the <hi>Saxons. p. 98</hi>
                        </item>
                     </list>
                  </div>
               </div>
            </front>
            <body>
               <div n="1" type="book">
                  <pb facs="tcp:108529:19"/>
                  <pb n="1" facs="tcp:108529:19"/>
                  <head>THE FIRST BOOK OF THE ENGLISH JANUS. From the Beginning of the BRITISH Story down to the NORMAN Conquest.</head>
                  <div n="1" type="chapter">
                     <head>CHAP. I. </head>
                     <argument>
                        <p>The counterfeit <hi>Berosus</hi> with the Monk that put him forth, both cen<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>sured. The Story of <hi>Samothes</hi> the first <hi>Celtick</hi> King. The bounds of <hi>Celtica.</hi> From <hi>Samothes,</hi> say they, the <hi>Britans</hi> and <hi>Gauls</hi> were called <hi>Samothei.</hi> For which <hi>Diogenes Laertius</hi> is falsly quoted; the word in him, being <hi>Semnothei.</hi>
                        </p>
                     </argument>
                     <p>
                        <seg rend="decorInit">T</seg>HERE came forth, and in Buskins too (I mean, with Pomp and State) some parcels of years ago, and is still handed about every where, an Author, called <hi>Berosus</hi> a <hi>Chaldee</hi> Priest (take heed how you suffer your self to believe him to be the same that <hi>Flavius Jo<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>sephus</hi> so often up and down quotes for a witness) with a Commentary of <hi>Viterbiensis.</hi> Or, rather to say that which is the very truth, <hi>John Annius</hi> of <hi>Viterbium</hi> (a City of <hi>Tuscany.)</hi> a <hi>Dominican</hi> Frier, playing the <hi>Leger-de-main,</hi> having counterfeited <hi>Be<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>rosas,</hi>
                        <pb n="2" facs="tcp:108529:20"/>
to put off his own strange stories, hath put a cheat upon the Lady <hi>Muse</hi> who is the Governess of Antiquities, and has hung a Bantling at her back.</p>
                     <p>After the Genealogies of the <hi>Hebrews</hi> drawn down by that Author, whoever he be, according to his own humour and method, for fear he should not be thought to take in the Kingdoms and Kings of the whole Universe, and the Etymologies of Proper Names by whole-sale, as we say; as if he had been born the next day after Grandam <hi>Ops</hi> was deli<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>vered of <hi>Jupiter,</hi> he subjoyns SAMOTHES (the very same who is ycleped <hi>Dis</hi>) the Founder of the <hi>Celtick</hi> Colonies, stuffing up odd Patcheries of Story to entertain and abuse the Reader.</p>
                     <p>Now, this I thought fit by the by, not to conceal, that all that space which is bounded with the River <hi>Rhine,</hi> the <hi>Alpes,</hi> the <hi>Mediterranean</hi> Sea, the <hi>Pyrenean</hi> Hills, and lastly, the <hi>Gascoin</hi> and the <hi>British</hi> Oceans, was formerly termed <hi>Celtogalatia;</hi>
                        <note place="margin">Ptol. 2. Geogr. &amp; 2. quadrip. &amp; Pausan. l. 1.</note> nay, that <hi>P<gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                              <desc>•</desc>
                           </gap>olomy</hi> hath comprized all <hi>Europe</hi> under the name of <hi>Celtica.</hi>
                     </p>
                     <p>Well, as the Commentary of <hi>Annius</hi> has it, <q>This <hi>Samothes</hi> was Brother to <hi>Gomar</hi> and <hi>Tubal</hi> by their Father <hi>Japhet,</hi> from whom first the <hi>Britans,</hi> then the <hi>Gauls</hi> were called <hi>Samothei;</hi> and especially the Philosophers and Divines that were his followers.</q> And out of <hi>Laertius</hi> he tells us, <q>For it is evident, that among the <hi>Persians</hi> the <hi>Magi</hi> flourished, among the <hi>Babylonians</hi> and <hi>Assyrians</hi> the <hi>Chaldeans</hi> were famous, among the <hi>Celts</hi> and <hi>Gauls</hi> the <hi>Druids,</hi> and those who were called <hi>Samothei;</hi> who, as <hi>Aristotle</hi> in his Magick, and <hi>Sotion</hi> in his Three and Twentieth Book of Successions do witness, were men very well skilled in Laws Divine and Humane, and upon that account were much addicted to Religion; and were for that reason termed <hi>Samothei.</hi>
                        </q> These very words you meet with in <hi>Annius.</hi>
                     </p>
                     <p>The name of <hi>Laertius</hi> is pretended, and the beginning of his Volume concerning the Lives of Philosophers. Why then let us read <hi>Laertius</hi> himself; <q>and amongst the <hi>Celts</hi> and <hi>Gauls</hi> (saith he) the <hi>Semnothei</hi> as saith <hi>Aristotle</hi> in his Book of Magick, and <hi>Sotion</hi> in his Three and Twentieth of Succession.</q> Concerning the <hi>Samothei</hi> any other wayes there is not so much as one syllable. That they were men well skilled in Laws Divine and Humane, or that they had their name given them upon that account, only the <hi>Latin</hi> and foisted Edition of B. <hi>Brognol</hi> the <hi>Venetian</hi> has told us: whereas in truth, in all the ancient <hi>Greek</hi> Copies of <hi>Laertius,</hi> which that great Scholar <hi>Harry Stephen</hi> saw and consulted with (and he sayes he perused Eight or Nine) there is no mention at all made of that business.</p>
                     <p>And yet for all that, I cannot perswade my self, that it was only for want of care, or by meer chance, that this slipt into the Glosses: It does appear, that there have been able Lawyers and Master Philosophers not only among the <hi>Greeks,</hi> the <hi>Gauls,</hi> and those of <hi>Italy;</hi> but also among the <hi>Northern</hi> Nations, however Barbarous. Witness the <hi>Druids</hi> among us, and among the <hi>Goths,</hi> as <hi>Jornandes</hi> tells us,<note place="margin">Jornand. de reb. Goth. c. 11.</note> besides <hi>Cosmicus,</hi> one <hi>Diceneus,</hi> who, being at once King of Men, and Priest of <hi>Phoebus,</hi> did to<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>gether with Natural Philosophy and other parts of good Learning, transmit to posterity a Body of Laws, which they called <hi>Bellagines</hi>; that is, By-Laws.</p>
                     <p>There are some, who in <hi>Laertius</hi> read <hi>Samothei</hi>; which is a device of those men, who with too much easiness (they are <hi>Isaac Casaubon</hi>'s words) that I may say no worse, suffer themselves to be led by the Nose by that counterfeit <hi>Berosus.</hi>
                     </p>
                  </div>
                  <div n="2" type="chapter">
                     <pb n="3" facs="tcp:108529:20"/>
                     <head>CHAP. II. </head>
                     <argument>
                        <p>An Account of the <hi>Semnothei.</hi> Why so called; the opinion of <hi>H. Stephen,</hi> and of the Author. Old Heroes and Philosophers went by the names of Demy-gods. The <gap reason="foreign">
                              <desc>〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉</desc>
                           </gap> or <hi>Venerable Goddesses,</hi> the same as <hi>Eumenides,</hi> dispensers of Justice. And by <hi>Plutarch</hi> and <hi>Orpheus</hi> they are set for Civil Magistrates. Judges in Scripture so called <hi>Elohim, i. e.</hi> Gods. These <hi>Semnai theai</hi> the same as <hi>Deae Matres</hi> in an old British Inscription.</p>
                     </argument>
                     <p>ANd indeed if the <hi>Samothei</hi> had any thing to do with truth, or the <hi>Semnothei</hi> any thing to do with the ancient Law of the <hi>Celts</hi> (in as much as they write, that <hi>Britany</hi> was once in subjection to the <hi>Cel<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tick</hi> Kings) I should judge it not much beside the design of my intended Method to inquire into the name and nature of them both. But they be<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ing both one and t'other past all hope, except such a one as <hi>Lucian</hi> retur<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ning from the Inhabitants of the Sun, or those of the Moon, would write their History, to speak of them would be more than to lose ones labour. I dare not to say much of them.</p>
                     <p>
                        <q>I imagine, sayes <hi>Harry Stephen,</hi> they were so called,<note place="margin">Steph. ad Laert.</note> for having the Gods often in their mouths, and that in these words, <gap reason="foreign">
                              <desc>〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉</desc>
                           </gap>, that is, <hi>The Worshipful Gods</hi>; or for that they themselves were ac<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>counted amongst men as a kind of Worshipful Gods: but, writes he, this latter I do not take to be so likely as the former.</q> But say I for my part, if I might venture my opinion against the judgement of so great a person, I guess this latter to be the likelier of the two.</p>
                     <p>That the old <hi>Heroes</hi> went by the names of Gods, is a thing we read every where; nor did Antiquity grudge the bestowal of this honour even upon <hi>Philosophers.</hi> Not upon <hi>Amphiaraus</hi> the Prophet; not upon <hi>Aesculapius,</hi> not upon <hi>Hippocrates,</hi> renowned Physicians; they are recko<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ned among the middle sort of Gods.<note place="margin">Aug. de Civ. Dei, l. 2. c. 14. Laert. lib. 5.</note> Thus <hi>Plato</hi> also was accounted by <hi>Antistius Labeo</hi> for a Demy-god, and <hi>Tyrtamus</hi> for his Divine eloquence, had the name of <hi>Theophrastus</hi> (that is, God-like Speaker) given him by his Master <hi>Aristotle.</hi> No wonder then, if thereupon thence forward great Philosophers were called <hi>Semnothei,</hi> and as it were Worshipful Gods. These instances incline me, whilst I only take a view of their Philosophy; whom, if either the authority of <hi>Annius,</hi> or the interpre<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tation of <hi>Brognol</hi> had sufficiently and fairly made out to have been also at the same time Students and Masters of Law, I should hardly stick al<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>most to affirm, that I had found out in what places the true natural spring and source both of their name, and as I may say, of their dele<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>gated power is to be met with.</p>
                     <p>For I have it in <hi>Pausanias</hi> (forbear your flouts, because I waft over into <hi>Greece,</hi> from whence the most ancient Customs both Sacred and Prophane of the <hi>Gentiles</hi> came) I say in <hi>Pausanias</hi> the most diligent searcher of the <hi>Greek</hi> Antiquities, I meet upon <hi>Mars</hi> his Hill at <hi>Athens,</hi> and also in his <hi>Achaicks</hi> (or Survey of <hi>Achaia</hi>) with Chappels of the Goddesses whom the <hi>Athenians</hi> styled <gap reason="foreign">
                           <desc>〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉</desc>
                        </gap>, that is, <hi>Worshipful.</hi> He
<pb n="4" facs="tcp:108529:21"/>
himself also in his <hi>Corinthiacks</hi> makes mention of a Grove set thick with a sort of Oaks on the left side of <hi>Asopas</hi> a River in <hi>Sicyon</hi> (a Countrey of <hi>Peloponnesus</hi>) where there stood a little Chappel of the Goddesses, whom the <hi>Athenians</hi> termed <hi>Semnai,</hi> the <hi>Sicyonians</hi> called <hi>Eumenides.</hi> The story of <hi>Orestes</hi> and the <hi>Eumenides</hi> or Furies that haunted him is known to every body, nor can you tell me of any little smatterer in Poetry, who doth not know, that they, together with <hi>Adrastia, Ramnis<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>sia, Nemesis,</hi> and other Goddesses of the same stamp, are pretended to be the Avengers of Villanies, and continually to assist <hi>Jupiter</hi> the great God in punishing the wicked actions of Mortals. They were black ones that met with <hi>Orestes,</hi> but that there were white ones too, to whom together with the <hi>Graces</hi> the Ancients paid their Devotions; the same <hi>Pausanias</hi> has left written in his Survey of <hi>Arcadia.</hi> I let pass that in the same Author, she whom some called <hi>Erinnys,</hi> that is a <hi>Fury</hi>; others called <hi>Themis</hi> the Goddess of <hi>Justice.</hi>
                     </p>
                     <p>To be brief and plain; the <hi>Furies,</hi> that is, the Avenging Goddesses sit upon the skirts of the wicked; but the <hi>Eumenides,</hi> that is, the kind Goddesses,<note place="margin">Soph. in Oe<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>dip. in Colon.</note> as <hi>Sophocles</hi> interprets them (for that they were so called properly without the Figure of <hi>Antiphrasis</hi> or contradiction he is our Author) do attend the good and such as are blameless and faultless, and poor suppliants.<note place="margin">Plut. in lib. de Exilio.</note> Nay, moreover <hi>Plutarch</hi> writes in a Poetick strain, that <hi>Alcmaeon</hi> fled from these <hi>Eumenides;</hi> meaning in very deed, that he made his escape from the Civil Magistrates. In a word, the whole business we have been aiming at, <hi>Orpheus</hi> compriseth in two Verses of that Hymn he has made upon those Goddesses.
<q>
                           <l>
                              <note place="margin">
                                 <p>Nat. Comes, Mythol. l. 3. c. 10.</p>
                                 <p>Plut. de Iside &amp; Osiride.</p>
                              </note>
                              <gap reason="foreign">
                                 <desc>〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉</desc>
                              </gap>
                           </l>
                           <l>
                              <gap reason="foreign">
                                 <desc>〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉</desc>
                              </gap>.</l>
                        </q>
which in a short Paraphrase speaks thus;
<q>
                           <l>But ye with eye of Justice, and a face</l>
                           <l>Of Majesty survey all humane race,</l>
                           <l>Judges commission'd to all time and place.</l>
                        </q>
                     </p>
                     <p>See here plainly out of the most ancient Divine among the Heathens, how Judges and the Dispensers of Law pass under the notion of these <hi>Ve<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>nerable Goddesses</hi>: and it was a thing of custom to term the Right of the Infernal Powers, as well as the Doctrine of the Heavenly ones, a thing Holy and Sacred. What hinders then I pray, but that one may guess, that the Name, and Title, and Attributes or Characters of the <hi>Semnothei</hi> sprang forth and flowed from hence; to wit, from the <hi>Semnai theai</hi> or Venerable Goddesses?</p>
                     <p>
                        <note place="margin">Odyss. 3.</note>
                        <hi>Homer</hi> in his Poems calls Kings <gap reason="foreign">
                           <desc>〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉</desc>
                        </gap>, that is, persons bred and nou<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>rished by <hi>Jove;</hi>
                        <note place="margin">Exod. 22. Psal. 82. 2 Paral. 19. Munst. ad Gen. c. 9.</note> yea, the Eternal and Sacred Scriptures themselvs do more than once call Judges by that most holy name <hi>Elohim,</hi> that is, <hi>Gods.</hi> 
                        <q>
                           <hi>The judgement is Gods, not Mans</hi>; and (as <hi>Munster</hi> remarks out of <hi>Rabbi Kim<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>chi</hi>) whatsoever thing Scripture designs to magnifie or express with hight,<note place="margin">Plut. de serâ Dei vindictâ.</note> it subjoyns to it the name of God.</q> God (as <hi>Plutarch</hi> has it out of <hi>Plato,</hi> who in his <hi>Attick</hi> styl<gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                           <desc>•</desc>
                        </gap> imitates our <hi>Moses</hi>) hath set himself out as a pattern of the Good, the dreadful syllables of whose very not-to-be-uttered Name (though we take no notice of the <hi>Cabalists</hi> art) do strike, move and twitch the ears of Mortals, and one while when
<pb n="5" facs="tcp:108529:21"/>
thorough ignorance they straggle out of the way, do bring them back into the path or track of Justice; another while when they are stopt up with prejudice, and are overcast with gloomy darkness, do with a stu<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>pendous, dismal and continual trembling shake the poor wretches, and put them into Ague-sits. Nor let that be any hindrance, that so splendid and so manly a name is taken from the weaker Sex, to wit, the Goddesses.</p>
                     <p>Let us more especially have to do with the <hi>Britans,</hi> as those amongst whom are those choice and singular Altars, not any where else to be met with in the whole World, with this Inscription,<note place="margin">Camden.</note> DEIS MA<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>TRIBUS, <hi>To the Mother-Goddesses.</hi> Concerning these <hi>Mother-God<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>desses,</hi> that excellent Learned Man (that I may hint it by the by) confesses he could with all his search find out nothing; but if such a mean person as I, may have leave, What if one should imagine, that those Goddesses, whom <hi>Pausanias</hi> in his <hi>Attick</hi> stories calls <gap reason="foreign">
                           <desc>〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉</desc>
                        </gap>, were the same as these <hi>Mother Goddesses?</hi> for so those Names import. <hi>The Mother of the Gods</hi> is a Title well known; wherewith not only <hi>Berecynthia,</hi> but also <hi>Juno, Cybele, Tellus, Ceres,</hi> and other Shees among Mythologists are celebrated and made famous.</p>
                     <p>Be this, if you will, a thing by the by and out of the way; as he tells us, <hi>No great Wit ever pleased without a pardon.</hi>
                        <note place="margin">Senec. Epist. 115.</note> Relying upon that (the Readers Pardon I mean) I undertook this Job, whatever it is; and upon confidence of that, I come back to the business.</p>
                  </div>
                  <div n="3" type="chapter">
                     <head>CHAP. III. </head>
                     <argument>
                        <p>One Law of <hi>Samothes</hi> out of <hi>Basingstoke</hi> concerning the reckoning of Time by Nights. <hi>Bodinus</hi> his censure of Astrologers for other<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>wise computing their Planetary Hours. A brief account of some of <hi>Samothes</hi> his Successors, <hi>Magus, Sarron, Druis,</hi> from whom the <hi>Druids,</hi> &amp;c.</p>
                     </argument>
                     <p>WE do not any where meet with any Law enacted by <hi>Samothes</hi> his authority. Yet one only one concerning the account of times, <hi>Basingstoke</hi> the Count <hi>Palatine,</hi> a very modern Historian, attri<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>butes to him. <hi>He defined,</hi> sayes he, <hi>the spaces</hi> or intervals <hi>of all time, not by the number of dayes, but of nights</hi> (the same thing, saith <hi>Caesar</hi> of the <hi>Gauls,</hi> and <hi>Tacitus</hi> of the <hi>Germans) and be observed birth-dayes, and the commencements of months and years in that order, that the day should come after the night.</hi> Truth is, the <hi>Britans</hi> do at this time observe that fashion, which is most ancient, and highly agreeable to Nature. <hi>And the Eve<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ning and the Morning was the first day,</hi> and so on,<note place="margin">Gen. 1.</note> sayes the <hi>Hebrew</hi> Wri<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ter, whose Countrey-men the <hi>Jews</hi> also followed this custom.</p>
                     <p>The <hi>Peripateticks (i. e.</hi> the followers of <hi>Aristotle</hi>) do also at this rate reckon <hi>Privation</hi> in the number of their three Principles; and hereupon <hi>John Bodin</hi> adventures to censure the common Astrologers, that they,<note place="margin">Bodin. l. 3. daemononian.</note> ac<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>cording to the course of the Planets as they order it, and repeat it over and over, begin their unequal hours, from the rising, rather than the setting of the Sun.</p>
                     <p>
                        <pb n="6" facs="tcp:108529:22"/>They write, that after this <hi>Samothes,</hi> there came in play <hi>Magus, Sarran, Druis, Bardus,</hi> and others more than a good many, in order of succes<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>sion. <q>
                           <hi>Sarron</hi> was not addicted to make Laws ('tis <hi>Stephanus Forcatu<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>lus</hi> helps us to this) but to compose them,<note place="margin">Forcat. l. 1. de Gall. Imp.</note> to put them into order, and to recommend them to practice, as one who reduced those Laws, which his Grand-father <hi>Samothes,</hi> and afterward his Father <hi>Magus</hi> had made, into one Volume, and with severe Menaces gave order for the keeping of them.</q>
                     </p>
                     <p>From <hi>Druis</hi> or <hi>Druides</hi> they will have the <hi>Druids</hi> so called, a sort of Philosophers so much famed and talked of in <hi>Caesar, Pliny</hi> and others: believe it who list for me. The whole business of the <hi>Druids</hi> at pre<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>sent I put off till <hi>Caesar</hi>'s times.</p>
                  </div>
                  <div n="4" type="chapter">
                     <head>CHAP. IV. </head>
                     <argument>
                        <p>K. <hi>Phranicus</hi> 900. Years after <hi>Samothes</hi> being to reside in <hi>Panno<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>nia,</hi> intrusts the <hi>Druids</hi> with the Government. In the mean time <hi>Brutus, Aeneas</hi> his Grand-son, arrives and is owned King by the <hi>Britans,</hi> and builds <hi>Troynovant,</hi> i. e. <hi>London. Dunvallo Molmutius</hi> 600. years after is King, and makes Laws concerning Sanctuaries, Roads or High-wayes and Plow-lands. K. <hi>Belin</hi> his Son confirms those Laws, and casts up four great Cause-wayes through the Island. A further account of <hi>Molmutius.</hi>
                        </p>
                     </argument>
                     <p>ABout Nine hundred years after <hi>Samothes,</hi> King <hi>Phranicus</hi> (take it from the <hi>British</hi> story, and upon the credit of our <hi>Jeoffry</hi>) in<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>trusts the <hi>Druids</hi> with the management of affairs, whilst he himself resided in <hi>Pannonia</hi> or <hi>Hungary.</hi>
                     </p>
                     <p>In the mean time <hi>Brutus,</hi> the Son of <hi>Sylvius Posthumus</hi> King of the <hi>Latines,</hi>
                        <note place="margin">Serv. ad 6. Aeneid.</note> and Grand-child to <hi>Aeneas</hi> (for <hi>Servius Honoratus</hi> in his Com<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ment upon <hi>Virgil,</hi> makes <hi>Sylvius</hi> to be the Son of <hi>Aeneas,</hi> not of <hi>Asca<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>nius</hi>) being happily arrived by Shipping, with <hi>Corinus</hi> one of the chief of his company, and coming to land at <hi>Totnes</hi> in <hi>Devonshire,</hi> the <hi>Britans</hi> salute and own him King. He after he had built <hi>New Troy</hi> (that is, <hi>London</hi>) gave Laws to his Citizens and Subjects; those such as the <hi>Trojans</hi> had, or a Copy of theirs.</p>
                     <p>A matter of Six hundred years after <hi>Dunvallo Molmutius</hi> being King, ordained (my Authors besides <hi>Jeoffry</hi> of <hi>Monmouth,</hi> are <hi>Ralph</hi> of <hi>Che<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ster</hi> in his <hi>Polychronicon,</hi> and <hi>Florilegus</hi>)<q> that their Ploughs, Temples and Roads that led to Cities, should have the priviledge to be places of refuge. But because some time after there arose a difference con<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>cerning the Roads or High-wayes, they being not distinguished by certain Limits and Bounds, King <hi>Belin</hi> Son of the foresaid <hi>Molmutius,</hi> to remove all doubt, caused to be made throughout the Island four Royal High-wayes to which that priviledge might belong; to wit, the <hi>Fosse</hi> or <hi>Dike, Watlingstrete, Ermingstrete,</hi> and <hi>Ikenilt<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>strete.</hi>
                        </q> (But our Learned Countrey-man and the great Light of <hi>Britan, William Camden, Clarenceaux</hi> King at Arms is of opinion,
<pb n="7" facs="tcp:108529:22" rendition="simple:additions"/>
these Cause-wayes were cast up by the <hi>Romans</hi>; a thing that <hi>Tacitus, Bede</hi> and others do more than intimate.)</p>
                     <p>
                        <q>Moreover, so sayes <hi>Jeoffry,</hi> he ordained those Laws, which were called <hi>Molmutius</hi> his Laws, which to this very time are so famed amongst the <hi>English.</hi> Forasmuch as amongst other things, which a long time after, <hi>Gildas</hi> set down in writing, he ordained, that the Temples of the Gods, and that Cities should have that respect and veneration, that whatsoever runagate Servant, or guilty person should fly to them for refuge, he should have pardon in the presence of his enemy or prosecutor. He ordained also, That the Wayes or Roads which led to the aforesaid Temples and Cities, as also the Ploughs of Husbandmen should be confirmed by the same Law: Afterwards having reigned Forty years in peace, he dyed and was buried in the City of <hi>London,</hi> then called <hi>Troynovant,</hi> near the Temple of Concord (by which Temple,<note place="margin">Norden in Brit. Specul.</note> there are not wanting those who understand that Illustrious Colledge on the Bank of <hi>Thames,</hi> consecrated to the Study of our Common Law, now called <hi>the Temple</hi> and) which he himself had built for the confirmation of his Laws.</q> At this rate <hi>Jeoffry</hi> tells the story; but behold also those things which <hi>Polydore Virgil</hi> hath gathered out of ancient Writers, whereof he wanted no store.</p>
                     <p>
                        <q>He first used a Golden Crown, appointed Weights and Measures for selling and buying of things, punisht Thieves and all mischie<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>vous sorts of men with the greatest severity; made a great many High wayes; and gave order, how broad they should be, and ordai<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ned by Law, that the right of those Wayes belonged only to the Prince; and set dreadful Penalties upon their heads, who should vio<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>late that right, alike as upon theirs who should commit any misde<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>meanour in those wayes. Moreover, that the Land might not lye barren, nor the people be frequently oppressed or lessened through Dearth or want of Corn, if Cattle alone should possess the Fields, which ought to be tilled by men, he appointed how many Ploughs every County should have, and set a penalty upon them by whose means that number should be diminished: And he made a Law, That Labouring Beasts which attended the Plough, should not be distrained by Officers, nor assigned over to Creditors for money that was owing, if the Debtor had any other Goods left.</q> Thus much <hi>Polydore.</hi>
                     </p>
                  </div>
                  <div n="5" type="chapter">
                     <head>CHAP. V. </head>
                     <argument>
                        <p>A brief Account of Q. Regent <hi>Martia,</hi> and of <hi>Merchenlage,</hi> whe<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ther so called from her, or from the <hi>Mercians. Annius</hi> again censured for a Forger, and his <hi>Berosus</hi> for a Fabulous Writer.</p>
                     </argument>
                     <p>THe Female Government of <hi>Martia,</hi> Widow to King <hi>Quintiline,</hi> who had undertaken the Tuition of <hi>Sisillius</hi> Son to them both, he being not as yet fit for the Government, by reason of his Nonage; found out a Law, which the <hi>Britons</hi> called the <hi>Martian</hi> Law. This also among the rest (I tell you but what <hi>Jeoffry</hi> of <hi>Monmouth</hi> tells
<pb n="8" facs="tcp:108529:23" rendition="simple:additions"/>
me) King <hi>Alfred</hi> translated, which in the <hi>Saxon</hi> Tongue he called <hi>Merchenlage.</hi> Whereas nevertheless in that most elaborate Work of <hi>Camden,</hi> wherein he gives account of our Countrey, <hi>Merchenlage</hi> is more appositely and fitly derived from the <hi>Mercians,</hi> and they so called from the <hi>Saxon</hi> word <hi>Mearc,</hi> that is, a Limit, Bound or Border.</p>
                     <p>These are the Stories, which Writers have delivered to us concer<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ning those times, which were more ancient than the History of the <hi>Romans</hi>; but such as are of suspected, o<gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                           <desc>•</desc>
                        </gap> doubtful, that I may not say of no credit at all. Among the more Learned, there is hardly any Critick, who does not set down <hi>Annius</hi> in the list of Forgers. And should one go to draw up the account of Times, and to observe that difference which is so apparent in that <hi>Berosus</hi> of <hi>Viterbium</hi> from Sacred Scriptures, and the Monuments of the <hi>Hebrews,</hi> one would perhaps think, that he were no more to be believed, than another of the same name, who from a perpendicular position of the wandring Stars to the Center of the World in the Sign of <hi>Cancer,</hi> adventured to foretel, that all things should be burnt; and from a like Congress of them in <hi>Capri<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>corn,</hi>
                        <note place="margin">Senec. Nat. quaest. l. 3 c. 29</note> to say, there would be an universal Deluge. The story is in <hi>Seneca.</hi>
                     </p>
                  </div>
                  <div n="6" type="chapter">
                     <head>CHAP. VI.</head>
                     <argument>
                        <p> The story of <hi>Brutus</hi> canvast and taken to be a Poetick Fiction of the Bards. <hi>Jeoffry</hi> of <hi>Monmouth</hi>'s credit called in question. Antiquaries at a loss in their judgements of these frivolous stories.</p>
                     </argument>
                     <p>SOme have in like manner made enquiry concerning our <hi>British</hi> Hi<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>story, and stumbled at it. From hence we had <hi>Brutus, Dunvallo</hi> and Queen <hi>Martia:</hi> There are some both very Learned and very Judi<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>cious persons, who suspect, that that story is patched up out of Bards Songs and Poetick Fictions taken upon trust, like <hi>Talmudical</hi> Traditions, on purpose to raise the <hi>British</hi> name out of the <hi>Trojan</hi> ashes. For though Antiquity, as one has it, is credited for a great witness; yet how<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ever 'tis a wonder, that this <hi>Brutus,</hi> who is reported to have killed his Father with an Arrow unluckily aimed, and to have been fatal to his Mother at her very delivery of him (for which reason <hi>Richard Vitus</hi> now after so many Ages makes his true name to be <gap reason="foreign">
                           <desc>〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉</desc>
                        </gap>, that is, <hi>Mortal</hi>) should be mentioned by none of the <hi>Romans:</hi> a wonder, I say, that the <hi>Latin</hi> Writers should not be acquainted with the name of a <hi>Latin</hi> Prince, who gave both Name and Government to <hi>Britany.</hi> Did <hi>Euemerus Messenius</hi> alone ever since the World began, sail to the <hi>Panchoans</hi> and the <hi>Triphyllians?</hi> Indeed it is an ordinary thing for Poets, to ingraft those whom they celebrate in their Poems, into Noble Stocks and Illustrious Families, and by the assistance of their Muses heightning every thing above the truth, to feign and devise a great many stories. And what else were the <hi>Bards,</hi>
                        <note place="margin">Athen. dip<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>nos. l. 6.</note> as <hi>Athenaeus</hi> tells us out of <hi>Possidonius;</hi> but Poets reciting mens praises in song? How many things are there in that Fabulous Age (which in <hi>Joseph Scaliger</hi>'s account would more aptly be called the <hi>Heroick</hi> Age of the World,<note place="margin">Jos. Scal. in Elench. Orat. Chroa. D. Par.</note> I mean) down from that
<pb n="9" facs="tcp:108529:23"/>
much talked of Deluge of <hi>Pyrrha</hi> to the beginning of <hi>Iphitus</hi> his Olym<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>piads; how many idle stories are there mixt with true ones, and after<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>wards drest up and brought upon the stage? <q>Very many Nations, sayes <hi>Trithemius,</hi> as well in <hi>Europe</hi> as in <hi>Asia,</hi>
                           <note place="margin">Trithem. lib. de secundis.</note> pretend they took their original from the <hi>Trojans</hi>; to whom I have thought good to lend so much faith, as they shall be able to perswade me of truth by suffici<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ent testimony. They are frivolous things which they bring concer<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ning their own Nobility and Antiquity, having a mind as it were openly to boast, as if there had been no people in <hi>Europe</hi> before the destru<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ction of <hi>Troy</hi>; and as if there had been no one among the <hi>Trojans</hi> themselves of ignoble birth.</q>
                     </p>
                     <p>He who made the Alphabetical <hi>Index</hi> to <hi>Jeoffry</hi> of <hi>Monmouth</hi> (who was Bishop of St. <hi>Asaph</hi> too) as he is printed and put forth by <hi>Ascensius,</hi> propt up the Authors credit upon this account, that, as he sayes, he makes no mention any where in his Book, of the <hi>Franks</hi>; by reason forsooth, that all those things almost, which he has written of, were done and past before the <hi>Franks</hi> arrival in <hi>France.</hi> This was a slip surely more than of memory. Go to <hi>Jeoffry</hi> himself, and in his Nineteenth Chapter of his first Book you meet with the <hi>Franks</hi> in the time of <hi>Bren<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>nus</hi> and <hi>Belinus</hi> among the <hi>Senones,</hi> a people of <hi>France:</hi> a gross mis<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>reckoning of I know not how many hundred years. For the <hi>Franks</hi> are not known to have taken up their quarters on this side the River <hi>Rhine,</hi> till some Centuries of years after <hi>Christs</hi> Incarnation. For how<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>beit by Poetick licence and Rhetorical figure <hi>Aeneas</hi> be said to have come to the <hi>Lavinian</hi> Shores, (which had not that name till some time after) yet it were much better, that, both in Verse and Prose, those things which appertain to History, should be expressed according to that form of <hi>Ovid</hi>; where at the burning of <hi>Rhemus</hi> his Funeral Pile he sayes,
<q>Tunc Juvenes nondum facti flevere Quirites,<note place="margin">
                              <hi>Ovid.</hi> 4. <hi>Fast.</hi>
                           </note>
                        </q>
that is,
<q>
                           <l>The young men then not yet <hi>Quirites</hi> made,</l>
                           <l>Wept as the body on the Pile they laid.</l>
                        </q>
And at this rate <hi>Jeoffry</hi> might and ought to have made his Translation, if he would have been a faithful Interpreter.</p>
                     <p>But as to our <hi>Brutus</hi> whence the <hi>Britans, Saxo</hi> whence the <hi>Saxons, Bruno</hi> whence those of <hi>Brunswick, Freso</hi> whence those of <hi>Friseland,</hi> and <hi>Bato</hi> whence the <hi>Batavians</hi> had their rise and name, take notice what <hi>Pontus Heuterus</hi> observes, as others have done before him.<note place="margin">Heuter. de Vet. Belgio. l. 2. c. <gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                              <desc>•</desc>
                           </gap>.</note> 
                        <q>Songs or Ballads, sayes he, and Rhymes made in an unlearned Age, with ease obtruded falshoods for truths upon simple people, or mingling false<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>hoods with truths imposed upon them. For three or four hundred years ago there was nothing that our Ancestors heard with greater glee, than that they were descended from the adulterous <hi>Trojans,</hi> from <hi>Alexander</hi> of <hi>Macedonia</hi> the Overthrower of Kingdoms, from that Man<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>queller <hi>Hercules</hi> of <hi>Greece,</hi> or from some other disturber of the World.</q> And indeed that is too true which he sayes,
<q>
                           <pb n="10" facs="tcp:108529:24"/>
                           <l>
                              <note place="margin">
                                 <hi>Ovid. Metam.</hi> 12.</note>—Mensur aque fictis</l>
                           <l>Crescit, &amp; auditis aliquid novus adjicit auctor.</l>
                        </q>
which in plain English speaks this sence.
<q>
                           <l>Thus Stories nothing in the telling lose,</l>
                           <l>The next Relater adding still to th' News.</l>
                        </q>
But I will not inlarge.</p>
                     <p>To clear these points aright, Antiquaries, who are at see-saw about them, will perhaps eternally be at loss, like the <hi>Hebrews</hi> in their myste<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>rious debates, for want of some <hi>Elias</hi> to come and resolve their doubts.</p>
                  </div>
                  <div n="7" type="chapter">
                     <head>CHAP. VII.</head>
                     <argument>
                        <p> What the <hi>Trojan</hi> Laws were, which <hi>Brutus</hi> brought in. That con<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>cerning the Eldest Sons Inheriting the whole Estate, confuted. In the first times there were no Positive Laws; yet mention made of them in some very ancient Authors, notwithstanding a remark of some ancient Writers to the contrary.</p>
                     </argument>
                     <p>WEll! Suppose we grant there was such a Person ever in the World as <hi>Brutus:</hi> He made Laws, they say, and those taken out of the <hi>Trojan</hi> Laws; but what I pray were those <hi>Trojan</hi> Laws them<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>selves? There is one, I know well enough, they speak of, concerning the Prerogative of the eldest Sons, by which they inherited the whole Right and Estate of their deceased Father.<note place="margin">Herodot. in Euterpe.</note> 
                        <hi>Herodotus</hi> writes it of <hi>Hector,</hi> Son and Heir to King <hi>Priam,</hi> and <hi>Jeoffry</hi> mentions it; but did this Law cross the Sea with <hi>Brutus</hi> into <hi>Brittany?</hi> How then came it, that the Kingdom was divided betwixt the three Brothers, <hi>Locrinus, Camber,</hi> and <hi>Albanactus?</hi> betwixt the two, <hi>Ferrix</hi> and <hi>Porrix?</hi> betwixt <hi>Brennus</hi> and <hi>Belinus?</hi> and the like of some others. How came it, that in a Par<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>liament of <hi>Henry</hi> the Eighth,<note place="margin">Stat. 37 Hen. <gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                              <desc>•</desc>
                           </gap>. c. 26.</note> provision was made, that the Free-holds of <hi>Wales</hi> should not thence-forward pass according to that custom, which they call <hi>Gavelkind?</hi> And anciently, if I be not mistaken, most Inheritances were parted among the Children, as we find in <hi>Hesiods</hi> works.
<q>
                           <gap reason="foreign">
                              <desc>〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉</desc>
                           </gap>.—</q>
                        <hi>i. e.</hi>
                        <q> We had already parted the Estate.</q>
And to the same purpose many like passages there are in old Poets, and in Holy Writ. But, as I said, what are those <hi>Trojan</hi> Laws? Perhaps the same with those, by which <hi>Nephelococcygia,</hi> the City of the Birds in <hi>Aristophanes,</hi> (or, as we use to say, <hi>Vtopia</hi>) is Governed.</p>
                     <p>The gravest Writers do acknowledge, that those most ancient times were for the most part free from positive Laws. <hi>The people,</hi> so says <hi>Justin,</hi>
                        <note place="margin">Justin hist. l. 1.</note> 
                        <hi>were held by no Laws: The Pleasures and Resolves of their Princes past for Laws, or were instead of Laws.</hi> Natural Equity, like the <hi>Lesbian</hi>
                        <pb n="11" facs="tcp:108529:24" rendition="simple:additions"/>
Rule in <hi>Aristotle,</hi> being adapted, applied,<note place="margin">Arist. 5. Eth.</note> and fitted to the variety of emergent quarrels, a<gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="2 letters">
                           <desc>••</desc>
                        </gap> strifes, ordered, over-ruled, and decided all Controversies. <q>And indeed at the beginning of the <hi>Roman</hi> State, as <hi>Pomponius</hi> writes, the people resolved to live without any certain Law or Right,<note place="margin">ff. de Orig. jur. l. 2.</note> and all things were governed by the hand and power of the King:</q> For they were but at a little distance from the Golden Age, when
<q>
                           <l>—vindice nullo<note place="margin">
                                 <hi>Metam.</hi> 1. <hi>&amp; Lucr. l.</hi> 5. <hi>cum Poetarum tur<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ba.</hi>
                              </note>
                           </l>
                           <l>Sponte suâ sine lege fidem rectumque colebant.</l>
                        </q>
That is to say, when
<q>
                           <l>—People did not grudge</l>
                           <l>To be plain honest without Law or Judge.</l>
                        </q>
That which the Heresie of the <hi>Chiliasts</hi> heretofore affirmed, concerning the Sabbatick or seventh Millenary, or thousand years of the World.<note place="margin">August. de civ. Dei l. 19. c. 14.</note> And those Shepherds or Governors of the people, to whom
<q>
                           <l>—<gap reason="foreign">
                                 <desc>〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉</desc>
                              </gap>
                           </l>
                           <l>
                              <gap reason="foreign">
                                 <desc>〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉</desc>
                              </gap>—<note place="margin">Hom. Iliad. 9.</note>
                           </l>
                        </q>
that is,
<q>
                           <l>—Into whose hand</l>
                           <l>
                              <hi>Jove</hi> trusts his Laws and Scepter for Command.</l>
                        </q>
did Govern them by the guidance of vertue, and of those Laws which the <hi>Platonicks</hi> call the Laws of <hi>second Venus.</hi> 
                        <q>Not out of the ambition of Rule, as St. <hi>Austin</hi> hath it, but out of duty of Counsel; nor out of a domineering pride, but out of a provident tenderness.</q> Do you think the <hi>Trojans</hi> had any other Laws? Only except the worship of their Gods and those things which belong to Religion. <hi>It was duty,</hi>
                        <note place="margin">Senec. ep. 91. Plut. de Isid. &amp; Osirid.</note> says <hi>Se<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>neca, not dignity, to Reign and Govern:</hi> And an Eye and a Scepter among the <hi>Aegyptians,</hi> were the absolute Hieroglyphicks of Kings.</p>
                     <p>What? that there is not so much as the word <gap reason="foreign">
                           <desc>〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉</desc>
                        </gap>, that is <hi>Law,</hi> to be met with in those old Poets, <hi>Orpheus, Musaeus,</hi> or <hi>Homer,</hi> (who was about an hundred and fifty years after the destruction of <hi>Troy</hi>) as <hi>Jose<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>phus</hi> against <hi>Appio, Plutarch,</hi> and several modern Writers have remarked:<note place="margin">
                           <p>Joseph. adv. App. l. 2.</p>
                           <p>Plut. in lib. de Homero.</p>
                        </note> I confess, if one well consider it, this remark of theirs is not very accu<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>rate. For we very often read in <hi>Homer</hi> and <hi>Hesiod,</hi> the word <gap reason="foreign">
                           <desc>〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉</desc>
                        </gap>, which signifies <hi>Laws;</hi> and in both of them the Goddess <hi>Eunomia</hi> from the same Theme as <gap reason="foreign">
                           <desc>〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉</desc>
                        </gap>.
<q>
                           <l>
                              <gap reason="foreign">
                                 <desc>〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉</desc>
                              </gap>,</l>
                           <l>
                              <gap reason="foreign">
                                 <desc>〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉</desc>
                              </gap>.—</l>
                        </q>
which being interpreted, is
<q>
                           <l>But they by legal methods bear the sway</l>
                           <l>I'th' City fam'd for Beauties.—</l>
                        </q>
                        <pb n="12" facs="tcp:108529:25"/>
which is a passage in <hi>Homers</hi> hymn to Mother <hi>Tellus,</hi>
                        <note place="margin">Plut. lib. de Musicâ.</note> and <gap reason="foreign">
                           <desc>〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉</desc>
                        </gap>, <hi>i. e. the Law of Song,</hi> (which Musicians might not transgress) is mentioned in his hymn to <hi>Apollo.</hi>
                        <note place="margin">Plato in Mi<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>noc.</note> Nay great <hi>Plato,</hi> one beyond all exception, has left it in writing, that <hi>Talus</hi> (who had the management of the <hi>Cretan</hi> Common-wealth committed to him, together with <hi>Rhadamanthus,</hi> the Son of <hi>Jupiter,</hi> by King <hi>Minos</hi>) that he did thrice every year go the cir<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>cuit through the whole Island (which was the first Country, as <hi>Poly<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>histor</hi> tells us,<note place="margin">Sol. Polyhist. cap. 6.</note> that joyned the practice of Laws with the study of Let<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ters) and kept Assizes, giving Judgment according to Laws engraven in brass. I say nothing of <hi>Phoroneus</hi> King of the <hi>Argives,</hi> or of <hi>Nomio</hi> the <hi>Arcadian</hi>; and in good time leave this Subject.</p>
                     <p>I could wish I might peruse <hi>Jupiters</hi> Register, wherein he has record<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ed humane affairs. I could wish, that the censure of some breathing Library and living study (which might have power over the Ancients, as we read in <hi>Eunapius</hi> that <hi>Longinus</hi> had) or that the memory of some <hi>Aethalides</hi> might help us sufficiently to clear and make out the truth.<note place="margin">Eunap. in vit. Porphyr.</note>
                     </p>
                     <p>Hence our next passage is to the Classick Writers of the <hi>Latin</hi> style and story.</p>
                  </div>
                  <div n="8" type="chapter">
                     <head>CHAP. VIII.</head>
                     <argument>
                        <p> An Account of the DRUIDS out of <hi>Caesar's</hi> Commentaries, whence they were so called. Their determining in point of Law, and pas<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>sing Sentence in case of Crime. Their Award binds all parties. Their way of Excommunicating or Outlawing. They have a Chief over them. How he is chosen. Their Priviledge and Immunity.</p>
                     </argument>
                     <p>
                        <hi>CAjus Julius Caesar</hi> was the first of the <hi>Romans,</hi> who has committed to writing the Religious Rites, the Laws and the Philosophy of the <hi>DRVIDS.</hi> Their name is of a doubtful origination, by no means were they so called from that <hi>Druis</hi> or <hi>Druides</hi> we meet with in <hi>Berosus:</hi> But whether they were so termed from a Greek word <gap reason="foreign">
                           <desc>〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉</desc>
                        </gap>, that signifies an <hi>Oak,</hi> in that they performed none of their devotions without oaken leaves,<note place="margin">
                           <p>Plin. nat. hist. l. 16. c. 44.</p>
                           <p>Gorop. in Gal.</p>
                        </note> as <hi>Pliny</hi> and those that follow him are of opinion; or from the Dutch <hi>True-wise,</hi> as <hi>Goropius Becanus</hi> will have it; or from <hi>Trutin,</hi> a word which with the ancient <hi>Germans</hi> signified <hi>God,</hi> as <hi>Paulus Merula</hi> quotes it out of the Gospel of <hi>Othfred</hi> (though in the Angels salutation,<note place="margin">Paul. Merula, in Cosmogr. part. 2. lib. 3.</note> in the <hi>Magnificat,</hi> in <hi>Zachariahs</hi> Song and elsewhere, <hi>Trutin</hi> rather de<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>notes <hi>Lord</hi> than <hi>God</hi>; and see whether there does not lye somewhat of the <hi>Druid</hi> in the name of St. <hi>Truien,</hi> among the people of <hi>Liege,</hi> some having exploded St. <hi>Drudo)</hi> whencesoever they had their name, these Gown men among the <hi>Gauls,</hi> I and the <hi>Britans</hi> too, were the Interpreters and Guardians of the Laws. The discipline of these <hi>Druids</hi> was first found in <hi>Britany,</hi> and so far as it regards the Civil Court, we shall faith<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>fully subjoyn it out of the forenamed <hi>Caesar.</hi>
                     </p>
                     <q>
                        <p n="1">1. They order matters concerning all controversie, publick and private. So in the Laws of the twelve Tables at the same rate the knowledg of cases, of precedents, of interpreting was in the Colledge
<pb n="13" facs="tcp:108529:25"/>
of Pontiffs or High Priests, and such plainly our <hi>Druids</hi> were. </p>
                        <p n="1">If any ill prank had been played, if murder committed, if there were a contro<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>versie about Inheritance, about bounds of Land, these were the men that determined it, these amerced rewards and punishments.</p>
                        <p n="2">2. If any private person or body of men do not stand to their award, they excommunicate him, that is, forbid him to come to sacrifice, which among them is the most grievous punishment.</p>
                        <p n="3">3. Those who are thus excommunicated, are accounted wicked and ungodly wretches, every body goes out of their way, and shuns their company and conversation for fear of getting any harm by contagion. Neither have they the benefit of the Law when they desire it, nor is a<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ny respect shown to them.</p>
                        <p n="4">4. The <hi>Druids</hi> have one over them, who has the chiefest authority amongst them.</p>
                        <p n="5">5. When he dies, if there be any one that is eminent above the rest, he succeeds in place: But if there be several of equal merit, one is chosen by majority of Votes.</p>
                        <p n="6">6. The <hi>Druids</hi> were wont to be excused from personal attendance in War, nor did they pay taxes with the rest; they were freed from Military employ, and had an immunity of all things.<note place="margin">Num. 1.49. Ezra 7.24.</note> The <hi>Levites</hi> a<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>mong the <hi>Hebrews,</hi> who were the most ancient Priests in the world, injoyed the same priviledge.</p>
                     </q>
                  </div>
                  <div n="9" type="chapter">
                     <head>CHAP. IX. </head>
                     <argument>
                        <p>The menage of their Schools without Writing. On other occasions they might use the <hi>Greek</hi> Letters, as <hi>Caesar</hi> saith, yet not have the language. The <hi>Greek</hi> Letters then were others than what they are now. These borrowed from the <hi>Gauls,</hi> as those from the <hi>Phoeni<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>cians. Ceregy-Drudion,</hi> or the <hi>Druids Stones</hi> in <hi>Wales.</hi> This Place of <hi>Caesar's</hi> suspected. <hi>Lipsius</hi> his Judgment of the whole Book.</p>
                     </argument>
                     <p n="7">7. UPon the account of that priviledge, they had in their Schools (which were most of them in <hi>Britany</hi>) a great confluence of youth. <q>They are said to learn without Book, says <hi>Caesar,</hi> a great num<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ber of Verses: Therefore some of them spend twenty years in the dis<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>cipline. Nor do they judge it meet to commit such things to writing, whereas generally in all other, whether publick affairs or private ac<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>compts, they make use of <hi>Greek letters.</hi>
                        </q>
                     </p>
                     <p>What? <hi>Greek letters?</hi> so we read <hi>Greek</hi> ones. Why! <hi>Marseilles,</hi> a City of <hi>France,</hi> which was a Greek Colony of the <hi>Phocians,</hi> had made the <hi>Gauls</hi> such lovers of <hi>Greeks,</hi> that, as <hi>Strabo</hi> the Geographer tells us,<note place="margin">Strab. Geogr. lib. 4.</note> they writ their very Contracts and Covenants, Bargains and Agreements, in <hi>Greek.</hi> The fore-mentioned <hi>Julius Caesar</hi> also writes, that there were Tablets found in the Camp of the <hi>Switzers,</hi> made up of <hi>Greek</hi> letters.<note place="margin">Caes. de bello Gall. l. 1.</note>
                     </p>
                     <p>But, for all that, I would not have any one from hence rashly to ga<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ther, that the <hi>Greek Language</hi> was in use to that Age and People, or to these Philosophers and Lawyers. They made use of <hi>Greek letters,</hi> there<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>fore
<pb n="14" facs="tcp:108529:26"/>
they had the <hi>Greek Tongue</hi> too; this truly were a pitiful consequence. At this rate the <hi>Targum</hi> or <hi>Chaldee Paraphrase,</hi> as <hi>Paulus Merula</hi> has it, and <hi>Goropius</hi> before him, would consist of the <hi>Hebrew Language,</hi> because 'tis Printed in <hi>Hebrew Characters:</hi> And the like may be said of the <hi>New Te<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>stament</hi> in <hi>Syriack,</hi> done in <hi>Hebrew letters.</hi>
                     </p>
                     <p>What? that those very Letters of the <hi>Greeks</hi> in <hi>Caesars</hi> time, and as we now write them, are rather <hi>Gallick</hi> (as borrowed from the <hi>Gauls</hi>) than <hi>Greek?</hi> He was acquainted with those <hi>Greek</hi> letters, but did not yet know the <hi>Gallick</hi> ones, which learned men do think the <hi>Greeks</hi> took for their Copy, after the <hi>Phoenician</hi> letters, which were not altogether unlike the <hi>Hebrew,</hi> were grown out of use. Consult for this <hi>Wolfgangus Lazius</hi> his <hi>Celtae, Becanus</hi> his <hi>Gallica,</hi> and if thou hast a mind, <hi>Annius</hi> his <hi>Archilochus, Xenophons Aequivoca,</hi> and what others write concerning <hi>Li<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>nus, Cadmus, Palamedes,</hi> and <hi>Simonides,</hi> the first Inventors of the Alphabet.</p>
                     <p>In the mean time take this from me, that those ancient and rude <hi>Go<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>thick</hi> Characters, which <hi>Bonaventure Vulcanius</hi> of <hi>Bruges,</hi> lately put forth,<note place="margin">Vulcan. in app. ad Jor<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>nand. Goth. Munst. Cosm. l. 4.</note> with a little comentary of one without a name, do very much re<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>semble the <hi>Greek</hi> ones (as also the <hi>Russian</hi> Characters do at this day) and that those which are now <hi>Latin</hi> letters, were at first brought over into <hi>Italy</hi> out of <hi>Arcadia,</hi> along with <hi>Nicostrata</hi> the Mother of <hi>Evander,</hi> who was banished his Country.</p>
                     <p>
                        <note place="margin">Caes. bell. Gal. l. 5.</note>But that which seems to put the matter out of all dispute, <hi>Caesar</hi> being about to write to <hi>Quintus Cicero,</hi> who was then besieged somewhere in <hi>Flanders,</hi> among the <hi>Nervians,</hi> by great rewards perswades a Chevalier, that was a <hi>Gaul,</hi> to carry the Letter for him: He sends it written in <hi>Greek,</hi> lest peradventure it being intercepted, the Enemy should come to know their design. To what purpose should he have done this, if that Chevalier, who was a <hi>Gaul,</hi> or if the <hi>Gauls,</hi> or if the very <hi>Druids</hi> themselves, who had the management of State, had been skilled in <hi>Greek?</hi>
                     </p>
                     <p>Among the Western Hills of <hi>Denbeigh,</hi> a County in <hi>North-Wales,</hi> there is a place, as I read in our famous Chorographer, commonly cal<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>led <hi>Ceregy-Drudion,</hi> that is<q>, the <hi>Druids Stones,</hi> and some small pil<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>lars are seen at <hi>Yvoellas,</hi> inscribed with foreign Characters, which some suspect to have been those of the <hi>Druids.</hi>
                        </q> Who if they have rea<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>son so to suspect, I would to God, Time, with his rusty teeth, had spa<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>red those Pillars, that so some light might shine from thence to clear this quarrel</p>
                     <p>If so be our interpretation of that form of <hi>Caesars</hi> speaking, which we brought, do not please (as to <hi>Strabo's</hi> testimony, that respects some<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>what later times, and perhaps mainly concerns those who lived near the Sea-side) why mayst not thou,<note place="margin">Flotoman. c. 2. Franco-gal<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>liae.</note> with that great Scholar <hi>Francis Hotoman</hi> be of opinion, that the word <hi>Graecis</hi> crept into this Story, either by the carelesness or confidence of Transcribers? For elsewhere in that very Author, where it is said, <hi>dextris humeris exertis, Justus Lipsius,</hi> the Prince of <hi>Criticks,</hi> remarks, that the word <hi>humeris</hi> is plainly redundant, thrust in perchance by the Vamper of that Story,<note place="margin">Caes. bell. Gal. l. 7.</note> 
                        <hi>Julius Celsus.</hi>
                     </p>
                     <p>And what so great a man, of so great a judgment as he was, did cen<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>sure of those Commentaries of <hi>Caesar,</hi>
                        <note place="margin">Lips. Elect. lib. 2. cap. 7. &amp; quaest. Epi<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>stolic. l. 2. c. 2.</note> in his Book called <hi>Electa,</hi> or <hi>Choice Pieces,</hi> take from himself thus. <q>I see many patches stitched into that Purple; nor doth the expression it self there every where breath to my Nostrils that golden (as I may so say) Gum, or liquid myrrh, of pure antiquity. Read it, read it over again, you will find many things idly
<pb n="15" facs="tcp:108529:26"/>
said, disjoynted, intricate, vampt, said over and over, that it is not unreasonable to think, but that some Novel and unskilful hand was added to this, as it were, statue of ancient work.</q> Therefore we may be easily cheated, if we stand upon such little scruples of words, as we shall meet with in one <hi>Julius</hi> or other, <hi>Caesar</hi> or <hi>Celsus.</hi>
                     </p>
                  </div>
                  <div n="10" type="chapter">
                     <head>CHAP. X.</head>
                     <argument>
                        <p> The <hi>Druids</hi> reckoning of time. An Age consists of thirty Years. What Authors treat of the <hi>Druids.</hi> Their Doctrines and Customs savour of <hi>Pythagoras</hi> and the <hi>Cabalists.</hi> They were the eldest Philosophers and Lawyers among the <hi>Gentiles.</hi> Some odd Images of theirs in Stone, in an Abby near <hi>Voitland,</hi> described.</p>
                     </argument>
                     <p n="8">8. <q>THe <hi>Druids</hi> begun their Months and Years from the sixth Moon (so says <hi>Pliny)</hi> and that which they called an Age after the thirtieth year.</q> In the <hi>Attick</hi> account an Age or Generation,<note place="margin">Plin. nat. hist. l. 16. c. 44.</note> and that of a man in his prime and strength,<note place="margin">
                           <p>Plut. de orac. def. Herod. Euterp.</p>
                           <p>Eustath. ad 1. Iliad.</p>
                        </note> was comprized within the same terms, according to the opinion of <hi>Heraclitus,</hi> and as it is in <hi>Herodotus</hi>; nor had <hi>Nestor's</hi> triple Age a larger compass, if one may believe <hi>Eusta<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>thius.</hi>
                     </p>
                     <p>
                        <hi>Tiberius</hi> drove these <hi>Druids</hi> out of the two <hi>Gallia's,</hi>
                        <note place="margin">
                           <p>Senec. in A<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>pocol.</p>
                           <p>Plin. l. 30. c. 1.</p>
                        </note> 
                        <hi>Claudius</hi> banisht them out of <hi>Rome,</hi> and the worship of the true God <hi>Christ,</hi> sped them out of <hi>Britany.</hi>
                     </p>
                     <p>What further appertains to the sacred Rites and Doctrine of the <hi>Dru<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ids,</hi> (not to speak further of <hi>Caesar) Strabo, Pliny, Diodorus Siculus,</hi> (by the way his Latin Version we do not owe to <hi>Poggius</hi> of <hi>Florence,</hi> as the Books published would make us believe,<note place="margin">Br. Tuin. Apo<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>log. antiq. Aca<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>dem. Oxon. l. 3. §. 329.</note> but to <hi>John Frea</hi> formerly Fellow of <hi>Baliol</hi> Colledge in <hi>Oxford,</hi> if we may believe an Original Copy in the Library of the said Colledge.) Beside these, <hi>Lucan, Pomponius Mela, Ammianus Marcellinus,</hi> and very lately <hi>Otho Heurnius,</hi> in his <hi>Antiquities of Barbarous Philosophy,</hi> and others have, with sufficient plainness, deli<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>vered, yet so, that every thing they say savours of <hi>Pythagoras</hi> (and yet I am ne're a whit the more perswaded that <hi>Pythagoras</hi> ever taught in <hi>Merton-hall</hi> at <hi>Oxford,</hi> or <hi>Anaxagoras</hi> at <hi>Cambridge,</hi> as <hi>Cantilep</hi> and <hi>Lidgate</hi> have it) I and of the <hi>Cabalists</hi> too (for <hi>John Reuchlin</hi> hath compared the discipline of <hi>Pythagoras,</hi> and that of the <hi>Cabalists,</hi> as not much unlike.) Whether the <hi>Druids,</hi> says <hi>Lipsius,</hi>
                        <note place="margin">Reuch. l. 2. de arte Cabalist. Lips. Stoic. physiolog l. 3. dissert. 12. &amp; vide Forcatu<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>lum l. 1. de Gall. Imperio.</note> had their <hi>Metempsychosis</hi> or transmi<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>gration of Souls, from <hi>Pythagoras,</hi> or he from them, I cannot tell.</p>
                     <p>The very same thing is alike to be said, concerning their Laws, and the Common-wealths which they both of them managed: They have both the same features as like as may be, as it was with <hi>Cneius Pompey,</hi> and <hi>Caius Vibius.</hi> For the <hi>Samian</hi> Philosopher did not only teach those secrets of Philosophy which are reserved, and kept up close in the inner shrine; but also returning from <hi>Egypt</hi> he went to <hi>Croton,</hi> a City of <hi>Italy,</hi> and there gave Laws to the <hi>Italians,</hi> (my Author is <hi>Laertius</hi>) and with near upon three hundred Scholars, governed at the rate,<note place="margin">Laert. l. 8. &amp; Plut. orat 2. de Esu carnium.</note> as it were of an Aristocracy. The Laws of <hi>Zaleucus</hi> and <hi>Charondas</hi> are commended and had in request. <q>These men, says <hi>Seneca,</hi> did not in a Hall of Justice,<note place="margin">Senec. Epist. 91.</note> nor in an Inns of Court, but in that secret and holy retirement of <hi>Py<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>thagoras,</hi>
                           <pb n="16" facs="tcp:108529:27"/>
learn those Institutes of Law, which they might propose to <hi>Sicily</hi> and to <hi>Greece,</hi> all over <hi>Italy,</hi> both at that time flourishing.</q> That holy and silent recess was perchance borrowed of the <hi>Druids:</hi> Forasmuch as what <hi>Clement</hi> of <hi>Alexandria</hi> witnesses,<note place="margin">Clem. l. 1. Strom.</note> heretofore the more secret and mysterious Arts were derived from the <hi>Barbarians</hi> to the <hi>Greeks.</hi>
                     </p>
                     <p>However the business be, it appears hence plainly, that the <hi>Druids</hi> were of the oldest standing among the Philosophers of the Gentiles, and the most ancient among their Guardians of Laws. For grant they were of <hi>Pythagoras</hi> his School, yet even at that rate they are brought back at least to the fiftieth or sixtieth <hi>Olympiad,</hi> or if thou wilt, to the Tyranny of the <hi>Tarquins,</hi> which is about two and twenty hundred years ago. 'Tis true, <hi>Pliny, Cicero, Austin, Eusebius</hi> disagree in this point; nor will I catch that mistake by the handle, which draws him, meaning <hi>Pythagoras,</hi> back to <hi>Numa's time.</hi>
                     </p>
                     <p>To what hath been said, I shall not grudge to subjoyn a Surplage out of <hi>Conradus Celtes.</hi> He is speaking of some ancient Images of stone, which he had seen in a certain Abby at the foot of a Hill that bears Pines, commonly called <hi>Vichtelberg,</hi> in the Neighbourhood of <hi>Voitland,</hi> which he conceives did by way of Statue represent the <hi>Druids.</hi> 
                        <q>They were six in number,<note place="margin">Apud P. Me<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>rulam in Cos<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>mogr. part 2. lib. 3.</note> says he, at the door of the Temple niched into the Wall, of seven foot a piece in height, bare-footed, having their Heads un<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>covered, with a Greekish Cloak on, and that Hooded, and a Satchel or scrip by their side, their Beard hanging down to their very Privities, and forked or parted in two about their Nostrils; in their Hands a Book and a Staff like that of <hi>Diogenes,</hi> with a severe Forehead and a melan<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>choly Brow, stooping down with their Head, and fastening their Eyes on the ground.</q> Which description, how it agrees with those things which are recounted by <hi>Caesar</hi> and <hi>Strabo,</hi> concerning the Golden adorn<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ments, the dyed and coloured Vestures, the Bracelets, the shaved Cheeks and Chin of the <hi>Britans,</hi> and other things of the like kind, let them who are concerned look to that.</p>
                  </div>
                  <div n="11" type="chapter">
                     <head>CHAP. XI. </head>
                     <argument>
                        <p>The <hi>Britans</hi> and <hi>Gauls</hi> had Laws and Customs much alike, and whence that came. Some things common to them both, set down; in rela<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tion to the breeding of their Children, the Marrying of their Wives, the Governing of their Families, burning Women that killed their Husbands, and burning some Servants with the dead Master for company. Together with some Remarks of their publick Government.</p>
                     </argument>
                     <p>BUt forasmuch as <hi>Britanny</hi> gave the beginnings and improvements to the discipline of these <hi>Druids,</hi> and both <hi>Britans</hi> and <hi>Gauls</hi> had their Government, Customs, Language, Rites sacred and profane, every thing almost the same, or much alike, as Mr. <hi>William Camden</hi> hath some while since most learnedly made out,<note place="margin">Camden.</note> O Mr. <hi>Camden,</hi> with what respect shall I name thee!
<q>
                           <pb n="17" facs="tcp:108529:27"/>
                           <l>In freta dum fluvii current, dum montibus umbrae</l>
                           <l>Lustrabunt convexa, ac dum Cynosura Britannos,</l>
                           <l>Semper honos, noménque tuum, laudesque manebunt.</l>
                        </q>
Which in hearty English makes this acknowledgment of his worth,
<q>
                           <l>As long as Rivers run into the Main,</l>
                           <l>Whilst Shades on Mountains shall the Welkin hide,</l>
                           <l>And <hi>Britans</hi> shall behold the Northern Wain,</l>
                           <l>Thy Honour, Name, and Praise shall still abide.</l>
                        </q>
                     </p>
                     <p>And it is evident, that a great part of <hi>Britany</hi> was once under the Go<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>vernment of <hi>Divitiacus</hi> King of the <hi>Soissons,</hi> a People of <hi>France.</hi> There<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>fore these following Remarks I thought not amiss to set down as <hi>British,</hi> whether they were imparted to this Isle by the ancient <hi>Gauls</hi> (by reason of its nearness) or whether the <hi>Gauls</hi> owed them to the <hi>Britans.</hi>
                     </p>
                     <q>
                        <p n="9">9. They do not suffer their Children to come to them in open sight, (they are <hi>Caesar's</hi> words) but when they are grown up to that Age, that they may be able to undergo Military duty and to serve in War.</p>
                        <p n="10">10. The men, what mony they receive with their Wives upon ac<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>count of portion, they lay down so much out of their own Estate upon an appraisement made to make a joint stock with the portion. There is an account jointly kept of all this mony, and the profits of it are re<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>served; the longer liver is to have both shares, with the profits of the former times.</p>
                        <p n="11">11. The men have power of life and death over their Wives, as well as over their Children.<note place="margin">Bodin. de re<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>pub. l. 1. c. 4.</note> Hereupon <hi>Bodin</hi> charges <hi>Justinian</hi> with a falshood, for affirming that other people had not the same Fatherly power as the <hi>Romans</hi> had.</p>
                        <p n="12">12. When a Master of a Family, who is of higher birth and quality, dies, his Kindred meet together, that if the manner of his death were suspicious, they may by torture, as Servants were used, examine the Wife concerning the business, and if she be found guilty, they torment her miserably and burn her alive. To this story that most excellent Lawyer, and worthy Lord Chief Justice of the Common Pleas,<note place="margin">In praesat. ad l. 6. Relat.</note> Sir <hi>Ed<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ward Coke,</hi> refers the antiquity of that Law, which we at this day use of devoting to the flames those wicked Baggages, who stain their hands with the nefarious murder of their Husbands.</p>
                        <p n="13">13. Those Servants and Dependents, who were known to have been beloved by their Master in his life time, were, when the Funeral Rites were prepared, burnt with him for company.</p>
                        <p n="14">14. It was ordered, that if any one by flying report or common fame had heard any thing from the borders, that might concern the Com<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>mon-wealth, he was to make it known to some Magistrate, and not impart it to any body else.</p>
                        <p n="15">15. The Magistrates conceal those things they think fit, and what they judge may be of use to the Publick, they discover to the populace.</p>
                        <p n="16">16. No body has leave to speak of the Common-wealth, or of pub<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>lick affairs, but in Council or Parliament.</p>
                        <p n="17">17. They came armed into the Council or to Parliament. So the custom of the Nation was, saith <hi>Livy</hi>; and <hi>Tacitus,</hi>
                           <note place="margin">Liv. lib. 21.</note> the like of the <hi>Ger<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>mans.</hi>
                        </p>
                     </q>
                  </div>
                  <div n="12" type="chapter">
                     <pb n="18" facs="tcp:108529:28" rendition="simple:additions"/>
                     <head>CHAP. XII. </head>
                     <argument>
                        <p>Women admitted to publick debates. A large commendation of the Sex, together with a <gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                              <desc>•</desc>
                           </gap>indication of their fitness to govern; against the <hi>Salick</hi> Law, made out by several examples of most Nations.</p>
                     </argument>
                     <q>
                        <p n="18">18. IT was grown a custom amongst them (we meet with this in <hi>Plutarch</hi>) that they treated of Peace and War with their wo<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>men in company,<note place="margin">Plut. de vir<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tut. musicr.</note> and if any questions arose betwix<gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                              <desc>•</desc>
                           </gap> them and their Allies, they left it to them to determine.</p>
                     </q>
                     <p n="18"> The same custom the <hi>Cecro<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>pians,</hi> (that is, the people of <hi>Athens</hi>) once had, as <hi>Austin</hi> relates it out of <hi>Varro,</hi>
                        <note place="margin">Aug. de Civ. D<gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                              <desc>•</desc>
                           </gap>i l. 18. c. 9.</note> before the women by majority of Vote carried it for <hi>Minerva</hi> against <hi>Neptune.</hi>
                     </p>
                     <p>Away with you, <hi>Simonides,</hi> and whosoever you are, scoundrels, that unworthily abuse the finer and brighter Sex. Good <hi>Angerona,</hi> thou Goddess of Silence,<note place="margin">Athenaeus.</note> wash, nay stop <hi>Eubulus</hi> his foul mouth, who denies there were ever any good women more than two in the world, to wit, chast <hi>Penelope,</hi> and <hi>Alcestis,</hi> who died in her Husbands stead.</p>
                     <p>How large an honour was paid to the counsels, the prudence, the virtue of the <hi>Gaulish</hi> Ladies in their chiefest affairs, and not without their desert? How much honour even at this day, is yearly paid at <hi>Or<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>leance,</hi> on the eighth of <hi>May,</hi> to the Statue of <hi>Joan Darcy</hi> of <hi>Lorain,</hi> that stands on the bank of the River <hi>Loir;</hi>
                        <note place="margin">Paul. Aemil. hist. Franc. l. 10.</note> who obliged her dear Country with a Victory wonderfully got, when all had been lost.</p>
                     <p>To pass by other arguments, Antiquity holds this Sex to be equally divine as the Male. In Heaven, Sea, Earth, together with <hi>Jupiter, Neptune, Pluto,</hi> who were the Gods that shared the world, there go<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>verned <hi>Juno, Salacia, Proserpina,</hi> their Goddesses. Marry! in <hi>Varro</hi>'s three fold Divinity, there are more she-Gods than he-Gods.</p>
                     <q>
                        <note place="margin">
                           <hi>Ovid. de arte amandi l.</hi> 3.</note>Ipsa quoque &amp; cultu est, &amp; nomine foemina Virtus.</q>
                     <q>
                        <l>Uirtue her self, howe're it came,</l>
                        <l>Is Female both in Dress and Name.</l>
                     </q>
                     <p>But I do not go to act over <hi>Caius Agrippa's</hi> part, by declaiming upon Female excellency. The thing it self speaks more than I can, and the subject is its own best Orator.</p>
                     <p>
                        <note place="margin">Tac. in vit. A<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>gric. &amp; Annal. l. 14.</note>I must add one thing which <hi>Cornelius Tacitus</hi> tells us of the <hi>Britans,</hi> 
                        <q>that they were wont to war under the conduct of women, and to make no difference of Sex in places of Command and Government.</q> Which places yet there are some who stiffly deny, that Women by right should have the charge of; as being, what <hi>Euripides</hi> says of them,
<q>
                           <gap reason="foreign">
                              <desc>〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉</desc>
                           </gap>.</q>
that is,<note place="margin">Eurip. in Me<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>deâ.</note>
                        <q>
                           <l>But ill for the stout feats of War,</l>
                           <l>Who scarce to look on Iron dare.</l>
                        </q>
                     </p>
                     <p>
                        <pb n="19" facs="tcp:108529:28"/>But those Authors especially, who, propped up with the <hi>Salick Law</hi> (as they call it) write, that Males only are by right of inheritance ca<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>pable of the Government of the <hi>French,</hi> they do hold and maintain this argument tooth and nail, with all the unkindness and spite as may be to the <hi>English</hi> Law, which admits of Women to the Throne. They urge, that not only the Laws of <hi>Pharamond,</hi> but Nature her self is on their side.<note place="margin">Bodin. de re<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>pub. l. 6. c. 5.</note> 
                        <q>The Government of women ('tis <hi>Bodin of Anjou</hi> sayes it) is contrary to the Laws of Nature, which hath bestowed upon men discretion, strength of body, courage and greatness of Spirit, with the power of Rule, and hath taken these things from women.</q>
                     </p>
                     <p>But, sweet Mr. <hi>Bodin,</hi> are not discretion, strength, courage and the arts of Government, more to be desired and required in those who have the Tuition of Kings in their Minority, than in the Kings them<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>selves till they are come to age? Truly I am of that mind. For why then, pray tell me, did not that reason of yours wring the Guardian<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ship of St. <hi>Louis</hi> out of the hands of the Queen-Mother <hi>Blanch?</hi> why not out of <hi>Isabella</hi>'s hands under <hi>Charles</hi> the Sixth? why not of <hi>Catha<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>rine de Medicis,</hi> whilst the two Brothers <hi>Francis</hi> and <hi>Charles</hi> her Pupils were incircled with the Crown? why not out of the hands of <hi>Mary, Louis</hi> the Thirteenth being at this very time King?</p>
                     <p>Were the <hi>Jews,</hi> that I may go back to stories more ancient, blind, that they could not see the defects of Womens nature, in the Govern<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ment of <hi>Debora,</hi> who triumphed over <hi>Sisera,</hi> and is sufficiently com<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>mended in Holy Writ? Were the <hi>Italians</hi> blind under the Government of the most prudent <hi>Amalasincta?</hi> the <hi>Halicarnassians,</hi> under that of the most gallant <hi>Artemisia?</hi> the <hi>Egyptians,</hi>
                        <note place="margin">Pomp. Mela, l. 1. c. 9.</note> among whom heretofore their Women managed Law-Courts and business abroad, and the men lookt to home and minded huswifery? and the <hi>Aethiopians</hi> under their <hi>Nicaula,</hi> whom being very desirous of wisdom, King <hi>Solomon,</hi> the wisest man that has been ever since the world was, honourably entertain'd? were the <hi>Assyrians,</hi> under the Government of their magnificent <hi>Semiramis?</hi> the <hi>Massagetes,</hi> under that of the revengeful Dame <hi>Thomyris</hi>? the <hi>Palmy<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>renes,</hi> under that of the most chaste <hi>Zenobia?</hi> and that I may make an end once, under that of other excellent women, all Nations whatever, none excepted but the <hi>Franks?</hi> who, as <hi>Goropius</hi> will have it, came to throw off and slight female Government upon this account,<note place="margin">Gorop. in Francicis.</note> that in <hi>Vespasian</hi>'s time they had seen the affairs of their neighbours the <hi>Bructeri</hi> in <hi>East Friseland,</hi> whilst that scornful Hag <hi>Velleda</hi> ruled the roast, came to no good issue.</p>
                     <p>I do very well know, that our perjured Barons, when they resolved to exclude Queen <hi>Mawd</hi> from the <hi>English</hi> Throne, made this shameful pretence, <q>That it would be a shame, for so many Nobles to be subject to a woman.</q> And yet you shall not read, that the <hi>Iceni</hi> (our <hi>Essex</hi>-men, <hi>&amp;c.</hi>) got any shame by that <hi>Boadicia,</hi> whom <hi>Gildas</hi> terms a Lio<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ness, or that the <hi>Brigantes</hi> (i. e. <hi>York-shire</hi>-men, <hi>&amp;c.</hi>) got any by <hi>Char<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tismandua.</hi> You will read, that they got glory and renown by them both.</p>
                     <p>Reader, thou canst not here chuse but think of our late Soveraign of Ever Blessed Memory, the Darling of <hi>Britan,</hi> Q. <hi>ELIZABETH,</hi> nor canst thou, whosoever thou art, but acknowledge, <q>That there was not wanting to a Woman (what <hi>Malmesbury</hi> writes of <hi>Sexburga</hi> the Queen Dowager of <hi>Cenwalch</hi> King of the <hi>West Saxons</hi>) a great Spi<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>rit to discharge the duties of the Kingdom;<note place="margin">Malmesb. gest. reg. l. 1. c. 2.</note> she levied new Armies,
<pb n="20" facs="tcp:108529:29" rendition="simple:additions"/>
kept the old ones to duty; she governed her Subjects with Clemency, kept her Enemies quiet with threats; and in a word, did every thing at that rate, that there was no other difference betwixt her and any King in management, but her Sex.</q> Of whose (I mean <hi>Elizabeths</hi>) superlative and truly Royal Vertues a rare Poet, and otherwise a very Learned man, hath sung excellently well,
<q>
                           <l>
                              <note place="margin">
                                 <hi>Connub. Tam. &amp; Is<gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                                       <desc>•</desc>
                                    </gap>s.</hi>
                              </note>Si quasdam tacuisse velim, quamcunque tacebo</l>
                           <l>Major erit: primos actus veteresque labores</l>
                           <l>Pros<gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                                 <desc>•</desc>
                              </gap>quar? ad sese revocant praesentia mentem.</l>
                           <l>Justitiam dicam? magis at Clementia splendet.</l>
                           <l>Victrices referam vires? plus vicit inermis.</l>
                        </q>
'Tis pity these are not well rendred into <hi>English.</hi> However take them as they are in blank Verse.
<q>
                           <l>Should I in silence some her Uertues pass,</l>
                           <l>Which e're I so pass o're, will greater be:</l>
                           <l>Shall I her first deeds and old facts pursue?</l>
                           <l>Present affairs to them call back my mind.</l>
                           <l>Shall I her Justice in due numbers sing?</l>
                           <l>But then her Clemency far brighter shines.</l>
                           <l>Or shall I her victorious Arms relate?</l>
                           <l>In peace unarm'd she hath got more to th' State.</l>
                        </q>
                     </p>
                     <p>What did the <hi>Germans</hi> our Ancestors? they thought there was in that Sex something of Sanctity and foresight, nor did they slight their coun<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>sels, nor neglect the answers they gave, when questions were put to them about matters of business; and as Superstition increased, held most of them for Goddesses.</p>
                     <p>Let him then, whatever dirty fellow it was, be condemned to the Crows (and be hang'd to him) who is not ashamed out of ancient Scrolls, to publish to the world, that they (Women) agree with Soldiers (Bully-Rocks and Hectors) mainly in this, <q>That they are continually very much taken up with looking after their body, and are given to lust, that Souldiers themselves are not, nor endeavour to be more quick and sudden in their Cheats and Over-reachings, that Soldiers deceive people at some distances of time, but women lye alwayes at catch, chouse and pillage their Gallants all the wayes they can; bring them into Consumptions with unreasonable sittings up;</q> And other such like mad rude expressions he useth, not unfitting for a Professor in <hi>Bedlam</hi> Colledge.</p>
                     <p>
                        <note place="margin">Plato de rep. lib. 5. Arist. Polit. l. 1. c. ult.</note>
                        <hi>Plato</hi> allowed Women to govern, nor did <hi>Aristotle,</hi> (whatever the Interpreters of his <hi>Politicks</hi> foolishly say) take from them that privi<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ledge. Vertue shuts no door against any body, any Sex, but freely ad<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>mits all.<note place="margin">Trismegist.</note> And <hi>Hermes Trismegistus</hi> that Thrice great man in his <hi>Poe<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>mander</hi> according to his knowledge of Heavenly concerns (and that sure was great in comparison of what the Owl-ey'd Philosophers had) he ascribes the mystical name of <hi>Male-Female</hi> to the great Understand<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ing, to wit, God, the Governour of the Universe.</p>
                     <p>They (the good women I have been speaking of) from their Cradle (at this rate men commonly talk of them) do too much love to have the Reins of Government, and to be uppermost. Well! be it so, that
<pb n="21" facs="tcp:108529:29" rendition="simple:additions"/>
they do love to govern? and who is it doth not love them? Now a sin and shame be it for Lovers to grudge to their beloved, that which is most desired and wished by them: nor could I forbear out of consci<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ence with my suffrage, to assist as far as I could, that Sex, which is so great and comfortable an importance to mankind, so sweet a refresh<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ment amidst our sharpest toils, and the vicissitudes of life; and in a word, is the dearest gift that Dame Nature could bestow upon Man.</p>
                     <p>But let us now return to <hi>Caesar</hi>'s <hi>Gauls</hi> again.</p>
                  </div>
                  <div n="13" type="chapter">
                     <head>CHAP. XIII.</head>
                     <argument>
                        <p> Their putting themselves under protection by going into great mens ser<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>vice. Their Coins of money, and their weighing of it. Some sorts of flesh not lawful to be eaten by them.</p>
                     </argument>
                     <q>
                        <p n="19">19. VEry many of them, when they are opprest with Debt or with great Taxes, or with the injurious oppression of great men, put themselves out to service to the Nobles. Over such they have the same Right or Authority, as Masters have over their Ser<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>vants or Slaves.</p>
                        <p>These things following are expresly related also of the <hi>Britans</hi> themselves.</p>
                        <p n="20">20. They use Brass Coin or Rings (some read it, Plates) of Iron proportion'd to a certain weight, instead of money. But, (saith <hi>Soli<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>nus,</hi>
                           <note place="margin">Solin. Poly<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>hist. cap. 35.</note> a more modern Historian) they dislike and disallow of Markets or Fairs or Money; they give and take Commodities by way of Barter.</p>
                     </q>
                     <p>
                        <hi>Camden</hi> is of opinion, that the custom of Coining Money, came in along with the <hi>Romans</hi> among the <hi>Cattieuchlani,</hi> that is, the people of <hi>Buckinghamshire, Bedfordshire</hi> and <hi>Hartfordshire.</hi> He takes notice out of <hi>William</hi> the Conqueror's Book of Rates or <hi>Dooms-Day</hi> Book (which is seasonable to mention upon this Head of Coins) that as amongst the old <hi>Romans,</hi> so amongst our Ancestors, money was weighed (as <hi>Ger<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>vase</hi> of <hi>Tilbury</hi> also tells us) and so told out and paid down. Now they paid Customs to the <hi>Romans</hi>; and for this purpose they had Coins stamped and marked with various shapes of living Creatures and Ve<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>getables, which ever and anon are digged up out of the ground.<note place="margin">V. Plut. quaest. centuriat. Rom. 41.</note> And we read in a very ancient Chronicle of the Monastery of <hi>Abendon,</hi> which had two Kings <hi>Cissa</hi> and <hi>Ina</hi> for its founders, that at the laying the first foundations,<note place="margin">Br. Tuin. apo<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>log. Oxon. l. 2. §. 77.</note> there were found very old Coins engraven with the Pi<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ctures of Devils and Satyrs. One may very well suppose them to be <hi>British</hi> Coins.</p>
                     <p n="21">21. <q>They do not think it lawful to taste of the flesh of Hare, or Hen, or Goose,<note place="margin">V. Plut. Sym<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>pos. l. 4. c. 5.</note> and yet they keep these Creatures for pleasure and divertisement sake.</q> Why they forbore only Hare, and Hen, and Goose, I am not able to give the reason. I perceive something of <hi>Py<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>thagoras,</hi> and something of the <hi>Jewish</hi> Discipline mixt.<note place="margin">Laert. l. 8.</note> For that Philo<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>sopher of <hi>Samos</hi> abstained from the eating of Flesh, not in general from all, but with a certain choice from that of some particular Creatures.<note place="margin">Plut. symp. l. 8. c. 8.</note>
                     </p>
                  </div>
                  <div n="14" type="chapter">
                     <pb n="22" facs="tcp:108529:30"/>
                     <head>CHAP. XIV. </head>
                     <argument>
                        <p>Community of Wives among the <hi>Britans,</hi> used formerly by other Nati<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ons also. <hi>Chalcondylas</hi> his mistake from our Civil Custom of Saluting. A rebuke of the foolish humour of Jealousie.</p>
                     </argument>
                     <p n="22">22. <q>THey have ten or twelve of them Wives in common amongst them, and especially Brothers with Brothers, and Fathers with their Sons; but what children are born of such Mothers, they are fathered upon them by whom they were first lain with, when they were Maids.</q> O villany and strange confusion of the rights of Nature!
<q>
                           <note place="margin">
                              <hi>Georgic.</hi> 3.</note>Dii meliorae piis, erroremque hostibus istum!</q>
which in Christian English speaks thus.
<q>
                           <l>Good God! For th' pious better things devise,</l>
                           <l>Such Ill as this I wish not t' Enemies.</l>
                        </q>
                     </p>
                     <p>However let not this <hi>Platonick</hi> community of Wives be more reproach to the <hi>Britans,</hi> than that promiscuous Copulation which was used by the <hi>Thuscans,</hi> and before <hi>Cecrops</hi> his time (who for appointing Marri<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>age, that is, joyning one Man and one Woman together, was termed <gap reason="foreign">
                           <desc>〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉</desc>
                        </gap>, <hi>i.e.</hi> as one may say <hi>Two-shaped</hi>) by the <hi>Athenians,</hi> (as <hi>Theopompus, Suidas</hi> and <hi>Athenaeus</hi> report it) was to them.<note place="margin">
                           <p>Athen. dip<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>nos. l. 12. &amp; 13. Suid. in <gap reason="foreign">
                                 <desc>〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉</desc>
                              </gap>.</p>
                           <p>Euseb. prae<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>par. Evang. l. 6.</p>
                        </note> Besides, <hi>Eusebius</hi> in his <hi>Evangelical Preparation</hi> writes, that our people for the most part were contented with one single Marriage.</p>
                     <p>Did not, may one think, <hi>Chalcondylas</hi> mistake <hi>Caesar</hi>'s meaning, who a hundred years ago and upwards setting himself to write History at <hi>Athens,</hi> and peradventure over-carelesly drawing ancient Customs down to the last Age, ventured to affirm of the <hi>Britans</hi> his Contempo<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>raries,<note place="margin">Apud Abrah. Ortel. in The<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>at. Mundi.</note> 
                        <q>That when any one upon invitation enters the house of a friend, the Custom is, that he first lye with his friends Wife, and af<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ter that he is kindly entertained?</q> Or did that officious kiss, the Ear<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>nest of welcome, which is so freely admitted by our Women from strangers and guests, which some take particular notice of as the cu<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>stom of our Countrey,<note place="margin">Munster. Bo<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ëmus, &amp;c.</note> put a trick upon <hi>Chalcondylas,</hi> and bring him into that mistake?
<q>
                           <note place="margin">Theocr. Ei<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>dyll. 3.</note>
                           <gap reason="foreign">
                              <desc>〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉</desc>
                           </gap>.</q>
sayes <hi>Theocritus</hi> of old, that is,
<q>In empty kisses there is swéet delight.</q>
                        <pb n="23" facs="tcp:108529:30" rendition="simple:additions"/>
And,
<q>Qui vult cubare, pangit saltem suavium,<note place="margin">Plaut. Cur<gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="2 letters">
                                 <desc>••</desc>
                              </gap>
                           </note>
                        </q>
sayes the Servant in <hi>Plautus,</hi>
                        <q>
                           <l>He that would a woman win,</l>
                           <l>With a kiss he doth begin.</l>
                        </q>
And that other fellow,</p>
                     <p>
                        <hi>Quaero deinde illecebram stupri, principio eam suavium posco.</hi>
                        <note place="margin">Id. Amphitr.</note> And <hi>Et jam illud non placet principium de osculo,</hi>
                        <note place="margin">Id. Casinâ.</note> sayes jealous <hi>Amphitruo</hi> to his wife <hi>Alcumena.</hi> And <hi>Agesilaus</hi> mistrusting his wanton Genius, refu<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>sed the buss or salute of a handsome beautiful youth. For as he sayes,<note place="margin">Plut. de aud. Poet.</note>
                        <q>—Parva leves capiunt animos,<note place="margin">
                              <hi>Ovid. de art. am. l.</hi> 1.</note>
                        </q>
that is,
<q>
                           <l>Small matters kindle the desire.</l>
                           <l>And a loose Spirit's soon on fire.</l>
                        </q>
This our <hi>Grecian</hi> knew well enough, and perchance thought of that unlucky hint,
<q>
                           <l>—Si non &amp; caetera sumpsit,</l>
                           <l>Haec quoque, quae sumpsit, perdere dignus erat.</l>
                        </q>
                     </p>
                     <p>Moreover, that great Philosopher of Lawyers <hi>Baldus,</hi>
                        <note place="margin">Bald. l. 5. consil. 78. Alber. Gentil. de nupt. l. 2. c. 13.</note> hath set it down for a rule, that the Fathers consent and betrothal is ratified and made good by the Daughters admitting the Wooer to kiss her. Which point of Law it would be very ridiculous to imagine should concern us, with whom both Maids and married Women do easily afford, and civilly too, them that salute them a kiss, not such as <hi>Catullus</hi> speaks of Billing like Doves, hard Busses or wanton Smacks, but slight modest chaste ones, and such as Sisters give to Brothers. These civilities, when omitted, are alwayes signs of Clownishness; when afforded, seldom are account<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ed signs of Whorishness. Nor do the Husbands in this case (unless it be perhaps some Horn-mad-Cuckold) with a wrinkled Forehead shake their Bull-feathers, or so much as mistrust any thing as upon jealousie of this custom.</p>
                     <p>It may be <hi>Chalcondylas</hi> being a little pur-blind, saw these passages as it were through a grated Lattice, and made ill use of his mistake: I mean, whilst he compared our <hi>Britans,</hi> who upon a Matrimonial confidence trust their Mates honesty, with the jealous <hi>Italians, Venetians, Spaniards,</hi> and even his own Countrey-men. Which people, it is a wonder to me, they should so warily, with so much diligence and mistrust set pin<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>folds, cunning Spies and close attendance, Locks and Keys, and Bars and Bolts upon their <hi>Madonna</hi>'s Chastity (most commonly in my conscience all to no purpose) when that which he has said is as good as Oracle, though a wanton one.
<q>
                           <pb n="24" facs="tcp:108529:31"/>
                           <l>
                              <note place="margin">
                                 <hi>Ovid. amor. l.</hi> 2. <hi>eleg.</hi> 19. <hi>Id. l.</hi> 3. <hi>eleg.</hi> 4. <hi>Id. de remed. amor. l.</hi> 2.</note>Quod licet, ingratum est: quod non licet, acriùs urit.</l>
                           <l>Ferreus est, siquis, quod sinit alter, amat.</l>
                           <l>Siqua, metu dempto, casta est, ea denique casta est:</l>
                           <l>Quae, quia non liceat, non facit, illa facit.</l>
                           <l>Qui timet, ut sua sit, nequis sibi subtrahat illam;</l>
                           <l>Ille Machaoniâ vix ope sanus erit.</l>
                        </q>
In English thus,
<q>
                           <l>What's frée, 's unpleasant; what's not, moves desire.</l>
                           <l>He's thick skull'd, who doth things allow'd admire.</l>
                           <l>Who, fear aside, is chaste, she's chaste indéed;</l>
                           <l>Who, cause she can't, forbears, commits the deed.</l>
                           <l>Who's Wife mistrusts, and plays the jealous Whelp,</l>
                           <l>Is mad beyond Physicians art and help.</l>
                        </q>
                     </p>
                     <p>Who does not know, that Natures byass runs to things forbidden? and he who attempts unlawful things, does more often lose those which are lawful. Marry! that free usage of the hot Baths of <hi>Baden</hi> in <hi>Ger<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>many,</hi> Men and Women together, is much safer than being jealous.
<q>
                           <l>
                              <note place="margin">
                                 <hi>Virg. in Ceiri.</hi>
                              </note>—Quis non bonus omnia malit</l>
                           <l>Credere, quàm tanto sceleri damnare puellam?</l>
                        </q>
That is,
<q>
                           <l>What good man would not take all in best sense,</l>
                           <l>Rather by living undisturb'd and frée;</l>
                           <l>Than by distrustful foolish Jealousie</l>
                           <l>His Lady force to quit her Innocence?</l>
                        </q>
But we have taken that pains upon a thing by the By, as if it were our proper business.</p>
                  </div>
                  <div n="15" type="chapter">
                     <head>CHAP. XV. </head>
                     <argument>
                        <p>An account of the <hi>British</hi> State under the <hi>Romans. Claudius</hi> wins a Battel, and returns to <hi>Rome</hi> in Triumph, and leaves <hi>A. Plautius</hi> to order affairs. A Colony is sent to <hi>Maldon</hi> in <hi>Essex,</hi> and to several other places. The nature of these Colonies out of <hi>Lipsius. Julius Agricola</hi>'s Government here in <hi>Vespasian</hi>'s time.</p>
                     </argument>
                     <p>
                        <hi>JVlius Caesar</hi> gave a sight of <hi>Britanny</hi> to posterity, rather than made a full discovery or a delivery of it.<note place="margin">Malmesb. de. gest. reg. l. 1. c. 1.</note> However <hi>Malmsbury</hi> sayes, <q>that he compelled them to swear obedience to the <hi>Latin</hi> Laws, </q>certainly he did scarce so much as abridge the inhabitants from the free use of their own Laws; for the very Tributes that were imposed upon them, they in a short time shook off, by revolting from the <hi>Roman</hi> yoke. The same liberty they used and enjoyed to all intents and purposes during <hi>Au<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>gustus, Tiberius</hi> and <hi>Caligula</hi>'s Reigns.</p>
                     <p>
                        <pb n="25" facs="tcp:108529:31"/>
                        <hi>Aulus Plautius</hi> as General by order of <hi>Claudius Caesar,</hi> brought an Ar<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>my into <hi>Britany.</hi>
                        <note place="margin">Dio hist. Rom. l. 60.</note> 
                        <gap reason="foreign">
                           <desc>〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉</desc>
                        </gap> (so saith <hi>Dio</hi>) <gap reason="foreign">
                           <desc>〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉</desc>
                        </gap> that is, <hi>The inhabitants at that time were subject to divers Kings of their own.</hi> He overcame in battel Prince <hi>Cradock</hi> and <hi>Togodunus</hi> the two Sons of King <hi>Cunobellinus</hi>; afterwards <hi>Claudius</hi> himself came over into the Island, fought a set battel; and having obtained the Victory, he took <hi>Maldon</hi> in <hi>Essex,</hi> the Royal City of <hi>Cunobellinus,</hi> disarmed the inhabi<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tants, left the government of them, and the subduing of the rest of the people to <hi>Plautius,</hi> and went back himself to <hi>Rome,</hi> where he was ho<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>noured with a most splendid and stately Triumph. For this was he, of whom <hi>Seneca</hi> the Tragoedian speaks:
<q>
                           <l>Cuique Britanni terga dedêre,<note place="margin">
                                 <hi>Senec. in Octav. act.</hi>
                              </note>
                           </l>
                           <l>Ducibus nostris ante ignoti,</l>
                           <l>Jurisque sui.—</l>
                        </q>
which may be thus Englished,
<q>
                           <l>To whom bold <hi>Britans</hi> turn'd their back,</l>
                           <l>T' our Captains formerly unknown,</l>
                           <l>And govern'd by Laws of their own.</l>
                        </q>
                     </p>
                     <p>
                        <q>The Island being reduced great part under the <hi>Romans</hi> power, and into a Lieutenancy, a Colony is brought down to <hi>Maldon</hi> (in <hi>Essex</hi>) as <hi>Tacitus</hi> and <hi>Dio</hi> has it, with a strong party of Veterans, and is planted up and down in the Countrey they had taken,<note place="margin">
                              <p>Tac. annal. l. 12.</p>
                              <p>Dio hist. l. 60.</p>
                           </note> as a supply against those that would rebel, and to train up their fellows or Allies to the duties of the Laws.</q> An old Stone speaks thus of that Colony,
<q>CN. MUNATIUS M. F. PAL. AURELIUS. BASSUS PROC. AUG. PRAEF. FABRO. PRAEF. COH. III. SA<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>GITARIORUM. PRAEF. COH. ITERUM. II. ASTURUM. CENSITOR. CIVIUM. ROMANORUM. COLONIAE. VICTRI<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>CENSIS. QUAE. EST. IN. BRITANNIA. CAMALODUNI.<note place="margin">Camden. &amp; Lips. ad l. 12. Tac. num. 75.</note>
                        </q>
Besides, there was a Temple built and dedicated to <hi>Claudius Ara</hi> (or as <hi>Lipsius</hi> reads it <hi>Arra) Aeternae dominationis</hi>; that is, the Altar or Earnest of an eternal Government. But you will say, all this makes little to our purpose: yes, very much; as that which brings from abroad the <hi>Roman</hi> Orders, Laws, Fashions, and every thing into <hi>Britany.</hi> Near St. <hi>Albans,</hi> a Town in <hi>Hartfordshire,</hi> there was sure enough the seat of <hi>Cassibellinus</hi> called <hi>Verulams,</hi> and the Burghers,<note place="margin">Agell. l. 16. c. 13.</note> as we learn from <hi>Agel<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>lius,</hi> were Citizens of <hi>Rome</hi> infranchized, out of their Corporations, using their own Laws and Customs, only partaking the same honorary priviledge with the people of <hi>Rome</hi>: but we have the Colony of <hi>Maldon</hi> in <hi>Essex,</hi> which upon another nearer account had all the Rights and Orders of the people of <hi>Rome</hi> derived to it from the freedom of that City, and was not at its own disposal, or to use its own Laws. And
<pb n="26" facs="tcp:108529:32"/>
the like was practised in this Island in more than one place. The Reverse of <hi>Severus</hi> the Emperours Coyn shews it.
<q>
                           <note place="margin">Camden.</note>COL. EBORACUM. LEG. VI. VICTRIX.</q>
and the Coyn of <hi>Septimius Geta</hi> on either side.
<q>COL. DIVANA. LEG. XX. VICTRIX.</q>
This old <hi>Divana</hi> (which is the very same with <hi>Deunana</hi> in <hi>Ptolomy</hi>) if you make it <hi>English,</hi> is <hi>Chester</hi> the chief City of the <hi>Cornavians,</hi> that is, the people of <hi>Cheshire, Staffordshire, Shropshire, &amp;c.</hi> Again, there is a piece of an old Stone in the Walls of <hi>Bath</hi> in <hi>Somersetshire</hi> near the North Gate has this Inscription upon it,
<q>DEC. COLONIAE. GLEV. VIXIT. ANN. LXXXVI.</q>
                     </p>
                     <p>
                        <note place="margin">Colonia ca<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>stri, <hi>whence the River cal<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>led</hi> Coln. Senec. ad Alb. c. 7.</note>
                        <hi>Glevum</hi> was that then which <hi>Glocester</hi> is now. It may be <hi>Colchester</hi> had the same right of priviledge, unless you had rather derive its name from the River <hi>Coln</hi> that runs aside it. In a word (sayes <hi>Seneca</hi> to <hi>Al<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>bina</hi>) <q>How many Colonies has this people of ours sent into all Pro<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>vinces?</q> Where ever the <hi>Roman</hi> conquers, he dwells. See what abundance there was of them in <hi>British</hi> Province; whose form of Go<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>vernment, and other Laws, that they were different from that of the <hi>Britans,</hi> we may plainly perceive from that very form of their constitu<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tion after their detachment; which I shall present you with out of that famous Antiquary, and every way most Learned and Celebrious person <hi>Justus Lipsius.</hi>
                     </p>
                     <p>Their manner and method was (sayes he) <q>That the Lands should be divided to man by man, and that by three grave discreet persons, whom they used to chuse for this purpose,<note place="margin">Lips. de mag. Rom. l. 1. c. 6.</note> who did set out their par<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ticular Seats and Grounds, and the Town it self (if there were one to be built) and prescribed them Rules and Rights, and the form as it were of a new Common-wealth: Yet in that manner, that all things might bear a resemblance of <hi>Rome</hi> and the Mother City; and that in the very places themselves the Courts of Law, the Capitols, the Temples, the State-houses or Town-halls might be according to that model, and that there might be in the Government or Magistracy two persons as Bailiffs in most places, like the two <hi>Consuls</hi> at <hi>Rome;</hi> in like manner Surveyors and Scavengers, Aldermen of the Wards and Headboroughs, instead of a Senate or Common Council as we may call it.<note place="margin">Gild. in Epist. de excid. Brit.</note>
                        </q>) This is <hi>Lipsius</hi> his account; so that <hi>Beatus Gildas</hi> is not much out of the way, when he sayes, it was reckoned not <hi>Britannia,</hi> but <hi>Romania.</hi> And an ancient Copy of Verses, which <hi>Joseph Scaliger</hi> has rescued out of its rust and mouldiness, has it:
<q>
                           <l>Mars pater, &amp; nostrae gentis tutela Quirine,</l>
                           <l>Et magno positus Caesar uterque polo;</l>
                           <l>Cernitis ignotos Latiâ sub Lege Britannos, &amp;c.</l>
                        </q>
                        <pb n="27" facs="tcp:108529:32"/>
that is, in English,
<q>
                           <l>Sire <hi>Mars,</hi> and Guardian of our State</l>
                           <l>
                              <hi>Quirinus</hi> hight after thy fate,</l>
                           <l>And <hi>Caesars</hi> both plac'd near the Pole</l>
                           <l>With your bright Stars ye do behold,</l>
                           <l>And th' unknown <hi>Britans</hi> aw,</l>
                           <l>T' observe the <hi>Roman</hi> Law.</l>
                        </q>
                     </p>
                     <p>The stately Seraglio or Building for the Emperours Women at <hi>Venta Belgarum</hi> (a City at this day called <hi>Winchester</hi>) and other things of that kind I let pass.<note place="margin">Notitia Pro<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>vinc.</note>
                     </p>
                     <p>In the time of the Emperours <hi>Vespasian, Titus</hi> and <hi>Domitian, Julius Agricola, Tacitus</hi> his Wives Father, was Lord Deputy Lieutenant here.<note place="margin">Tacit. vit. Agric.</note> He encouraged the Barbarous people to Civil fashions, insomuch that they took the <hi>Roman</hi> habit for an honour, and almost every body wore a Gown; and as <hi>Juvenal</hi> has it in his Satyr,
<q>Gallia Causidicos docuit facunda Britannos.<note place="margin">
                              <hi>Juvenal. Sat.</hi> 6.</note>
                        </q>
                        <q>
                           <l>The British Lawyers learnt of yore,</l>
                           <l>From the well-spoken French their lore:</l>
                           <l>T'imply, hereafter we should sée</l>
                           <l>Our Laws themselves in French would be.</l>
                        </q>
                     </p>
                  </div>
                  <div n="16" type="chapter">
                     <head>CHAP. XVI. </head>
                     <argument>
                        <p>In <hi>Commodus</hi> his time King <hi>Lucy</hi> embraces the Christian Religion, and desires <hi>Eleutherius</hi> then Pope, to send him the <hi>Roman</hi> Laws. In stead of Heathen Priests, he makes three Arch-Bishops and twenty eight Bishops. He endows the Churches, and makes them Sanctuaries. The manner of Government in <hi>Constantine</hi>'s time, where ends the <hi>Roman</hi> account.</p>
                     </argument>
                     <p>IN <hi>Commodus</hi> the Emperours time the Light of the Gospel shone afresh upon the <hi>Britans. Lucius</hi> the first King of the Christians (for the <hi>Romans,</hi> as in other places, so in <hi>Britany,</hi> made use of even Kings for their instruments of slavery) by the procurement of <hi>Fugatius</hi> and <hi>Damianus</hi> did happily receive from Pope <hi>Eleutherius</hi> the Seal of Regeneration (that is, Baptism) and the Sacred Laws of eternal salvation.<note place="margin">Plati<gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                              <desc>•</desc>
                           </gap>. in vit. Eleutherii.</note> He had a mind also to have the Civil Laws thence, and desired them too. <hi>Ovid</hi> long since had so prophesied of <hi>Rome:</hi>
                        <q>Juráque ab hâc terrâ caetera terra petet.<note place="margin">
                              <hi>Ovid. Fast. l.</hi> 1.</note>
                        </q>
that is,
<q>
                           <l>And from this Countrey every other Land</l>
                           <l>Their Laws shall fetch, and be at her command.</l>
                        </q>
                     </p>
                     <p>
                        <pb n="28" facs="tcp:108529:33"/>
                        <note place="margin">Jo. Fox Hist. Eccles. l. 1.</note>Now <hi>Eleutherius</hi> wrote him this answer: <q>You have desired of us, that the <hi>Roman</hi> and <hi>Caesarean</hi> Laws may be sent over to you; that you may, as you desire, use them in your Kingdom of <hi>Britanny.</hi> The <hi>Ro<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>man</hi> and <hi>Caesarean</hi> Laws we may at all times disprove of, but by no means the Law of God. For you have lately through Divine mercy taken upon you in the Kingdom of <hi>Britanny</hi> the Law and Faith of Christ; you have with you in the Kingdom both pages of Holy Writ, (to wit, the Old and New Testament). Out of them, in the name and by the favour of God, with the advice of your Kingdom, take your Law, and by it through Gods permission, you may govern your Kingdom of <hi>Britanny.</hi> Now you for your part are Gods Vicegerent in your Kingdom.</q>
                     </p>
                     <p>Howsoever by injury of time the memory of this great and Illustrious Prince King <hi>Lucy</hi> hath been imbezill'd and smuggled, this upon the credit of the ancient Writers appears plainly, that the pitiful fopperies of the Pagans, and the Worship of their Idol-Devils did begin to flag, and within a short time would have given place to the Worship of the true God, and that Three <hi>Arch-Flamens</hi> and Twenty Eight <hi>Flamens, i. e.</hi> Arch-Priests, being driven out, there were as many Arch-Bishops and Bishops put into their rooms (the Seats of the Arch-Bishops were at <hi>London,</hi> at <hi>York</hi> and at <hi>Caerleon</hi> in <hi>Wales</hi>)<q> to whom, as also to other Religious persons, the King granted Possessions and Territories in abundance, and confirmed his Grants by Charters and Patents. But he ordered the Churches (as he of <hi>Monmouth</hi> and <hi>Florilegus</hi> tell us) to be so free, that whatsoever Malefactor should fly thither for refuge, there he might abide secure, and no body hurt him.</q>
                     </p>
                     <p>
                        <note place="margin">Zofim. l. 2.</note>In the time of <hi>Constantine</hi> the Emperour (whose Pedigree most people do refer to the <hi>British</hi> and Royal Blood) the Lord President of <hi>France</hi> was Governour of <hi>Britanny.</hi> He together with the rest, those of <hi>Illyri<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>cum</hi> or <hi>Slavonia,</hi> of the <hi>East</hi> and of <hi>Italy,</hi> were appointed by the Empe<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>rour.<note place="margin">Notit. Pro<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>vinc. utr. Imper. l. 1. comm. c. 5. &amp; l. 2. comm. Pancir. c. 69.</note> In his time the Lord Deputy of <hi>Britanny,</hi> (whose Blazonry was a Book shut with a green Cover) was honoured with the Title of <hi>Spe<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ctabilis.</hi> There were also under him two Magistrates of Consular Dig<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>nity, and three Chief Justices (according to the division of the Province into five parts) who heard and determined Civil and Criminal Causes.</p>
                     <p>And here I set up my last Pillar concerning the <hi>Britans</hi> and the <hi>Roman</hi> Laws in <hi>Britanny,</hi> so far forth as those Writers which I have, do supply me with matter.</p>
                  </div>
                  <div n="17" type="chapter">
                     <pb n="29" facs="tcp:108529:33"/>
                     <head>CHAP. XVII. </head>
                     <argument>
                        <p>The <hi>Saxons</hi> are sent for in by <hi>Vortigern</hi> against the <hi>Scots</hi> and <hi>Picts,</hi> who usurping the Government, set up the Heptarchy. The <hi>Angles, Jutes, Frisons,</hi> all called <hi>Saxons.</hi> An account of them and their Laws, taken out of <hi>Adam</hi> of <hi>Bremen.</hi>
                        </p>
                     </argument>
                     <p>AFterwards the <hi>Scots</hi> and <hi>Picts</hi> making incursions on the North, and daily havock and waste of the Lands of the Provincials, (that is, those who were under the <hi>Roman</hi> Government) they send to desire of the <hi>Romans</hi> some Auxiliary Forces. In the mean time, <hi>Rome</hi> by a like misfortune, was threatned with imminent danger, by the fury of the <hi>Goths:</hi> all <hi>Italy</hi> was in a fright, in an uproar. For the maintaining of whose liberty, the Empire being then more than sinking, was with all its united strength engaged and ready prepared. So this way the <hi>Britans</hi> met with a disappointment. Wherefore <hi>Vortigern,</hi> who was Gover<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>nour in Chief, sent for supplies from the neighbouring <hi>Germans,</hi> and invited them in. But according to the Proverb, <hi>Carpathius leporem;</hi> He caught a <hi>Tartar:</hi> for he had better have let them alone where they were. Upon this account, the <hi>Saxons,</hi> the <hi>Angles,</hi> the <hi>Jutes,</hi> the <hi>Fries<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>landers</hi> arrive here in their Gally-Foists in the time of <hi>Theodosius</hi> the younger. At length being taken with the sweetness of the soil (a great number of their Countrey-men flocking over after them, as there were at that time fatal flittings and shiftings of quarters all the World over) and spurred on with the desire of the chief command and rule, having struck up a League with the <hi>Picts,</hi> they raise a sad and lamentable War against their new entertainers, in whose service they had lately receiv<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ed pay: and to make short, in the end having turned the <hi>Britans</hi> out of their Ancestors Seats they advanced themselves into an <hi>Heptarchy</hi> of <hi>En<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>gland,</hi> so called from them.</p>
                     <p>Albeit they pass by various names, yet in very deed they were all of them none other but <hi>Saxons.</hi> A name at that time of a large extent in <hi>Germany;</hi> which was not, as later Geographers make it, bounded with the Rivers of the <hi>Elb,</hi> of the <hi>Rhine</hi> and the <hi>Oder,</hi> and with the Con<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>fines of <hi>Hessen</hi> and <hi>Duringen,</hi> and with the <hi>Ocean;</hi> but reached as far as into the <hi>Cimbrian Chersonesus</hi> now called <hi>Jutland.</hi> It is most likely, that those of them that dwelt by the Sea-side, came over by Ship into <hi>Bri<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tanny.</hi> To wit, at first <hi>Horsus</hi> and <hi>Hengistus</hi> came over out of <hi>Batavia,</hi> or the Low Countreys, with a great company of <hi>Saxons</hi> along with them; after that out of <hi>Jutland</hi> the <hi>Jutes</hi> (for <hi>Janus Douza</hi> proves,<note place="margin">Ja. Douz. an<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>nal. Holland. l. 1. &amp; 6.</note> that the <hi>Danes</hi> under that appellation seised our Shores, in the very begin<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ning of the <hi>Saxon</hi> Empire:) out of <hi>Angela,</hi> according to <hi>Camden</hi> about <hi>Flemsburg</hi> a City of <hi>Sleswick,</hi> came the <hi>Angles</hi>;<note place="margin">Procop. bell. Goth. l. 4.</note> out of <hi>Friseland (Proco<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>pius</hi> is my Author) the <hi>Frizons.</hi> One may without any wrong call them all <hi>Saxons</hi>; unless <hi>Fabius Quaestor Aethelwerd</hi> also did his Nation injury, by calling them so. He flourished Six hundred and fifty years ago, being the Grand-child or Nephew of King <hi>Aethelulph,</hi>
                        <note place="margin">Aethelwerd. lib. 1. fo. 474.</note> and in his own words discourses, <q>That there was also a people of the <hi>Saxons</hi> all along the Sea-coast from the River <hi>Rhine</hi> up to the City <hi>Donia,</hi> which is now commonly called <hi>Denmark.</hi>
                        </q> For it is not proper here to think
<pb n="30" facs="tcp:108529:34"/>
of <hi>Denmark</hi> in the neighbouring Territories of <hi>Vtrecht</hi> and <hi>Amsterdam,</hi> by reason of the narrowness of that tract.</p>
                     <p>
                        <note place="margin">Adam Brem. hist. eccles. Brem. &amp; Ham<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>burg. c. 5. ex bibliotheca Henr. Ranzo<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>vii.</note>Those few Observes then, which <hi>Adam</hi> of <hi>Bremen</hi> hath copied out of <hi>Einhard</hi> concerning the <hi>Saxons,</hi> forasmuch as our Ancient <hi>Saxons</hi> I sup<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>pose, are concerned in them, I here set down in this manner and order.</p>
                  </div>
                  <div n="18" type="chapter">
                     <head>CHAP. XVIII. </head>
                     <argument>
                        <p>The <hi>Saxons</hi> division of their people into four ranks. No person to mar<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ry out of his own rank. What proportion to be observed in Mar<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>riages according to Policy. <hi>Like to like</hi> the old Rule. Now Matrimony is made a matter of money.</p>
                     </argument>
                     <p n="23">23. <q>THe whole Nation consists of four different degrees or ranks of men; to wit, of Nobles, of Free-men born, of Free-men made so,<note place="margin">Nithard. l. 4.</note> and of Servants or Slaves.</q> And <hi>Nithard</hi> speaking of his own time, has divided them into <hi>Ethelings,</hi> that is, Nobles, <hi>Frilings,</hi> that is, Free-men, and <hi>Lazzos,</hi> that is, Servants or Slaves.</p>
                     <p>It was enacted by Laws, <q>That no rank in cases of Matrimony do pass the bounds of their own quality; but that a Noble-man marry a Noble-woman, a Free-man take a Free-woman, a Bond-man made Free be joyned to a Bond-woman of the same condition, and a Man-servant match with a Maid-servant.</q> And thus in the Laws of <hi>Henry</hi> Duke of <hi>Saxony,</hi> Emperour Elect, concerning <hi>Justs and Tournaments,</hi> 
                        <q>When any Noble-man had taken a Citizen or Countrey-woman to Wife, he was forbid the exercise of that sport to the third Genera<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tion,<note place="margin">Munst. Cos<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>mog. l. 3.</note> as <hi>Sebastian Munster</hi> relates it.</q> The Twelve Tables also forbad the marriage of the <hi>Patricii</hi> or Nobles with the Plebeians or Commons; which was afterwards voided and nulled by a Law which <hi>Canuleius</hi> made, when he was Tribune of the people. For both Politicians and Lawyers are of opinion, That in marriages we should make use of not an <hi>Arithmetical</hi> proportion, which consists of equals; nor of a <hi>Geome<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>trical</hi> one, which is made up of likes; but of a <hi>Musical</hi> one, which pro<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ceeds from unlike notes agreeing together in sound. Let a Noble-man that is decayed in his estate, marry a Commoner with a good fortune; if he be rich and wealthy, let him take one without a fortune: and thus let <hi>Love,</hi>
                        <note place="margin">Plut. in sym<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>pos.</note> which was begot betwixt <hi>Wealth</hi> and <hi>Poverty,</hi> suite this unlikeness of conditions into a sweet harmony; and thus this disagree<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ing agreement will be fit for procreation and breed. For he had need have a good portion of his own, and be nearer to <hi>Crassus</hi> than <hi>Irus</hi> in his fortunes, who, <hi>by reason of the many inconveniencies and intolerable charges of Women, which bring great Dowries,</hi> doth, with <hi>Megadorus</hi> in <hi>Plautus,</hi>
                        <note place="margin">Plaut. In Au<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>lul. act. 3.</note> court a Wife without a Portion; according to that which <hi>Mar<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tial</hi> sayes to <hi>Priscus:</hi>
                        <q>
                           <pb n="31" facs="tcp:108529:34"/>
                           <l>Vxorem quare locupletem ducere nolim<note place="margin">
                                 <hi>Martial. l.</hi> 8. <hi>Epig.</hi> 12.</note>
                           </l>
                           <l>Quaeritis? Vxori nubere nolo meae.</l>
                           <l>Inferior Matrona suo sit, Prisce, Marito:</l>
                           <l>Non aliter fiunt foemina virque pares.</l>
                        </q>
Which at a looser rate of Translation take thus,
<q>
                           <l>Should I a Wife with a great fortune wed,</l>
                           <l>You'l say, I should be swéetly brought to bed.</l>
                           <l>Such fortune will my Liberty undo.</l>
                           <l>Who brings Estate, will wear the Bréeches too.</l>
                           <l>Unhappy match! where e're the potent Bride</l>
                           <l>Hath the advantage wholly on her side.</l>
                           <l>Blest pairs! when the Men sway, the Women truckle,</l>
                           <l>There's good agréement, as 'twixt Thong and Buckle.</l>
                        </q>
And according to that of the <hi>Greek</hi> Poet,
<q>—<gap reason="foreign">
                              <desc>〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉</desc>
                           </gap>.<note place="margin">Callimach. epig. 1.</note>
                        </q>
                        <q>
                           <l>Take, if you'l be rul'd by me,</l>
                           <l>A Wife of your own degrée.</l>
                        </q>
                     </p>
                     <p>But there is little of our Age fashioned to the model of this sense: Height of Birth, Vertue, Beauty, and whatsoever there was in <hi>Pandorae</hi> of Good and Fair, do too too often give place to Wealth;<note place="margin">Plaut. in Asi<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>nar.</note> and that I may use the Comedians word, to a Purse crammed with Money. And as the merry <hi>Greek</hi> Poet sayes,
<q>
                           <lg>
                              <l>
                                 <gap reason="foreign">
                                    <desc>〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉</desc>
                                 </gap>,<note place="margin">Anacreon. carm. <gap reason="foreign">
                                       <desc>〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉</desc>
                                    </gap>.</note>
                              </l>
                              <l>
                                 <gap reason="foreign">
                                    <desc>〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉</desc>
                                 </gap>,</l>
                              <l>
                                 <gap reason="foreign">
                                    <desc>〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉</desc>
                                 </gap>.</l>
                           </lg>
                           <lg>
                              <l>To be Noble or high-born,</l>
                              <l>Is no argument for Love:</l>
                              <l>Good Parts of Bréeding lye forlorn;</l>
                              <l>'Tis Money only they approve.</l>
                           </lg>
                        </q>
I come back now to my friend <hi>Adam.</hi>
                     </p>
                  </div>
                  <div n="19" type="chapter">
                     <pb n="32" facs="tcp:108529:35"/>
                     <head>CHAP. XIX. </head>
                     <argument>
                        <p>The <hi>Saxons</hi> way of judging the Event of War with an Enemy. Their manner of approving a proposal in Council, by clattering their Arms. The Original of <hi>Hundred-Courts.</hi> Their dubbing their Youth into Men. The priviledge of young Lads Nobly born. The <hi>Morganheb</hi> or Wedding-dowry.</p>
                     </argument>
                     <q>
                        <p n="24">
                           <note place="margin">Et Tacit.</note>24. THey take a Prisoner of that Nation, with which they are to have a War, by what way soever they can catch him, and chose out one of their own Countrey-men; and putting on each of them the Arms of their own Countrey, make them two fight toge<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ther, and judge of the Victory, according as the one or the other of them shall overcome. This very thing also <hi>Tacitus</hi> himself hath to whom <hi>Einhard</hi> sends his Reader. For though he treat in general of the <hi>Germans,</hi> yet nevertheless without any question, our <hi>Saxons</hi> brought over along with them into this Island very many of those things, which are delivered to us by those who have wrote concerning the Customs of the <hi>Germans.</hi> Among which, take these following.</p>
                        <p n="25">25. In Councils or publick Assemblies, the King or Prince, (<hi>i.e.</hi> a chief person) according as every ones Age is, according to his Nobi<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>lity, according to his Reputation in Arms, according to his Eloquence, has audience given him, where they use the authority of perswading, rather than the power of commanding. If they dislike what he sayes, they disapprove it with a Hum and a rude noise. If they like the proposal, they shake and rustle their Spears or Partisans together. It is the most honourable kind of assent, to commend the Speaker with the clattering of their Arms. From hence perhaps arose the ancient right of <hi>Wapentakes.</hi>
                        </p>
                        <p n="26">26. There are also chosen at the same Councils or Meetings, chief persons (as Justices) to administer Law in the several Villages and Hamlets. Each of those have a hundred Associates out of the Com<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>monalty for their Counsel and Authority. This is plainly the pour<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>traict of our <hi>Hundreds,</hi> which we still have throughout the Counties of <hi>England.</hi>
                        </p>
                        <p n="27">27. They do nothing of publick or private affair, but with their Arms on; but it is not the custom for any one to wear Arms, before the City or Community approve of him as sufficient for it. Then in the Council it self, either some one of the Princes or chief persons, or the Father of the young man or some Kinsman of his in token of respect, give him a Shield and a Partisan. This with them stands for the Ceremony of the Gown; this the first honour of youth arriving at manhood; before this be done, they seem but a part of the Fami<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ly: but after this is over, they are a part of the Common-wealth.</p>
                     </q>
                     <p n="27"> The right ancient pattern of dubbing <hi>Knights,</hi> if any where else to be found.<note place="margin">Caes. de bell. Gall. l. 6.</note> 
                        <hi>Julius Caesar</hi> sayes almost the very same thing of the <hi>Gauls.</hi> 
                        <q>They do not suffer their Children, to come in publick to them, till they be come to Age, that they be able to undergo the Duties of War.</q>
                     </p>
                     <q>
                        <p n="28">
                           <pb n="33" facs="tcp:108529:35"/>28. A remarkable Nobleness of descent, or the high merits of their Fathers, procure even to young Lads the dignity and esteem of a Prince.</p>
                     </q>
                     <p n="28"> For, as the <hi>Philosopher</hi> sayes,<note place="margin">Senec. de be<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>nefic. l. 4. c. 30.</note> We owe this regard to Ver<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tues, that we respect them, not only whilst present, but also when they are taken away out of our sight; and in the Wise mans account, <hi>The glory of Parents, is the honour of their Children.</hi>
                        <note place="margin">Proverb. 17.</note>
                     </p>
                     <q>
                        <p n="29">29. The Wife doth not bring the Husband a Portion, but the Husband gives the Wife a Dowry. Contrary to what the <hi>Roman</hi> Law saith, That custom is still in use with the <hi>English,</hi> as <hi>Morgangheb</hi> in other places.</p>
                     </q>
                  </div>
                  <div n="20" type="chapter">
                     <head>CHAP. XX. </head>
                     <argument>
                        <p>Their severe punishments of Adultery, by maiming some parts of the body. The reason of it given by <hi>Bracton.</hi> The like practised by <hi>Danes</hi> and <hi>Normans.</hi>
                        </p>
                     </argument>
                     <q>
                        <p n="30">30. THe Husband if his Wife playes the Whore, cuts off her hair, strips her naked, and turns her out of doors in presence of her Kindred, and drives her through the Streets, lashing or beating her as she goes along.</p>
                     </q>
                     <p n="30"> They were formerly in this Northern part of the World, most severe punishers of Adultery, and they had such Laws as were
<q>—ipsis Marti Venerique timenda;<note place="margin">
                              <hi>Juvenal. Sac.</hi>
                           </note>
                        </q>
that is, such as would
<q>
                           <l>Put <hi>Mars</hi> and <hi>Venus</hi> in a trance</l>
                           <l>Of fear, amidst their dalliance.</l>
                        </q>
King <hi>Knute</hi> ordered, That a Wife,<note place="margin">Canut. legi can. 50.</note> who took another Passenger on board her than her Husband, and
<q>
                           <gap reason="foreign">
                              <desc>〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉</desc>
                           </gap>.</q>
                        <q>
                           <l>Oft times ith' nights away she hies,</l>
                           <l>And into other harbour flyes.<note place="margin">
                                 <hi>Theognis.</hi>
                              </note>
                           </l>
                        </q>
(Well speed thee and thine, fair <hi>Venus</hi>; nor do I willingly bring these ill tidings to thy tender Ducklings.) should have her Nose and ears cut off.</p>
                     <p>I remember,<note place="margin">Odyss. 18.22.</note> 
                        <hi>Antinous</hi> in <hi>Homer</hi> threatens <hi>Irus</hi> with the chopping off his Nose, Ears and Privities; and <hi>Vlysses</hi> inflicts that very punishment upon his Goat-herd <hi>Melanthius,</hi> for his having been too officious in his pimping attendance upon the Gallants, that haunted the house in his absence. How any one should deserve this penalty, which so disfigures Nature, I do not yet sufficiently understand.</p>
                     <p>
                        <pb n="34" facs="tcp:108529:36"/>
                        <note place="margin">In Allegoriis Homeric.</note>
                        <hi>Heraclides Ponticus</hi> informs us, That Law-makers were wont to maim that part especially which committed the misdemeanour. In testimony of this, he mentions <hi>Tytius</hi> his Liver as the Shop and Work-house of Lust; and it were no hard matter to bring in other more pertinent in<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>stances; and
<q>Pereant partes, quae nocuerc.</q>
saith some Poet,
<q>
                           <l>The parts that did the hurt,</l>
                           <l>Let them e'en suffer for't.</l>
                        </q>
                     </p>
                     <p>However it was not <hi>Melanthius</hi> his Ears, and by no means his Nose that offended; no nor the good Wives neither that commits the fact: as <hi>Martial</hi> the merry Wag tells a certain Husband,
<q>
                           <l>
                              <note place="margin">
                                 <hi>Martial. l.</hi> 3. <hi>Epig.</hi> 43.</note>Quis tibi persuasit nares abscindere moecho?</l>
                           <l>Non hâc peccata est parte, marite, tibi.</l>
                        </q>
that is, with modesty to render it,
<q>
                           <l>What made thee, angry man, to cut</l>
                           <l>The Nose of him, that went to rut?</l>
                           <l>'Twas not that part, that did th' offence:</l>
                           <l>Therefore to punish that, what sense?</l>
                        </q>
                     </p>
                     <p>But who doth not see, that a Woman hath no other parts of her body so lyable to maiming or cutting off? Both those parts make much for the setting her off; nor are there any others in the whole outward frame of the <hi>Microcosm,</hi> which being cut off, do either more disparage beauty, or withal less afflict the animal vertue, as they call it, by which life is maintain'd. Now for those, who of old time did unlucki<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ly, that is, without the favour of those Heathen Gods <hi>Prema</hi> and <hi>Muti<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>nus,</hi> to whose service they were so addicted, offer violence to untain<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ted chastity;<q> the loss of members did await the lust of such persons, .</q>that there might be member for member (they are the words of <hi>Hen<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ry Bracton,</hi>
                        <note place="margin">Bracton. de Coronâ l. 3. c. 28.</note> a very ancient Writer of our Law, and they are clear testi<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>monies, that the <hi>English</hi> have practised the Law of like for like) <hi>quia virgo, cùm corrumpitur, membrum amittit, &amp; ideò corruptor puniatur in eo in quo deliquit:</hi>
                        <note place="margin">An. 18 Ed. 3. fol. 20. à Bri<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ton. cap. 25.</note> 
                        <hi>oculos igitur amittat propter aspectum decoris, quo virgi<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>nem concupivit; amittat &amp; testiculos, qui calorem stupri induxerunt</hi> So long ago,
<q>
                           <l>
                              <note place="margin">
                                 <hi>Ovid. Meta<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>mor. l.</hi> 7.</note>Aut linguam aut oculos aut quae tibi membra pudorem</l>
                           <l>Abstulerant, ferro rapiam.</l>
                        </q>
sayes <hi>Progne</hi> to her Sister <hi>Philomele,</hi> speaking of the filthy Villain <hi>Te<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>reus,</hi> who had ravished her,
<q>
                           <l>I'le cut out his eyes or tongue,</l>
                           <l>Or those parts which did thée the wrong.</l>
                        </q>
                        <pb n="35" facs="tcp:108529:36"/>
and <hi>Plautus</hi> in his Play called <hi>Paenulus, Sy. Facio quod manifesto moechi haud ferme solent. Mi. Ruid id est? Sy. Refero vasa salva.</hi>
                     </p>
                     <p>I remember I have read that <hi>Jeoffry de Millers</hi> a Nobleman of <hi>Norfolk,</hi>
                        <note place="margin">Matth. Paris in H. 3. pag. 1000.</note> for having inticed the Daughter of <hi>John Briton</hi> to an Assignation, and ingaged her with venereal pledges; being betrayed and trepann'd by the Baggage, underwent this execution; and suffered besides, whatsoever a Fathers fury in such a case would prompt him to do: But withal, that King <hi>Henry</hi> the third was grievously offended at it, dis-inherited <hi>Briton,</hi> banished him, and gave order by Proclamation,<note place="margin">Vid. l. 2. art. 8.</note> that no one should pre<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>sume, unless it were in his Wives case, to do the like. But these passa<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ges are of later date, and since the <hi>Normans</hi> time and from them; unless you will bring hither that which we meet with in <hi>Alured</hi>'s Law concern<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ing a Man and a Maid-servant.<note place="margin">Aluted. leg. can. 25.</note>
                     </p>
                     <p>From whence we slide back again to <hi>Tacitus.</hi>
                     </p>
                  </div>
                  <div n="21" type="chapter">
                     <pb n="36" facs="tcp:108529:37"/>
                     <head>CHAP. XXI. </head>
                     <argument>
                        <p>The manner of Inheriting among them. Of deadly Feuds. Of <hi>Wer<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>gild</hi> or Head-mony for Murder. The Nature of Country-Tenures and Knights Fees.</p>
                     </argument>
                     <q>
                        <p n="31">31. EVery ones Children are their Heirs and Successors, and there was no Will to be.</p>
                     </q>
                     <p n="31"> Nor was it lawful with us down to our Grandfathers time, to dispose of Country Farms or Estates by <hi>Will,</hi> un<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>less it were in some <hi>Burroughs,</hi> that had a peculiar Right and Priviledge of their own. <q>If there be no Children, then, says he, the next of kin shall inherit; Brethren, or Uncles by the Fathers or Mothers side.</q> Those of the ascending Line are excluded from Inheritances, and here appears the preference of the Fathers side: A Law at this very day usual with the English.</p>
                     <p n="32">32. <q>To undertake the Enmities rather than the Friendships, whether of ones Father or Kinsman, is more necessary.</q> Capital enmities, which they call <hi>Deadly Feuds,</hi> are well known to our Northern people. <q>Nor do they hold on never to be appeased: For even Murder is expia<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ted by a certain number of some head of Cattel, and the whole Family of the murdered Person receives satisfaction.</q> Murders formerly were bought off with Head-mony called <gap reason="foreign">
                           <desc>〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉</desc>
                        </gap>; though one had killed a Nobleman, nay the King himself, as we may see in <hi>Athelstan's</hi> Constitu<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tions: But good manners, I suppose, have prevailed above Laws.</p>
                     <p n="33">33. <q>The Lord imposes upon his Tenant a certain quantity of Corn or Cattel, or Clothes.</q> We see here clearly enough the nature of Coun<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>try Land-holders, <hi>Fees</hi> or Tenures. As to military or Knights Fees, give me leave to set that down too.<note place="margin">
                           <p>Dion. Halic. lib. 1.</p>
                           <p>Flor. Hist. Rom. l. 3. c. 3.</p>
                           <p>Lamprid. V. Bodin. de rep. l. 2. c. 2. &amp; Franc. Ho<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tom. disp. feud. cap. 2.</p>
                        </note> 
                        <hi>Dionysius Halicarnasseus</hi> gives us a very ancient draught and model of them in the <hi>Trojans</hi> and <hi>Aborigines: Florus</hi> in the <hi>Cymbrians,</hi> and <hi>Lampridius</hi> in <hi>Alexander Severus.</hi> Both the Nor<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>thern people and the <hi>Italians</hi> do owe them to the <hi>Huns</hi> and <hi>Lombards</hi>; but these later according to a more modern form.</p>
                     <p>Let these things suffice out of <hi>Cornelius Tacitus,</hi> which belong to this Head.</p>
                  </div>
                  <div n="22" type="chapter">
                     <pb n="37" facs="tcp:108529:37"/>
                     <head>CHAP. XXII. </head>
                     <argument>
                        <p>Since the return of Christianity into the Island, King <hi>Ethelbert</hi>'s Law against Sacriledge. Thieves formerly amerced in Cattel. A blot upon <hi>Theodred</hi> the Good, Bishop of <hi>London,</hi> for hanging Thieves. The Country called <hi>Engelond</hi> by Order of King <hi>Eg<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>bert,</hi> and why so called. The Laws of King <hi>Ina, Alfred, E<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>thelred,</hi> &amp;c. are still to be met with in <hi>Saxon.</hi> Those of <hi>Ed<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ward</hi> the Confessor, and King <hi>Knute</hi> the <hi>Dane,</hi> were put forth by <hi>Mr. Lambard</hi> in his <hi>Archaeonomia.</hi>
                        </p>
                     </argument>
                     <p>BEfore that the Christian Doctrine had driven out and banished the <hi>Saxon</hi> Idolatry, all these things I have hitherto been speaking of, were in use. <hi>Ethelbert</hi> (he that was the first King, not only of <hi>Kent,</hi> but of all <hi>England,</hi> except <hi>Northumberland</hi>) having been baptized by <hi>Au<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>stin</hi> the Monk, <hi>the Apostle,</hi> as some call him, <hi>of the English)</hi>
                        <q> amongst other good things which by Counsel and Grant he did to his Nation, ('tis venerable <hi>Bede</hi> speaks these words) he did also with the advice of wise men,<note place="margin">Bed. hist. Ec<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>cles. l. 2. c. 5.</note> appoint for his peoples use the orders of their proceedings at Law, according to the examples of the <hi>Romans.</hi> Which having been written in the <hi>English</hi> tongue (says he) are hitherto, or to this time kept and observed by them. Among which orders or decrees he set down in the first place, after what manner such an one should make amends, who should convey away by stealth any of those things that belonged to the Church, or to a Bishop, or to the rest of the Orders.</q> In the Laws of some that came after him, as those of King <hi>Alured</hi> (who cull'd out of <hi>Ethelbert</hi>'s Acts to make up his own) and those of King <hi>Athelstan,</hi> Thieves make satisfaction with mony; accordingly as <hi>Tacitus</hi> says of the <hi>Germans,</hi> 
                        <q>That for lighter offences those that were convicted are at the rate of their penalties amerced such a number of Horses or other Cattel.</q> For, as <hi>Festus</hi> hath it, before Brass and Silver were coyned,<note place="margin">Fest. verbo Pecul. &amp; ver<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>bo Ovibus.</note> by ancient custom they were fined for their faults so much Cattel: But those who medled with any thing sacred, we read had that hand cut off with which they committed the theft.</p>
                     <p>Well! but am I mistaken,<note place="margin">V. Inae leg. cap. 13.</note> or was Sacriledge even in the time of the <hi>Saxon</hi> Government punisht as a Capital crime? There is a passage of <hi>William</hi> of <hi>Malmsbury,</hi> in his Book <hi>de Gestis Pontificum,</hi>
                        <note place="margin">
                           <p>Malmsb. de gest. Pontif. l. 1.</p>
                           <p>Ranulph. Higden in Po<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>lychron.</p>
                           <p>Joan. Carno<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tens<gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                                 <desc>•</desc>
                              </gap>s de nugis curial. l. 6. c. 17.</p>
                           <p>Caxt. cap. 96<g ref="char:punc">▪</g>
                           </p>
                        </note> that inclines me to think so. Speaking of <hi>Theodred,</hi> the Bishop of <hi>London</hi> when <hi>Athelstan</hi> was King, he says, <q>That he had among the common people got the sirname of <hi>Theodred the Good</hi>; for the eminence of his virtues: Only in one thing he fell short, which was rather a mistake than a crime, that those Thieves which were taken at St. <hi>Edmunds,</hi> whom the holy Martyr had upon their vain attempts tied with an invisible knot (he means St. <hi>Edmundsbury</hi> in <hi>Suffolk</hi>; which Church these Fellows having a design to rob, are said by miracle to have stood still in the place, as if they had been tied with Cords: These Thieves I say) were by his means or sufferance given up to the severity of the Laws, and condemned to the Gallows or Gibbet.</q>  Let not any one think that in this middle Age, this <hi>Gallows</hi> or <hi>Gibbet</hi> I spoke of, was any other thing than the <hi>Roman Furca,</hi>
                        <pb n="38" facs="tcp:108529:38"/>
upon which people hang and are strangled till they die.</p>
                     <p n="34">34. <q>
                           <hi>Egbert</hi> King of the <hi>West-Saxons</hi> (I make use of <hi>Camdens</hi> words) having gotten in four Kingdoms by conquest, and devour'd the other two also in hope, that what had come under the Government of one, might likewise go under one name; and that he might keep up the memory of his own people the <hi>Angles,</hi> he gave order by Proclamation, that the <hi>Heptarchy</hi> which the <hi>Saxons</hi> had possest, should be called <hi>En<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>gelond.</hi>
                        </q> 
                        <hi>John Carnotensis</hi> writes, that it was so called from the first co<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ming in of the <hi>Angles;</hi> and another some body says it was so named from <hi>Hengist</hi> a <hi>Saxon</hi> Prince.</p>
                     <p>There are a great many Laws of King <hi>Ina, Alfred, Edward, Athelstan, Edmund, Edgar, Ethelred,</hi> and <hi>Knute</hi> the <hi>Dane,</hi> written in the <hi>Saxon</hi> language; which have lasted till these very times. <q>For King <hi>Knute</hi> gave order ('tis <hi>William</hi> of <hi>Malmsbury</hi> speaks) that all the Laws which had been made by former Kings, and especially by his Predecessor <hi>E<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>thelred,</hi> should under pain of his displeasure and a Fine, be constantly ob<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>served: For the keeping of which, even now in the time of those who are called the <hi>Good,</hi> people swear in the name of King <hi>Edward;</hi> not that he appointed them, but that he observed them.</q> The Laws of <hi>Edward,</hi> who for his piety has the sirname of <hi>Confessor,</hi> are in Readers hands. These of the <hi>Confessor</hi> were in <hi>Latin</hi>; those others of <hi>Knute</hi> were not long since put into <hi>Latin</hi> by <hi>William Lambard</hi> a learned man, and one very well vers'd in Antiquity; who has recovered them both, and published the <hi>Saxon</hi> Original with his Translation over against it, Printed by <hi>John Day</hi> at <hi>London, Anno</hi> 1567. under the Title of <hi>Archaeono<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>mia,</hi> or a Book concerning the ancient Laws of the <hi>English.</hi> May he have a good harvest of it as he deserves.</p>
                     <p>From Historians let us borrow some other helps for this service.</p>
                  </div>
                  <div n="23" type="chapter">
                     <pb n="39" facs="tcp:108529:38"/>
                     <head>CHAP. XXIII. </head>
                     <argument>
                        <p>King <hi>Alfred</hi> divides <hi>England</hi> into Countyes or Shires, and into Hundreds and Tythings. The Original of <hi>Decenna</hi> or <hi>Court<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>leet, Friburg,</hi> and <hi>Mainpast.</hi> Forms of Law, how Peo<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ple were to answer for those whom they had in <hi>Borgh</hi> or <hi>Main<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>past.</hi>
                        </p>
                     </argument>
                     <p n="35">35. <q>
                           <hi>INgulph</hi> the Abbot of <hi>Crowland,</hi> writing of King <hi>Alfred</hi> says:<note place="margin">Rotulus Win<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>toniae.</note> That he was the first of all that changed the Villages or Lordships and Pro<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>vinces of all <hi>England</hi> into <hi>Counties</hi> or <hi>Shires.</hi>
                        </q> Before that it was reckon<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ed and divided according to the number of <hi>Hides</hi> or Plough-lands by lit<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tle districts or quarters. He divided the Counties into <hi>Hundreds</hi> and <hi>Ty<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>things</hi>; (it was long before that <hi>Honorius,</hi> Arch-Bishop of <hi>Canterbury,</hi>
                        <note place="margin">Hist. Cantua<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>riensis.</note> had parted the Country into <hi>Parishes</hi>; to wit, <hi>Anno</hi> 636.) that <q>every Native home-born lawful man, might be in some Hundred and Tything (I mean whosoever was <gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                              <desc>•</desc>
                           </gap>ull twelve years of age) and if any one should be suspected of Larceny or Thest,<note place="margin">Canut. leg. 19.</note> he might in his own Hundred or Ward, being either condemned or giving security (in some Manuscripts it is being acquitted) he might either incur or avoid the deserved pe<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>nalty. <hi>William</hi> of <hi>Malmsbury</hi> adds to this, that he that could not find security was afraid of the severity of the Laws; and if any guilty per<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>son, either before his giving security or after, should make his escape, all of that Hundred and Tything should incur the Kings fine.</q>
                     </p>
                     <p>Here we have the Original of <hi>Decenna</hi> or a <hi>Court-leet,</hi> of <hi>Friburg,</hi> and perhaps of <hi>Mainpast:</hi> Which things though grown out of use in the pre<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>sent Age; yet are very often mentioned, not only in the <hi>Confessors</hi> Laws,<note place="margin">
                           <p>Leg. Fdw. Confess. cap. 20.</p>
                           <p>Bract. de co<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ronâ, l. 3. c. 10.</p>
                        </note> but also in <hi>Bracton</hi> and in other Records of our Law.</p>
                     <p>What <hi>Decenna</hi> was, the word it self does almost shew: And <hi>Ingulph</hi> makes out, that is, a <hi>Dousin</hi> or <hi>Courtleet.</hi>
                     </p>
                     <p>
                        <hi>Friburg</hi> or <hi>Borgh</hi> signifies a <hi>Surety;</hi> for <hi>Fri</hi> is all one as <hi>free.</hi>
                     </p>
                     <p>He who passes his word for anothers good behaviour, or good a bear<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ing, and is become his security; is said to have such a one in his <hi>Borgh:</hi> Being ingaged upon this account to the Government, to answer for him if he misbehave himself. And hence it is, that our people in the Coun<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>try call those that live near them, or as I may say at the next door, <hi>Neighbours:</hi> When yet those that would find out the reason why the people of <hi>Liege</hi> in the Low Countries are called <hi>Eburones,</hi> do understand that <hi>Burgh,</hi> which is the same as <hi>Borgh,</hi> to stand for a <hi>Neighbour;</hi> and this is plainly affirmed by <hi>Pontus Heuterus,</hi>
                        <note place="margin">Pont. Heut. de vet. Belg. l. 1. c. 13.</note> in other Originations of the like kind.</p>
                     <p>
                        <hi>Manupastus</hi> is the same thing as a <hi>Family:</hi> As if one would say, <hi>fed by hand.</hi> Just in the like sence <hi>Julius Pollux,</hi>
                        <note place="margin">Jul. Pollux. l. 3. c. 8.</note> in <hi>Greek</hi> terms a Master of a Family, <hi>Trophimos</hi>; that is, the <hi>feeder</hi> of it.</p>
                     <p>That the Rights of <hi>Friburg</hi> and <hi>Manupast</hi> were in use with the <hi>English</hi> some five or six Generations ago, is manifest.<note place="margin">
                           <p>3. Edw. III. Itin. North. tit. Coron. 293.</p>
                           <p>6 Edw. 2. Itin. Cant.</p>
                        </note> 
                        <hi>Curio</hi> a Priest is fined by <hi>Edward</hi> the third, because there had been one of his Family a Murderer. And the ancient Sheets concerning the Progress or Survey of <hi>Kent</hi> under <hi>Edward</hi> the second, do give some light this way. <q>
                           <hi>Ralph</hi> a Milner of <hi>Sandon,</hi> and <hi>Roger</hi> a Boy of the said <hi>Ralph</hi> in Borgh of <note n="*" place="margin">Perhaps it should be <hi>Tin<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>cham.</hi>
                           </note> 
                           <hi>Twicham</hi>; (Cri<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tick
<pb n="40" facs="tcp:108529:39"/>
whoever you are, I would not have you to laugh at this home-spun Dialect) came by night to the Mill of <hi>Harghes,</hi> and then and there mur<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>dered <hi>William</hi> the Milner; and carried away his Goods and Chattels and presently fled: It is not known whither they are gone, and the Ju<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ry mistrusts them the said <hi>Ralph</hi> and <hi>Roger</hi> concerning the death of the aforesaid <hi>William</hi>; therefore let them be driven out and out-lawed. They had no Chattels, but the aforesaid <hi>Ralph</hi> was in Borgh of <hi>Simon Godwin</hi> of <hi>Twicham,</hi> who at present has him not; and therefore lies at mercy: And <hi>Roger</hi> was not in Borgh, but was of the Mainpast of <hi>Ro<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>bert</hi> Arch-Bishop of <hi>Canterbury</hi> deceased; there being no <hi>Engleshire</hi> pre<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>sented, the Verdit is, the murder upon the Hundred. The first disco<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>verer of it and three Neighbours are since dead; and <hi>Thomas Broks,</hi> one of the Neighbours, comes and is not mistrusted; and the Villages of <hi>Wimesbugewelle</hi> and <hi>Egestoun</hi> did not come fully to the Coroners Inquest and are therefore at mercy. And about the same time, <hi>Solomon Rois</hi> of <hi>Ickham</hi> came to the House of <hi>Alice</hi> the Daughter of <hi>Dennis Whenes,</hi> and beat her and struck her upon the Belly with a staff; so that she dy<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ed presently. And the foresaid <hi>Solomon</hi> presently fled, and the Jury mistrust him concerning the death aforesaid; therefore let him be dri<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ven out and be outlawed. He had no Chattels, nor was he in Borgh because a Vagrant:</q> The Verdit, the murder lies upon the Hundred. <hi>&amp;c.</hi> And according to this form more such Instances.</p>
                     <p>But let it suffice to have hinted at these things, adding out of <hi>Henry Bracton;</hi>
                        <note place="margin">Bract. lib. 3. de Coronâ c. 10.</note> 
                        <q>If out of Frank-pledge an Offender be received in any Village, the Village shall be at mercy; unless he that fled be such an one, that he ought not to be in Leet and Frank-pledge; as Nobles, Knights, and their Parents (their eldest Sons it is in the yearly Records of Law in <hi>Ed<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ward</hi> the first's time;<note place="margin">An. 21. Ed. 1.</note> and we may take in Daughters too) a Clergy<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>man, a Freeman, (I fear this word has crept in) and the like, according to the custom of the Country; and in which case he, of whose Family and Mainpast they were, shall be bound in some parts, and shall an<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>swer for them; unless the custom of the Country be otherways, that he ought not to answer for his Mainpast, as it is in the County of <hi>Hertford,</hi> where a man does not answer for his Mainpast for any of<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>fence, unless he return after Felony, or he receive him after the offence committed, as in the Circuit of <hi>M. de Pateshull</hi> in the County of <hi>Hert<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ford,</hi> in such a year of King <hi>Henry</hi> the fifth.</q>
                     </p>
                     <p>In sooth these usages do partly remain in our <hi>Tythings</hi> and <hi>Hundreds,</hi> not at all hitherto repealed or worn out of fashion.</p>
                  </div>
                  <div n="24" type="chapter">
                     <pb n="41" facs="tcp:108529:39"/>
                     <head>CHAP. XXIV. </head>
                     <argument>
                        <p>King <hi>Alfred</hi> first appointed Sheriffs. By <hi>Duns Scotus</hi> his advice, he gave Order for the breeding up of Youth in Learning. By the way, what a <hi>Hide</hi> of Land is. King <hi>Edgar</hi>'s Law for Drink<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ing. Prelates investiture by the Kings Ring and Staff. King <hi>Knute</hi>'s Law against any English-man that should kill a <hi>Dane,</hi> Hence <hi>Englescyre.</hi> The manner of Subscribing and Sealing till <hi>Edward the Confessor's</hi> time. King <hi>Harald</hi>'s Law that no Welch-man should come on this side <hi>Offa</hi>'s <hi>Dike</hi> with a weapon.</p>
                     </argument>
                     <p n="36">36. <q>THe Governors of Provinces who before were styled Deputy-Lieutenants (we return to <hi>Ingulph</hi> and King <hi>Alfred</hi>) He di<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>vided into two Offices; that is, into Judges, whom we now call <hi>Ju<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>stices,</hi> and into <hi>Sheriffs,</hi> who do still retain the same name.</q> Away then with <hi>Polydore Virgil,</hi> who fetches the first <hi>Sheriffs</hi> from the <hi>Norman</hi> Con<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>queror.</p>
                     <p n="37">37. <hi>John Scot Erigena</hi> advised the King, that he would have his Subjects instructed in good Letters; and that to that end he would by his Edict take care of that which might be for the benefit of Learning.<note place="margin">Alured. Rhi<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>vallens. ap. Tuin. Apol. ant. Oxon. l. 2. §. 207.</note> 
                        <q>Where<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>upon he gave strict order to all Freemen of the whole Kingdom, who did at least possess two Hides of Land, that they should hold and keep their Children till the time of fifteen years of their Age, to learning; and should in the mean time diligently instruct them to know God.</q>
                     </p>
                     <p>A <hi>Hide</hi> of Land, that I may note it once for all, and a <hi>Plough-Land</hi> (that is as much Land as can be well turned up and tilled with one Plough every year) are read as synonymous terms of the same sence, in <hi>Hunting<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>don, Matthew Paris, Thomas Walsingham</hi>; and expresly in a very old Charter of <hi>Dunstan.</hi> Although some take a <hi>Hide</hi> for an hundred Acres, and others otherwise; do thou, if thou hadst rather so do, fansie it to be as much ground as one can compass about with a Bull-hide cut into Thongs, as Queen <hi>Dido</hi> did at <hi>Carthage:</hi> There are some who are not un<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>willing to have it so understood.</p>
                     <p n="38">38. King <hi>Edgar</hi> like a King of good Fellows, or Master of Revels, made a Law for Drinking. <q>He gave order that studs or knobs of Silver or Gold (so <hi>Malmsbury</hi> tells us) should be fastned to the sides of their Cups or drinking Vessels, that when every one knew his mark or boundary, he should out of modesty, not either himself covet or force another to desire more than his stint.</q> This is the only Law before the first Parlia<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ment under King <hi>James,</hi> has been made against those <hi>Swill-bowls,</hi>
                        <q>
                           <gap reason="foreign">
                              <desc>〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉</desc>
                           </gap>,<note place="margin">Dionysius. Aeneus.</note>
                        </q>
                        <q>
                           <l>Swabbers of drunken Feasts and lusty Rowers,</l>
                           <l>In full brimm'd Rummers that do ply their Oars.</l>
                        </q>
who by their carowses (tipling up <hi>Nestor</hi>'s years, as if they were cele<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>brating the Goddess <hi>Anna Perenna</hi>) do at the same time drink others Healths, and mischief and spoil their own and the Publick.</p>
                     <p n="39">
                        <pb n="42" facs="tcp:108529:40"/>39. <q>There was no choice of Prelates (these are the words of <hi>Ingulph</hi> again) that was merely free and canonical; but the Court conferred all Dignities, as well of Bishops as of Abbots, by the Kings Ring and Staff, according to his good pleasure.</q> The Election or choice was in the Clergy and the Monks; but they desired him whom they had chosen, of the King. <hi>Edmund,</hi> in King <hi>Ethelred</hi>'s time, was after this manner made Bishop of the <hi>Holy Island</hi> on the Coast of <hi>Northumberland:</hi> 
                        <q>And King <hi>Edgar</hi> in his Patent,<note place="margin">Malmsb. lib. 3. de Pontif. &amp; de gest. Reg. 2.</note> which he signed to the Abby of <hi>Glastenbury,</hi> retained to himself and his Heirs, the power of bestowing the Pastoral Staff to the Brother Elect.</q>
                     </p>
                     <p n="40">40. <q>To as many as King <hi>Knute</hi> retained with him in <hi>England</hi> (to wit, to the <hi>Danes</hi>; for by their hands also was the Scepter of this Kingdom ma<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>naged) it was granted, that they should have a firm peace all over; so that if any of the <hi>English</hi> killed any of those men, whom the King had brought along with him; if he could not clear himself by the Judgment of God (that is,<note place="margin">Bract. lib. 3. de Coron. cap. 15.</note> by <hi>Ordeal</hi>) to wit, by water and burning hot iron, Justice should be done upon him: But if he run away and could not be taken, there should be paid for him sixty six marks; and they were ga<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>thered in the Village where the Party was slain, and therefore because they had not the murderer forth coming; and if in such Village by rea<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>son of their poverty, they could not be gathered, then they should be gathered in the Hundred, to be paid into the Kings Treasure.</q> In this manner writes <hi>Henry Bracton,</hi> who observes that hence the business of <hi>Englishshire</hi> came into fashion in the Inquests of murder.</p>
                     <p n="41">
                        <note place="margin">Ingulphus.</note>41. <q>Hand-Writings (<hi>i.e.</hi> Patents and Grants) till <hi>Edward</hi> the <hi>Confessors</hi> time, were confirmed by the subscriptions of faithful Persons present; a thing practised too among the <hi>Britans</hi> in King <hi>Arthur</hi>'s time, as <hi>John Price</hi> informs us out of a very ancient Book of the Church of <hi>Landaff.</hi>
                           <note place="margin">Joh. Pris. de<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>fens. hist. Brit.</note>
                        </q> 
                        <q>Those subscriptions were accompanied with Golden Crosses, and other sacred Seals or like stamps.</q>
                     </p>
                     <p n="42">42. <q>King <hi>Harald</hi> made a Law, that whosoever of the <hi>Welch</hi> should be found with a Weapon about him without the bound which he had set them, to wit, <hi>Offa's dike</hi>; he should have his Right Hand cut off by the Kings Officers.</q> This dike our Chorographer tells us was cut by <hi>Offa</hi> King of the <hi>Mercians,</hi>
                        <note place="margin">Camdenus è Sarisburiensi.</note> and drawn along from the mouth of the River <hi>Dee</hi> to the mouth of the River <hi>Wye</hi> for about eighty miles in length, on purpose to keep the <hi>English</hi> and <hi>Welch</hi> asunder.</p>
                  </div>
                  <div n="25" type="chapter">
                     <pb n="43" facs="tcp:108529:40"/>
                     <head>CHAP. XXV. </head>
                     <argument>
                        <p>The Royal Consorts great Priviledge of Granting. Felons Estates forfeited to the King. Estates granted by the King with three Exceptions of Expedition, Bridge, and Castle. The Ceremony of the Kings presenting a Turf at the Altar of that Church, to which he gave Land. Such a Grant of King <hi>Ethelbald</hi> com<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>prized in old Verse.</p>
                     </argument>
                     <p>THe Donations or Grants of the <hi>Royal Consort,</hi> though not by the Kings Authority, contrary to what the Priviledge of any other Wife is, were ratified also in that Age, as they were by the <hi>Roman</hi> Law: Which by the Patent of <hi>Aethelswith,</hi>
                        <note place="margin">C. de donat. inter virum &amp; uxorem. l. 26.</note> Wife to <hi>Burghred</hi> King of the <hi>Mer<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>cians,</hi> granted to <hi>Cuthwuls</hi> in the year 868. hath been long since made out by Sir <hi>Edward Coke,</hi> Lord Chief Justice of the Common Pleas: Where also King <hi>Ethelred</hi>'s ancient Charter proves, that the Estates of Felons (those I mean who concern themselves in Burglaries and Robberies) are forfeited to the King.<note place="margin">In Epist. ad l. 6. Relat.</note>
                     </p>
                     <p>Having already mentioned those Hand-writings or Grants, which are from one hand and t'other, conveyances of Tenure (the fewel of quar<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>rels) I have a mind, over and above what has been said, to set down also these Remarks, as being to our purpose; and taken from the <hi>Saxons.</hi> As for instance, that those are most frequent whereby Estates are convey<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ed to be held with the best and fairest right; yet most commonly these three things excepted, to wit, <hi>Expedition,</hi> Repairing of <hi>Bridges,</hi> and Building of <hi>Castles:</hi> And that those to whom the Grants were made, were very seldom acquitted upon this account. These three exceptions are noted by the term of a <hi>three-knotted necessity</hi> in an old Charter, where<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>in King <hi>Cedwalla</hi> granted to <hi>Wilfrid</hi> (the first Bishop of <hi>Shelsey</hi> in <hi>Sussex)</hi> the Village of <hi>Paganham</hi> in the said County.<note place="margin">Anno Dom. 680.</note> 
                        <q>For though in the Grants of King <hi>Ethelulph</hi> the Church be free (says <hi>Ingulph</hi>) and there be a con<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>cession of all things for the release of our Souls,<note place="margin">Ingulph.</note> and pardon of our sins to serve God alone without Expedition, and building of Bridge, and fortifying of Castle; to the intent that the Clergy might wholly attend Divine Service:</q> Yet in that publick debate of Parliament, in the Reign of <hi>Henry</hi> the third, concerning the ancient State, Freedom, and Govern<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ment of the <hi>English Church;</hi> and concerning the hourly exactions of the <hi>Pope</hi> and the <hi>Leeches,</hi> Jugglers and Decoys of <hi>Rome,</hi> that strolled up and down the Country to pick Peoples Pockets, to the great prejudice of the Common-wealth; they did indeed stand for the priviledge of the Church, and produced as Witnesses thereof the Instruments and Grants of Kings; who nevertheless were not so much inclined to countenance that liberty of the Church, but that, as <hi>Matthew Paris</hi> observes,<note place="margin">Matth. Paris hist. major. pag. 838.</note> 
                        <q>They always re<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>served
<pb n="44" facs="tcp:108529:41"/>
to themselves for the publick advantage of the Kingdom, three things; to wit, Expedition, and the repairing or making up of Bridge or Castle; that by them they might withstand the incursions of the Enemy.<note place="margin">Ingulph.</note> And King <hi>Ethelbald</hi> hath this form: I grant that all the Monasteries and Churches of my Kingdom be discharged from pub<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>lick Customs or Taxes, Works or Services, and Burdens or Pay<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ments or Attendances, unless it be the building and repairing of Ca<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>stles or Bridges, which cannot be released to any one.</q>
                     </p>
                     <p>I take no notice how King <hi>Ethelred</hi> the twelfth perhaps (but by no means the fifteenth,<note place="margin">Ralph Holins<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>hed in Hen. 7.</note> wherein an Historian of ours has blundred) hath signed the third year of his Reign by the term of an <hi>Olympiad,</hi> after the manner of the <hi>Greek</hi> computation or reckoning: As likewise I pass other things of the like kind, which are many times used and practised according to the fancy of the Clerks or Notaries. How<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ever the last words, which are the close of these Grants and Patents, are not to be slighted. These we may see in that of <hi>Cedwalla,</hi> King of the <hi>South-Saxons,</hi>
                        <note place="margin">Chart. Ar<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>chiep. Cant.</note> made to <hi>Theodore</hi> Arch-Bishop of <hi>Canterbury,</hi> in the year 687. thus.</p>
                     <p>
                        <note place="margin">See the Char<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ter of Edw. Conf. in En<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>glish Rhyme, Camden in Essex.</note>
                        <q>For a further confirmation of my grant, I <hi>Cedwalla</hi> have laid a Turf of the Land aforesaid upon the holy Altar of my Saviour: And with my own hand, being ignorant of Letters, have set down and expressed the mark or sign of the Holy Cross.</q> Concerning <hi>Withred</hi> and a Turf of Land in <hi>Kent, Camden</hi> has the same thing; <q>And King <hi>Ethelulph</hi> is said to have offered his Patent,<note place="margin">Ingulph.</note> or Deed of Gift, on the Altar of the holy Apostle St <hi>Peter.</hi>
                        </q>
                     </p>
                     <p>For a conclusion, I know no reason why I may not set underneath, the Verses of an old Poet, wherein he hath comprised the instrument or Grant of founding an Abby,<note place="margin">Ingulph.</note> which <hi>Ethelbald,</hi> King of the <hi>Mercians,</hi> gave to <hi>Kenulph</hi> Abbot of <hi>Crowland:</hi> Verses, I say, but such as were made without <hi>Apollo</hi>'s consent or knowledge.
<q>
                           <l>Istum <hi>Kenulphum</hi> si quis vexaverit Anglus,</l>
                           <l>Rex condemno mihi cuncta catella sua.</l>
                           <l>Inde meis Monachis de damnis omnibus ultrà</l>
                           <l>Vsque satisfaciat; carcere clausus erit.</l>
                           <l>Adsunt ante Deum testes hujus dationis</l>
                           <l>Anglorum proceres Pontificesque mei.</l>
                           <l>Sanctus <note n="*" place="margin">
                                 <hi>The Saint, to whom the Monastery was dedica<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ted.</hi>
                              </note> 
                              <hi>Guthlacus</hi> Confessor &amp; Anachorita</l>
                           <l>Hic jacet, in cujus auribus ista loquor.</l>
                           <l>Oret pro nobis sanctissimus iste Sacerdos,</l>
                           <l>Ad tumbam cujus haec mea dona dedi.</l>
                        </q>
Which in Rhyme dogrel will run much after this hobling rate.
<q>
                           <pb n="45" facs="tcp:108529:41"/>
                           <l>If any English vex this <hi>Kenulph,</hi> shall</l>
                           <l>I King condemn to me his Chattels all.</l>
                           <l>Thenceforth, until my Monks he satisfie,</l>
                           <l>For damages, in Prison he shall lye.</l>
                           <l>Witnesses of this Gift here in Gods sight</l>
                           <l>Are English Peers and Prelates of my Right.</l>
                           <l>Saint <hi>Guthlac</hi> Confessor and Anchoret,</l>
                           <l>Lies here, in whose Ears these words I speak yet.</l>
                           <l>May he pray for us that most holy Priest,</l>
                           <l>At whose Tomb these my Gifts I have addrest.</l>
                        </q>
                     </p>
                     <p>Thus they closed their Donations or Grants; thus we our Remarks of the <hi>Saxons,</hi> being now to pass to the <hi>Normans.</hi>
                     </p>
                  </div>
               </div>
               <div n="2" type="book">
                  <pb facs="tcp:108529:42"/>
                  <pb n="47" facs="tcp:108529:42"/>
                  <head>THE SECOND BOOK OF THE ENGLISH JANUS. From the NORMAN Conquest, to the Death of King <hi>Henry</hi> II.</head>
                  <div n="1" type="chapter">
                     <head>CHAP. I. </head>
                     <argument>
                        <p>
                           <hi>William</hi> the Conquerour<hi>'s</hi> Title. He bestows Lands upon his follow<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ers, and brings Bishops and Abbots under Military Service. An account of the old English Laws, called <hi>Merchenlage, Dane<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>lage</hi> and <hi>Westsaxen-lage.</hi> He is prevailed upon by the Barons, to govern according to King <hi>Edward</hi>'s Laws, and at S. <hi>Albans</hi> takes his Oath so to do. Yet some new Laws were added to those old ones.</p>
                     </argument>
                     <p>
                        <hi>
                           <seg rend="decorInit">W</seg>ILLIAM</hi> Duke of <hi>Normandy</hi> upon pretence of a double Right, both that of Blood (inasmuch as <hi>Emme</hi> the Mother of <hi>Edward the Confessor,</hi> was Daugh<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ter to <hi>Richard</hi> the first Duke of the <hi>Normans</hi>) and withal that of Adoption, having in Battel worsted <hi>Harald</hi> the Son of <hi>Godwin</hi> Earl of <hi>Kent,</hi> obtain'd a large Inheritance, and took possession of the Royal Govern<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ment over all <hi>England.</hi>
                     </p>
                     <p>
                        <q>After his Inauguration he liberally bestowed the Lands and Estates
<pb n="48" facs="tcp:108529:43"/>
of the <hi>English</hi> upon his fellow-soldiers; that little which remained (so saith <hi>Matthew Paris</hi>) he put under the yoke of a perpetual servitude.</q> Upon which account, some while since the coming in of the <hi>Normans,</hi> there was not in <hi>England</hi> except the King himself, any one, who held Land by right of <hi>Free-hold</hi> (as they term it:) since in sooth one may well call all others to a man only Lords in trust of what they had; as those who by swearing fealty, and doing homage, did perpetually own and ac<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>knowledge a Superior Lord, of whom they held, and by whom they were invested into their Estates.</p>
                     <p>
                        <q>All Bishopricks and Abbacies, which held Baronies, and so far forth had freedom from all Secular service (the fore-cited <hi>Matthew</hi> is my Author) he brought them under Military service, enrolling every Bishoprick and Abbacy according to his own pleasure, how many Soul<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>diers he would have each of them find him and his Successors in time of Hostility or War.</q>
                     </p>
                     <p>Having thus according to this model ordered the <hi>Agrarian</hi> Law for the division and settlement of Lands, <q>he resolved to govern his Sub<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>jects (we have it from <hi>Gervase</hi> of <hi>Tilbury</hi>) by Laws and Ordinances in writing:<note place="margin">Gerv. Tilb. de scacc. cap. 32.</note> to which purpose hè proposed also the <hi>English</hi> Laws ac<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>cording to their Tripartite or threefold distinction; that is to say, <hi>Mer<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>chenlage, Danlage</hi> and <hi>Westsaxenlage.</hi>
                        </q>
                     </p>
                     <p>
                        <hi>Merchenlage,</hi> that is, the Law of the <hi>Mercians</hi>; which was in force in the Counties of <hi>Glocester, Worcester, Hereford, Warwick, Oxford, Che<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ster, Salop</hi> and <hi>Stafford.</hi>
                     </p>
                     <p>
                        <hi>Danlage,</hi> that is, the Law of the <hi>Danes;</hi> which bore sway in <hi>York<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>shire, Derby, Nottingham, Leicester, Lincoln, Northampton, Bedford, Buckingham, Hertford, Essex, Middlesex, Norfolk, Suffolk, Cambridge, Huntingdon.</hi>
                     </p>
                     <p>
                        <hi>Westsaxenlage,</hi> that is, the Law of the <hi>West-Saxons;</hi> to which all the rest of the thirty two Counties (which are all that <hi>Malmesbury</hi> reckons up in <hi>Ethelred</hi>'s time) did belong; to wit, <hi>Kent, Sussex, Surrey, Berks, Southampton, Winton, Somerset, Dorset</hi> and <hi>Devon.</hi>
                     </p>
                     <p>
                        <q>Some of these <hi>English</hi> Laws he disliked and laid aside; others he ap<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>proved of, and added to them, some from beyond Sea out of <hi>Neustria</hi> (he means <hi>Normandy,</hi> which they did of old, term <hi>Neustria</hi> corruptly, in<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>stead of <hi>Westrich,</hi> as being the more Western Kingdom of the <hi>Franks,</hi> and given by <hi>Charles the Simple</hi> to <hi>Rollo</hi> for his Daughter <hi>Gilla</hi> her porti<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>on) such of them as seemed most effectual for the preserving of the Kingdoms peace.</q> This saith he of <hi>Tilbury.</hi>
                     </p>
                     <p>Now this is no rare thing among Writers for them to devise, that <hi>Wil<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>liam</hi> the Conqueror brought in as it were a clear new face of Laws to all intents and purposes. 'Tis true, this must be acknowledg'd, that he did make some new ones (part whereof you may see in <hi>Lambard</hi>'s <hi>Ar<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>chaeonomia,</hi> and part of them here subjoyned) but so however that they take their denomination from the <hi>English,</hi> rather than from the <hi>Nor<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>mans</hi>; although one may truly say, according to what Lawyers dispute, that the <hi>English</hi> Empire and Government was overthrown by him. That he did more especially affect the Laws of the <hi>Danes</hi> (which were not much unlike to those of the <hi>Norwegians,</hi> to whom <hi>William</hi> was by his Grand-father allied in blood) I read in the Annals of <hi>Roger Hoveden.</hi> And that he openly declared, that he would rule by them; <q>at hearing of which, all the great men of the Countrey, who had enacted the <hi>English</hi> Laws, were presently struck into dumps, and did unanimously
<pb n="49" facs="tcp:108529:43"/>
petition him, That he would permit them to have their own Laws and ancient Customs; in which their Fathers had lived, and they them<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>selves had been born and bred up in; forasmuch as it would be very hard for them to take up Laws that they knew not, and to give judge<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ment according to them. But the King appearing unwilling and un<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>easie to be moved, they at length prosecuted their purpose, beseeching him, that for the Soul of King <hi>Edward,</hi> who had after his death given up the Crown and Kingdom to him, and whose the Laws were, and not any others that were strangers, he would hearken to them and grant that they might continue under their own Countrey Laws. Where<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>upon calling a Council, he did at the last yield to the request of the Barons. From that day forward therefore the Laws of King <hi>Edward,</hi> which had before been made and appointed by his Grand-father <hi>Adgar,</hi> seeing their authority, were before the rest of the Laws of the Coun<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>trey respected, confirmed and observed all over <hi>England.</hi>
                        </q> But what then? Doth it follow that all things in <hi>William</hi>'s time were new? How can a man chuse but believe it? The Abbot of <hi>Crowland</hi> sayes this of it, <q>I have brought with me from <hi>London</hi> into my Monastery the Laws of the most Righteous King <hi>Edward,</hi> which my Renowned Lord King <hi>William</hi> hath by Proclamation ordered, under most grievous penalties, to be authentick and perpetual, to be kept inviolably throughout the whole Kingdom of <hi>England,</hi> and hath recommended them to his Justices, in the same language wherein they were at first set forth and published.</q> And in the Life of <hi>Fretherick</hi> Abbot of S. <hi>Albans</hi> you have this account: <q>After many debates, Arch-Bishop <hi>Lanfrank</hi> being then present (at <hi>Berkhamstead</hi> in <hi>Hartfordshire</hi>) the King did for the good of peace, take his Oath upon all the Reliques of the Church of S. <hi>Alban,</hi> and by touching the holy Gospels,<note place="margin">Camden.</note> 
                           <hi>Fretherick</hi> the Abbot ad<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ministring the Oath, that he would inviolably observe the good and ap<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>proved ancient Laws of the Kingdom, which the holy and pious Kings of <hi>England</hi> his Predecessors, and especially King <hi>Edward</hi> had appointed.</q>
                     </p>
                     <p>But you will much more wonder at that passage of <hi>William le Rouille</hi> of <hi>Alençon</hi> in his Preface to the <hi>Norman</hi> Customs.<note place="margin">Guil. le Rouille Alencon.</note> 
                        <q>That vulgar Chro<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>nicle, saith he, which is intitled the <hi>Chronicle of Chronicles,</hi> bears wit<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ness, that S. <hi>Edward</hi> King of <hi>England,</hi> was the Maker or Founder of this Custom; where he speaks of <hi>William</hi> the Bastard Duke of <hi>Nor<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>mandy, alias</hi> King of <hi>England,</hi> saying, that whereas the foresaid S. <hi>Ed<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ward</hi> had no Heirs of his own Body, he made <hi>William</hi> Heir of the King<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>dom, who after the Defeat and Death of <hi>Harald</hi> the Usurper of the Kingdom, did freely obtain and enjoy the Kingdom upon this conditi<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>on, to wit, that he would keep the Laws which had before been made by the fore-mentioned <hi>Edward;</hi> which <hi>Edward</hi> truly had also given Laws to the <hi>Normans,</hi> as having been a long time also brought up himself in <hi>Normandy.</hi>
                        </q>
                     </p>
                     <p>Where then, I pray you, is the making of new Laws? Why! with<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>out doubt, according to <hi>Tilbury,</hi> we are to think, that together with the ratifying of old Laws, there was mingled the making of some new ones: and in this case one may say truly with the Poet in his Panegyrick:
<q>
                           <pb n="50" facs="tcp:108529:44"/>
                           <l>
                              <note place="margin">
                                 <hi>Claudian. in</hi> 4. <hi>cons. Ho<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>norii.</hi>
                              </note>Firmatur senium Juris, priscamque resumunt</l>
                           <l>Canitiem leges, emendanturque vetustae,</l>
                           <l>Acceduntque novae. —</l>
                        </q>
which in <hi>English</hi> speaks to this sense;
<q>
                           <l>The Laws old age stands firm by Royal care,</l>
                           <l>Statutes resume their ancient gray hair.</l>
                           <l>Old ones are mended with a fresh repair;</l>
                           <l>And for supply some new ones added are.</l>
                        </q>
See here! we impart unto thee, Reader, these new Laws, with other things, which thou maist justly look for at my hands in this place.</p>
                  </div>
                  <div n="2" type="chapter">
                     <pb n="51" facs="tcp:108529:44"/>
                     <head>CHAP. II. </head>
                     <argument>
                        <p>The whole Country inrolled in <hi>Dooms-day Book.</hi> Why that Book so called. <hi>Robert</hi> of <hi>Glocester</hi>'s Verses to prove it. The O<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>riginal of Charters and Seals from the <hi>Normans,</hi> practised of old among the <hi>French.</hi> Who among the <hi>Romans</hi> had the priviledge of using Rings to seal with, and who not.</p>
                     </argument>
                     <q>
                        <p n="1">1. HE caused all <hi>England</hi> to be described, and inrolled (a whole company of Monks are of equal authority in this business, but we make use of <hi>Florentius</hi> of <hi>Worcester</hi> for our witness at this time) how much Land every one of his Barons was possessed of,<note place="margin">
                              <hi>Dooms-day.</hi>
                           </note> how many Soldiers in fee, how many Ploughs, how many Villains, how many living Creatures or Cattel, I, and how much ready mony every one was Master of throughout all his Kingdom, from the greatest to the least; and how much Revenue or Rent every Possession or Estate was able to yield.</p>
                        <p>That breviary or <hi>Present State</hi> of the Kingdom being lodged in the Archives for the generality of it, containing intirely all the Tenements or Tenures of the whole Country or Land was called <hi>Dooms-day,</hi> as if one would say, <hi>The day of Doom</hi> or Judgment.</p>
                        <p> For this reason, saith he of <hi>Tilbury,</hi> we call the same <hi>Dooms-day Book:</hi> Not that there is in it sentence given concerning any doubtful cases proposed; but because it is not lawful upon any account, to depart from the <hi>Doom</hi> or Judgment aforesaid.</p>
                     </q>
                     <p>Reader, If it will not make thy nice Stomach wamble, let me bring in here an old fashioned Rhyme, which will hardly go down with our dainty finical Verse-wrights, of an historical Poet <hi>Robert</hi> of <hi>Glocester:</hi> One whom, for his Antiquity, I must not slight concerning this Book.</p>
                     <q>
                        <l>The K. W. vor to wite the worth of his londe</l>
                        <l>Let enqueri streitliche thoru al Engelonde,</l>
                        <l>Hou moni plou lond, and hou moni hiden also</l>
                        <l>Were in everich sire, and wat hii were wurth yereto:</l>
                        <l>And the rents of each toun, and of the waters echone,</l>
                        <l>That wurth, and of woods eke, that there ne bileved none,</l>
                        <l>But that he wist wat hii were wurth of al Engelonde,</l>
                        <l>And wite al clene that wurth thereof ich understond</l>
                        <l>And let it write clene inou, and that scrit dude iwis</l>
                        <l>In the Tresorie at Westminster there it yut is.</l>
                        <l>So that vre Kings suth, when hii ransome toke</l>
                        <l>And redy wat folc might give, hii fond there in yor boke.</l>
                     </q>
                     <p>Considering how the <hi>English</hi> Language is every day more and more refined, this is but a rude piece, and looks scurvily enough. But yet let us not be unmindful neither, that even the fine trim artifices of our quaint Masters of Expression, will themselves perhaps one day, in future Ages, that shall be more critical, run the same risk of censure, and un<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>dergo the like misfortune: And that,
<q>
                           <pb n="52" facs="tcp:108529:45"/>
                           <l>
                              <note place="margin">
                                 <hi>Horat. art. poetic.</hi>
                              </note>Multa renascentur quae nunc cecidere, cadentque</l>
                           <l>Quae nunc sunt in honore;—</l>
                        </q>
As <hi>Horace</hi> the Poet born at <hi>Venusium,</hi> tells us: That is,
<q>
                           <l>Several words which now are fal'n full low,</l>
                           <l>Shall up again to place of Honour start;</l>
                           <l>And words that now in great esteem, I trow,</l>
                           <l>Are held, shall shortly with their honour part.</l>
                        </q>
                     </p>
                     <p n="2">2. <q>The <hi>Normans</hi> called their Writings given under their hand, Char<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ters (I speak this out of <hi>Ingulph</hi>) and they ordered the confirmation of such Charters with an impression of Wax, by every ones particular Seal, under the Testimony and Subscription of three or four Witnesses standing by.</q>
                     </p>
                     <p>But <hi>Edward the Confessor</hi> had also his Seal, though that too from <hi>Nor<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>mandy.</hi> For in his time, as the same Writer saith, <q>Many of the <hi>En<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>glish</hi> began to let slip and lay aside the <hi>English</hi> Fashions, bringing in those of the <hi>Normans</hi> in their stead, and in many things to follow the customs of the <hi>Franks</hi>; all great persons to speak the <hi>French</hi> Tongue in their Courts, looking upon it as a great piece of gentility, to make their Charters and Writings <hi>alamode of France;</hi> and to be ashamed of their own Country usages in these and other like cases.</q> Nay, and if <hi>Leland,</hi>
                        <note place="margin">Leland.</note> an Eye-witness, may be believed, our great Prince <hi>Arthur</hi> had his Seal also, which he saith he saw in the Church of <hi>Westminster</hi> with this very inscription.
<q>
                           <l>PATRITIUS. ARTHURIUS. BRITANNIAE.</l>
                           <l>GALLIAE. GERMANIAE. DACIAE. IMPERATOR.</l>
                        </q>
That is,
<q>The Right Noble, <hi>ARTHUR,</hi> Emperor of <hi>Britanny, France, Germa<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ny,</hi> and <hi>Transylvania.</hi>
                        </q>
                     </p>
                     <p>But that the <hi>Saxons</hi> had this from the <hi>Normans,</hi> is a thing out of all question. Their Grants or Letters Patents signed with Crosses, and sub<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>scribed with Witnesses names, do give an undoubted credit and assurance to what I have said. <hi>John Ross</hi> informs us that <hi>Henry Beauclerk</hi> was the first that made use of one of Wax; and <hi>Matthew of Canterbury,</hi> that <hi>Ed<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ward</hi> the first did first hang it at the bottom of his Royal Writings by way of Label;<note place="margin">Matth. Cantu. in Antiq. Ec<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>cles. Britan.</note> whereas before, his Predecessors fastned it to the left side. Such a writing of <hi>Henry</hi> the first in favour of <hi>Anselm,</hi> the last Author makes mention of; and such an one of <hi>William</hi>'s Duke of the <hi>Normans,</hi> though a very short one and very small written; <hi>Brian Twine</hi> in his <hi>Apology for the Antiquity</hi> of the famous University of <hi>Oxford</hi> (the great Study and support of <hi>England,</hi>
                        <note place="margin">Tuin. apol. ant Oxon. lib. 1. §. 81.</note> and my ever highly honoured Mother) saith, he had seen in the Library of the Right Honourable my Lord <hi>Lumley.</hi>
                     </p>
                     <p>But let a circumcised <hi>Jew,</hi> or who else will for me, believe that story concerning the first Seal of Wax, and the first fastning of it to the Wri<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ting: A great many waxen ones of the <hi>French</hi> Peers (that I may say something of those in wax) and Golden ones of their Kings (to wit, be<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>twixt
<pb n="53" facs="tcp:108529:45"/>
the years 600 and 700) we meet with fashioned like Scutcheons or Coats of Arms in those Patterns or Copies which <hi>Francis de Rosieres</hi> has in his first Tome of the Pedigree or Blazonry of the Dukes of <hi>Lorain,</hi> set down by way of Preface. Nor was it possible that the <hi>Normans</hi> should not have that in use, which had been so anciently practised by the <hi>French.</hi> Let me add this out of the ancient Register of <hi>Abendon:</hi> 
                        <q>That <hi>Richard</hi> Earl of <hi>Chester</hi> (who flourished in the time of <hi>Henry</hi> the first) ordered to sign a certain Writing with the Seal of his Mother <hi>Ermentrude</hi>;<note place="margin">Camden in Ord. Angl.</note> seeing that (being not girt with a Soldiers Belt, <hi>i. e.</hi> not yet made Knight) all sorts of Letters directed by him, were inclosed with his Mothers Seal.</q>
                     </p>
                     <p>How? what is that I hear? Had the Knightly dignity and Order the singular priviledge, as it was once at <hi>Rome,</hi> to wear Gold-Rings? For Rings (as 'tis related out of <hi>Ateius Capito</hi>) were especially designed and ingraven for Seals: Let <hi>Phoebus,</hi> who knows all things,<note place="margin">Macrob. Sa<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>turn. lib. 7. cap. 13.</note> out of his Ora<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>cle tell us. For <gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                           <desc>•</desc>
                        </gap>ervants or Slaves (so says <hi>Justus Lipsius,</hi> and remarks it from those that had been dug up in <hi>Holland)</hi> and common Soldiers were allowed iron ones to sign or to seal with (which therefore <hi>Flavius Vopiscus</hi> calls <hi>annulos sigillaricios,</hi>
                        <note place="margin">Vopisc. in Aurel.</note> 
                        <hi>i. e.</hi> seal-Rings) and so your ordinary Masters of Families had such, with a Key hanging at it to seal and lock up their pro<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>vision and utensils. <q>But, saith <hi>Ateius</hi> of the ancient time,<note place="margin">Lips. ad 2. Annal. Tacit. num. 4.</note> Neither was it lawful to have more than one Ring, nor for any one to have one neither but for Freemen, whom alone trust might become, which is preserved under Seal; and therefore the Servants of a Family had not the Right and Priviledge of Rings.</q> I come home to our selves now.</p>
                  </div>
                  <div n="3" type="chapter">
                     <pb n="54" facs="tcp:108529:46"/>
                     <head>CHAP. III.</head>
                     <argument>
                        <p> Other ways of granting and conveying Estates, by a Sword, <hi>&amp;c.</hi> par<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ticularly by a Horn. <hi>Godwin</hi>'s trick to get <hi>Boseham</hi> of the Arch-Bishop of <hi>Canterbury.</hi> Pleadings in <hi>French.</hi> The <hi>French</hi> Language and Hand when came in fashion. Coverfeu-Laws against taking of Deer, against Murder, against Rape.</p>
                     </argument>
                     <p n="3">3. <q>AT first many Lands and Estates were collated or bestowed by bare word of mouth,<note place="margin">Ingulph.</note> without Writing or Charter, only with the Lords Sword or Helmet, or a Horn or a Cup; and very many Tenements with a Spur, with a Currycomb, with a Bow, and some with an Arrow: But these things were in the beginning of the <hi>Norman</hi> Reign, in after times this fashion was altered, says <hi>Ingulph.</hi>
                        </q>
                     </p>
                     <p>I, and these things were before the <hi>Normans</hi> Government. Let King <hi>Edgar</hi> his Staff cut in the middle,<note place="margin">M<gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                              <desc>•</desc>
                           </gap>lmsb. lib. 2. cap. 8.</note> and given to <hi>Glastenbury Abbey</hi> for a testimony of his Grant, be also here for a testimony. And our Antiqua<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ry has it of <hi>Pusey</hi> in <hi>Berkshire,</hi> 
                        <q>That those who go by the name of <hi>Pu<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>sey</hi> do still hold by a Horn, which heretofore had been bestowed upon their Ancestors by <hi>Knute</hi> the <hi>Danish</hi> King.</q>
                        <note place="margin">A. Ch. 780.</note> In like manner, to the same purpose an old Book tells this story: <q>That one <hi>Vlphus</hi> the Son of <hi>Toraldus,</hi> turned aside into <hi>York,</hi> and filled the Horn that he was used to drink out of, with Wine; and before the Altar upon his bended knees, drinking it, gave away to God and to St. <hi>Peter,</hi> the Prince of the Apostles, all his Lands and Revenues.</q> Which Horn of his, saith <hi>Camden,</hi> we have been told was kept or reserved down to our Fathers memory. We may see the conveyance of Estate, how easie it was in those days, and clear from the punctilio's of Law, and withal how free from the captious malice of those petty-foggers who would intangle Titles and find flaws in them, and from the swelling Bundles and Rolls of Parchments now in use.</p>
                     <p>But commend me to <hi>Godwin</hi> Earl of <hi>Kent,</hi> who was, to use <hi>Hegesander</hi>'s word,<note place="margin">Guil. Mapaeus. Camden.</note> too great a <gap reason="foreign">
                           <desc>〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉</desc>
                        </gap>, <hi>catcher at Syllables,</hi> and as the Come<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>dian says, <hi>more shifting than a Potters wheel:</hi> 
                        <q>Give me (saith he to the Arch-Bishop of <hi>Canterbury) Boseham.</hi> The Arch-Bishop admiring what it was he would be at in that question, saith, I give you <hi>Bose<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ham.</hi>
                        </q> He straight upon the confidence of this deceit, without any more ado entred upon an Estate of the Arch Bishops of that name on the Sea-coasts of <hi>Sussex,</hi>
                        <note place="margin">Lib. feud. 2. tit. 2.</note> as if it had been his own by Inheritance: <q>And with the testimony of his people about him, spoke of the Arch-Bishop before the King as the donor of it, and quietly enjoyed it.</q> Those things I spoke of before (to wit, of <hi>Sword, Horn, &amp;c.)</hi> smell of that way of investing in<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>to Fees which we meet with in <hi>Obertus de Orto;</hi> but are very unlike to that solemn ceremony which is from ancient time even still used in con<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>veying of an Estate and delivering possession, wherein a green Turf or the bough of a growing Tree is required.</p>
                     <p n="4">4. <q>They did so much abhor the <hi>English</hi> tongue ('tis the Abbot of <hi>Crowland</hi> saith it) that the Laws of the Land, and the Statutes of the <hi>En<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>glish</hi> Kings,<note place="margin">Stat. 36 Ed. 3. cap. 15.</note> were handled or pleaded in the <hi>French</hi> language. For till the thirty sixth year of <hi>Edward</hi> the third, all businesses of Law were
<pb n="55" facs="tcp:108529:46"/>
pleaded in <hi>French.</hi> That also in Schools the Rudiments of Grammati<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>cal Institution, were delivered to Boys in <hi>French</hi> and not in <hi>English.</hi> Also that the <hi>English</hi> way and manner of Writing was laid aside, and the <hi>French</hi> mode was made use of in all Charters or Instruments and Books.</q>
                     </p>
                     <p>Indeed it was such a fault to be ignorant in the <hi>French,</hi> or not to be able to speak it; that mainly upon this account,<note place="margin">Matth. Paris.</note> in the Reign of <hi>William Ru<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>fus, Vlstan</hi> Bishop of <hi>Worcester</hi> was censured as unworthy of his place, and deprived of his dignity, who as to other things according to the simplicity of that Age, was Scholar enough. The Abbot whom I quo<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ted, speaks thus of the <hi>French</hi> Character: <q>The <hi>Saxon</hi> hand was used by all the <hi>Saxons</hi> and <hi>Mercians</hi> in all their hand-writings, till the time of King <hi>Alfred,</hi> who had by <hi>French</hi> Tutors been very well trained up in all Literature; but from the time of the said King, it did by disuse come to be of little account; and the <hi>French</hi> hand, because it being more legible and more delightful to sight, had the preheminence, grew more and more every day in vogue and use among all the <hi>English.</hi>
                        </q> Ne<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>vertheless however this business went, we are told that in the memory of our Fathers, and that by an ancient order, there were Lectures of the <hi>English-Saxon</hi> language, read at <hi>Tavistock</hi> Abby in <hi>Devonshire.</hi>
                     </p>
                     <p n="5">5. That his new Kingdom might not be disturbed by Riots and dis<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>orders in the night, he ordered that at the Ringing of a Bell (which they called the <hi>Curfew</hi>-Bell) all the Lights and Fires should in every little Cottage, a little after the dusk of the Evening, be put out.<note place="margin">Polydorus. <hi>Coverfeu.</hi>
                        </note>
                     </p>
                     <q>
                        <p n="6">6. He that should take a Deer, or <hi>aprum,</hi> a Boar (so says <hi>Huntingdon,</hi> but perhaps 'tis <hi>caprum,</hi> a Buck) or a Roe, was to have his eyes thrust or plucked out, saith <hi>Matthew Paris.</hi>
                        </p>
                        <p n="7">7. If any one had slain any one ('tis <hi>Huntingdon</hi> writes this) be it upon what cause or occasion soever, he was sentenced to a Capital pu<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>nishment, he was to die for it.</p>
                        <p n="8">8. If one had forced any woman (so I read <hi>aliquam</hi> any woman, not <hi>aliquem</hi> any man, as 'tis in the common Prints) he was to have his Pri<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>vities cut off. Forced her? I, sure enough; and perhaps he that lay with a woman with her consent, was notwithstanding that, served in the same kind too. And in this case I would have you hear what that great Lawyer <hi>Albericus Gentilis,</hi> his opinion is. This I say, saith he,<q>
                              <note place="margin">Alberic. Gen<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>til. de jure bell. lib. 1. c. 20.</note> that a man hath a greater injury done him, if the woman were not ravished <hi>per</hi> force, but were debauched and made willing: because in this case her mind is estranged from her Husband; but in that other, not.</q>
                        </p>
                     </q>
                  </div>
                  <div n="4" type="chapter">
                     <pb n="56" facs="tcp:108529:47" rendition="simple:additions"/>
                     <head>CHAP. IV.</head>
                     <argument>
                        <p> Sheriffs and J<gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                              <desc>•</desc>
                           </gap>ries were before this time. Th<gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                              <desc>•</desc>
                           </gap> four Terms. Judges to Act without Appeal. Justices of Peace. The Kings payments made at first in Provisions. Afterwards changed into Mony, which the Sheriff of each County was to pay in to the Exchequer. The Constable of <hi>Dover</hi> and Warden of the <hi>Cinque Ports</hi> why made. A disorder in Church-affairs Reformed.</p>
                     </argument>
                     <p>
                        <hi>POlydore Virgil</hi> brings in at this time the first <hi>Sheriffs</hi> of Counties, and here places the beginning of <hi>Juries,</hi> or determining of Tryals by the judgment of Twelve; but is out in them both. This of <hi>Juries</hi> is convin<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ced by a Law of <hi>Ethelred</hi> in <hi>Lambard</hi>'s explications of Law-terms, and by those irrefragable arguments which the famous Sir <hi>Edward Coke</hi> brings against it. That other mistake of <hi>Sheriffs</hi> is confuted by what we have formerly noted out of <hi>Ingulph,</hi> and by what we shall hereafter somewhere have occasion to remark.<note place="margin">
                           <p>August. de Civ. Dei. l. 18. c. 10.</p>
                           <p>Pausan. Atti<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>cis.</p>
                        </note> 
                        <hi>Mars</hi> being impleaded in the <hi>Areopagus,</hi> the place of Judgment at <hi>Athens,</hi> for the murder of <hi>Halirothius</hi> the Son of <hi>Neptune,</hi> whom he had slain for Ravishing his Daughter <hi>Alcippa</hi>; upon his Tryal by twelve Gods, was acquitted by six Sentences or Votes: For if the number were equal and no majority, the Person was not condemn<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ed but discharged. My meaning why I put in this Story, is to shew the most ancient use of this number of <hi>twelve</hi> in Tryals elsewhere, as well as amongst us. An <hi>Italian</hi> might well mistake in a concern of <hi>England;</hi> yet take it not ill at my hands, that I have given you this upon his credit.</p>
                     <q>
                        <p n="9">9. He appointed that four times every year, there should be kept Conventions or Meetings for several days,<note place="margin">
                              <hi>Terms.</hi>
                           </note> in such place as he himself should give order: In which Meetings the Judges sitting apart by them<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>selves, should keep Court and do Justice. These are our four <hi>Terms.</hi>
                        </p>
                        <p n="10">10. He appointed other <hi>Judges,</hi> who without appeal should exercise Jurisdiction and Judgment; from whom as from the bosom of the Prince, all that were ingaged in quarrels, addressing thither, might have right done them, and refer their controversies to them.</p>
                        <p n="11">11. He appointed other Rulers or Magistrates, who might take care to see misdemeanors punished;<note place="margin">
                              <hi>Justices of Peace.</hi>
                           </note> these he called <hi>Justices of Peace.</hi>
                        </p>
                     </q>
                     <p n="11"> Now one may well imagine, that this name of Office is most certainly of a later date, and a foreign Writer is to be excused by those rights which are afforded to Guests and Strangers (since acting a <hi>Busiris</hi> his part against them, would be downright barbarous) I say he is to be excu<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>sed so far, as not to have his mistakes in the History of the <hi>English</hi> Nation, too heavily charged upon him.</p>
                     <p n="12">12. <q>In the Primitive State of the Kingdom after the Conquest (<hi>Ger<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>vase of Tilbury</hi> in his Dialogue of the Exchequer, saith, this is a thing handled down from our Forefathers) the Kings had payments made
<pb n="57" facs="tcp:108529:47"/>
them out of their Lands, not in sums of Gold or Silver, but only in Vi<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ctuals or Provisions: Out of which the Kings house was supplied with necessaries for daily use; and they who were deputed to this service (the <hi>Purveyors</hi>) knew what quantity arose from each several land. But yet as to Soldiers pay or donatives, and for other necessaries concerning the Pleas of the Kingdom, or Conventions, as also from Cities and Ca<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>stles where they did not exercise Husbandry or Tillage; in such instan<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ces, payments were made in ready mony. Wherefore this Institution lasted all the time of <hi>William</hi> the First, to the time of King <hi>Henry</hi> his Son, so that I my self (<hi>Gervase</hi> flourished in the Reign of <hi>Henry</hi> the se<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>cond) have seen some people, who did at set times carry from the Kings Lands, victuals or provisions of food to Court. And the Officers also of the Kings house knew very well, having it upon account, which Counties were to send in Wheat, which to send in several sorts of flesh, and Provender for the Horses. These things being paid according to the appointed manner and proportion of every thing, the Kings Officers reckoned to the <hi>Sheriffs</hi> by reducing it into a sum of pence; to wit, for a measure of Wheat to make bread for a hundred men, one shilling; for the body of a pasture-fed Beef, one shilling; for a Ram or a Sheep four pence; for the allowance of twenty horses likewise four pence: But in process of time, when as the said King was busie in remote parts beyond Sea to appease Tumults and Insurrections; it so happened, that ready mony was highly necessary for him to supply his occasions. In the mean time, there came in multitudes, a great company of Husbandmen with complaints to the Kings Court, or which troubled him more, they frequently came in his way as he was passing by, holding up their Ploughshares, in token that their Husbandry was running to decay; for they were put to a world of trouble, upon occa<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>sion of the provisions which they carried from their own quarters through several parts of the Kingdom. Thereupon the King being moved with their complaints, did by the resolved advice of his Lords, appoint throughout the Kingdom such persons, as he knew were, for their prudence and discretion, fit for the service. These persons going about, and that they might believe their own eyes, taking a view of the several Lands, having made an estimate of the provisions which were paid out of them, they reduced it into a sum of pence. But for the total sum, which arose out of all the Lands in one County, they or<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>dered, that the <hi>Sheriff</hi> of that County should be bound to the Exche<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>quer: Adding this withal, that he should pay it at the <hi>Scale.</hi>
                        </q> Now the manner of paying, the tryal of the weight and of the metal by Chy<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>mical operation, the Melter or Coyner, and the surveyor of the Mint, are more largely handled and explained by my self in some other work of mine.</p>
                     <p n="13">13. <q>That he might the more firmly retain <hi>Kent</hi> to himself, that be<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ing accounted as it were <hi>the Key of England;</hi> ('tis the famous Mr. <hi>Cam<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>den</hi> tells the Story) he set a <hi>Constable</hi> over <hi>Dover-Castle,</hi> and made the same person <hi>Warden of the Cinque Ports,</hi> according to the old usage of the <hi>Romans.</hi> Those are <hi>Hastings, Dover, Hith, Rumney,</hi> and <hi>Sandwich</hi>; to which are joyned <hi>Winchelsey</hi> and <hi>Rye</hi> as Principals, and other little Towns as Members.</q>
                     </p>
                     <p n="14">14. To put the last hand to <hi>William,</hi> I add out of the <hi>Archives,</hi> this Law, not to be accounted among the last or least of his.
<q>
                           <pb n="58" facs="tcp:108529:48"/>
                           <note place="margin">
                              <hi>A. M.</hi> 66. <hi>In Bot. chart.</hi> 2 <hi>Rich.</hi> 2. <hi>pro decan. &amp; ca<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>pit. Eccles. Lincoln.</hi>
                           </note>
                           <hi>William,</hi> by the Grace of God, King of the <hi>English,</hi> to all Counts or Earls, Viscounts or Sheriffs, and to all <hi>French</hi> born, and <hi>English</hi> men, who have Lands in the Bishoprick of <hi>Remigius,</hi> greeting.</q>
                     </p>
                     <p>This <hi>Remigius</hi> was the first who translated the Episcopal See from <hi>Dorchester</hi> to <hi>Lincoln.</hi>
                     </p>
                     <p>
                        <q>Be it known unto you all, and the rest of my Liege Subjects, who abide in <hi>England</hi>; that I, by the common advice of my Arch-Bishops, and the rest of the Bishops and Abbots, and all the Princes of my King<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>dom, have thought fit to order the amendment of the Episcopal Laws, which have been down to my time, in the Kingdom of the Angles, not well, nor according to the Precepts of the holy Canons, ordained or administred: Wherefore I do command, and by my Royal Autho<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>rity strictly charge; that no Bishop or Arch-deacon, do henceforth hold Pleas in the Hundred concerning Episcopal Laws; nor bring any cause which belongs to the Government of Souls (<hi>i.e.</hi> to spiritual affairs) to the judgment of secular men; but that whosoever, according to the Episcopal Laws, shall for what cause or fault soever be summoned, shall come to a place which the Bishop shall chuse and name for this purpose; and there make answer concerning his cause, and do right to God and his Bishop, not according to the Hundred, but according to the Canons and Episcopal Laws.</q> For in the time of the <hi>Saxon</hi> Empire, there were wont to be present at those Country Meetings (the <hi>Hundred</hi> Courts) an <hi>Alderman</hi> and a <hi>Bishop,</hi>
                        <note place="margin">Leg. Edgar. cap. 5.</note> the one for Spirituals, the other for Temporals, as appears by King <hi>Edgar</hi>'s Laws.</p>
                  </div>
                  <div n="5" type="chapter">
                     <pb n="59" facs="tcp:108529:48"/>
                     <head>CHAP. V. </head>
                     <argument>
                        <p>
                           <hi>William Rufus</hi> succeeds. <hi>Annats</hi> now paid to the King. Why claimed by the Pope. No one to go out of the Land without leave. Hunting of Deer made Felony.</p>
                     </argument>
                     <p>AFter the death of <hi>William,</hi> his second Son <hi>WILLIAM</hi> sir<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>named <hi>RVFVS</hi> succeeded in his room. <q>All Justice of Laws (as <hi>Florentius of Worcester</hi> tells us) was now husht in silence, and Causes being put under a Vacation without hearing, money alone bore sway among the great ones,</q>
                        <q>Ipsaque majestas auro corrupta jacebat.<note place="margin">
                              <hi>Petron. Arbit.</hi>
                           </note>
                        </q>
that is;
<q>
                           <l>And Majesty it self being brib'd with gold,</l>
                           <l>Lay, as a prostitute, expos'd to th' bold.</l>
                        </q>
                     </p>
                     <p n="15">15. The right or duty of <hi>First-Fruits,</hi> or, as they are commonly called, the <hi>Annats,</hi> which our Kings claimed from vacant Abbies and Bishopricks, <hi>Polydor Virgil</hi> will have to have had its first original from <hi>Rufus.</hi> Now the Popes of <hi>Rome</hi> laid claim to them anciently; a sort of Tribute, which upon what right it was grounded,<note place="margin">
                           <p>Basil. concil. sess. 21.</p>
                           <p>Duaren. de Benef. l. 6. c. 3. Vid. Platin. in Joh. 22. vitâ.</p>
                        </note> the Council of <hi>Basil</hi> will in<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>form us, and by what opinion and resolution of Divines and Lawyers confirmed, <hi>Francis Duarenus</hi> in his Sacred Offices of the Church will instruct us. 'Tis certain, that Chronologers make mention, that at his death the Bishopricks of <hi>Canterbury, Winchester</hi> and <hi>Salisbury,</hi> and twelve Monasteries beside, being without Prelates and Abbots, paid in their Revenues to the Exchequer.</p>
                     <p n="16">16. <q>He forbad by publick Edict or Proclamation (sayes the same Author) that any one should go out of <hi>England</hi> without his leave and Passport.</q> We read, that he forbad <hi>Anselm</hi> the Arch-Bishop, that he should not go to wait upon Pope <hi>Vrban</hi>; but that he comprehended all Subjects whatsoever in this his Royal order, I confess I have not met with any where in my reading, but in <hi>Polydor.</hi>
                     </p>
                     <p n="17">17. <q>He did so severely forbid hunting of Deer (saith <hi>William of Malmesbury</hi>) that it was Felony, and a hanging matter to have taken a Stag or Buck.</q>
                     </p>
                  </div>
                  <div n="6" type="chapter">
                     <pb n="60" facs="tcp:108529:49"/>
                     <head>CHAP. VI. </head>
                     <argument>
                        <p>
                           <hi>Henry</hi> the First why called <hi>Beauclerk.</hi> His Letters of Repeal. An Order for the Relief of Lands. What a <hi>Hereot</hi> was. Of the Marriage of the Kings Homagers Daughter, <hi>&amp;c.</hi> Of an Orphans Marriage. Of the Widows Dowry. Of other Homagers the like. Coynage-money remitted. Of the disposal of Estates. The Goods of those that dye Intestate, now and long since, in the Churches Jurisdiction; as also the business of Wills. Of Forfeitures. Of Misdemeanors. Of Forests. Of the <hi>Fee de Hauberk.</hi> King <hi>Edward</hi>'s Law restored.</p>
                     </argument>
                     <p>
                        <hi>WIlliam,</hi> who had by direful Fates been shewn to the World, was followed by his Brother <hi>Henry,</hi> who for his singular Learning, which was to him instead of a Royal Name, was called <hi>Beau-clerk.</hi> He took care of the Common-wealth, by amending and making good what had slipt far aside from the bounds of Justice, and by softning with wholsome remedies those new unheard of, and most grievous injuries, which <hi>Ralph</hi> afterwards Bishop of <hi>Durham</hi> (being Lord Chief Justice of the whole Kingdom) plagued the people with. He sends <hi>Letters of Repeal</hi> to the High Sheriffs, to the intent, that the Citizens and people might enjoy their liberty and free rights again. See here a Copy of them, as they are set down in <hi>Matthew Paris.</hi>
                     </p>
                     <p>HENRY <hi>by the Grace of God King of</hi> England, <hi>to</hi> Hugh <hi>of Bock<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>land, High Sheriff, and to all his Liege people, as well</hi> French <hi>as</hi> English <hi>in</hi> Herefordshire, <hi>Greeting. Know ye, that I through the mercy of God, and by the common advice of the Barons of the Kingdom of</hi> England <hi>have been crowned King. And because the Kingdom was opprest with unjust exactions, I out of regard to God, and that love which I bear towards you all, do make the holy Church of God free, so that I will neither sell it, nor will I put it to farm, nor upon the death of Arch-Bishop, or Bishop, or Abbot, will I take any thing of the domain of the Church, or of the men thereof, till a Successor enter upon it. And all evil Customs, wherewith the Kingdom of</hi> England <hi>was unjustly oppressed, I do henceforward take away; which evil usages I do here in part set down.</hi>
                     </p>
                     <p n="18">18. <q>If any one of my Barons, Counts or others that hold of me, shall dye, his Heir shall not redeem his Land, as he was wont to do in the time of my Father, but relieve it with a lawful and due relief. In like manner also shall the Homagers or Tenants of my Barons relieve their Lands from their Lords with a lawful and just relief.<note place="margin">
                              <p>Canut. leg. cap. 69. &amp; Ed. Confess. Bracton. lib. 2. cap. 35.</p>
                              <p>
                                 <gap reason="foreign">
                                    <desc>〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉</desc>
                                 </gap> in Novell. Lev. 13. Ho<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>toman. in ver<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>bo Feudal. Beleu.</p>
                           </note> It appears, that in the times of the <hi>Saxons</hi> a <hi>Hereot</hi> was paid to the Lord at a Tenants death, upon the account of provision for War (for <hi>here</hi> in <hi>Saxon</hi> sig<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>nifies an Army:) and that which in our memory now in <hi>French</hi> is called a <hi>Relief (Henry of Bracton</hi> sayes, 'tis an engagement to re<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>cognize the Lord) doth bear a resemblance of the ancient <hi>Hereot.</hi> Thereupon it is a guess, saith <hi>William Lambard,</hi> that the <hi>Normans</hi> being
<pb n="61" facs="tcp:108529:49"/>
Conquerors, did remit the <hi>Hereot</hi> to the <hi>Angles</hi> whom they had con<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>quered and stripped of all kind of Armour, and that for it they ex<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>acted money of the poor wretches.</q> To this agrees that which is men<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tioned in the State of <hi>England</hi> concerning the Nobles of <hi>Berkshire.</hi> 
                        <q>A <hi>Tain</hi> or Knight of the Kings holding of him, did at his death for a Relief part with all his Arms to the King, and one Horse with a Saddle and another without a Saddle. And if he had Hounds or Hawks, they were presented to the King, that if he pleased he might take them. And in an ancient Sanction of <hi>Conrade</hi> the First, Emperour of <hi>Germany,</hi>
                           <note place="margin">
                              <p>Carol. Sigon. de reg. Ital. lib. 8.</p>
                              <p>V. Hotom. comm. ad 3. lib. Feud. Mariana hist. Hispan. lib. 5. cap. 11.</p>
                           </note> If a Souldier that is Tenant or Lessee happen to dye, let his Heir have the Fee, so that he observe the use of the greater <hi>Vavasors,</hi> in giving his Horses and Arms to the Seniors or Lords.</q> 
                        <hi>John Mariana</hi> takes notice, that the word <hi>Seniors</hi> in the Vular Languages, <hi>Spanish, Italian</hi> and <hi>French,</hi> signifies <hi>Lords,</hi> and that to have been in use from the time of <hi>Charlemain</hi>'s Reign. But these things you may have in more plenty from the <hi>Feudists,</hi> those who write concerning Tenures.</p>
                     <q>
                        <p n="19">19. If any of my Barons or other men (Homagers or Tenants) of mine (I return to King <hi>Henry</hi>'s Charter) shall have a mind to give his Daughter, or Sister, or Niece, or Kinswoman in marriage, let him speak with me about it. But neither will I take any thing of his for this leave and licence, nor will I hinder him from betrothing her, ex<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>cept he shall have a design of giving her to an enemy of mine.</p>
                        <p n="20">20. If upon the death of a Baron, or any other Homager of mine, there be left a Daughter that is an Heiress, I will bestow her with the advice of my Barons together with her Land.</p>
                        <p n="21">21. If upon the death of the Husband, his Wife be left without Chil<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>dren, she shall have her Dowry and right of Marriage, as long as she shall keep her body according to Law; and I will not bestow her, but according to her own liking. And if there be Children, either the Wife, or some one else near of kin shall be their Guardian and Trustee of their Land, who ought to be just.</p>
                        <p n="22">22. I give order, that my Homagers do in like manner regulate themselves towards the Sons and Daughters and Wives of their Homagers.</p>
                        <p n="23">23. The common Duty of Money or Coinage, which was taken through all Cities and Counties, which was not in the time of King <hi>Edward,</hi> I do utterly forbid that henceforward this be no more done.</p>
                        <p n="24">24. If any one of my Barons or Homagers shall be sick and weak, according as he himself shall give or order any one to give his money, I grant it so to be given; but if he himself being prevented either by Arms or by Sickness, hath neither given his money, nor disposed of it to give, then let his Wife, or Children, or Parents, and his lawful Homagers for his souls health divide it, as to them shall seem best. And in <hi>Canutus</hi> his Laws,<note place="margin">Canut. cap. 68</note> Let the Lord or Owner at his own discretion make a just distribution of what he hath to his Wife and Children and the next of kin.</p>
                     </q>
                     <p n="24"> But at this time, and long since, Church men have been as it were the Distributors and Awarders of the Goods of such per<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>sons
<pb n="62" facs="tcp:108529:50"/>
as dye Intestate, or without making their Wills, and every Bishop as Ordinary in his own Diocess, is the chief Judge in these cases.</p>
                     <p>
                        <note place="margin">2 Rich. 3. tit. Testament. 4.</note>
                        <hi>John Stratford</hi> Arch-Bishop of <hi>Canterbury</hi> saith it, and it is averred in the Records of our Law, that this Jurisdiction also concerning Wills, was of old long time ago in an ancient Constitution, intrusted to the Church by the consent of the King and Peers. However, in what Kings time this was done, neither does he relate, nor do I any where find, as <hi>William Lindwood</hi> in his Provincial acknowledgeth.<note place="margin">
                           <p>Lind provin. constit. de te<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>stam. c. Stae<gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                                 <desc>•</desc>
                              </gap>u<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>rum. &amp; de im<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>mun. Eccles. c. Accidit, verb. Abolim. Glanvil. l. 7. c. <gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                                 <desc>•</desc>
                              </gap>.</p>
                           <p>C. de testam. l. Consulta di<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>valia.</p>
                        </note> It is a thing very well known, that after Tryal of right, <hi>Wills</hi> were wont to be opened in the Ecclesiastical Court even in the Reign of <hi>Henry</hi> the Second (<hi>Ralph Glanvill</hi> is my witness) contrary to what order was taken in the Imperial Decrees of the <hi>Romans.</hi> And peradventure it will appear so to have been before <hi>Glanvill,</hi> as he will tell you, if you go to him<g ref="char:punc">▪</g> although you have, quoted by my self some where, a Royal Rescript or Order to a High Sheriff, <q>That he do justly and without delay cause to stand (<hi>i. e.</hi> appoint and confirm) a reasonable share to such an one; that is, that the Legatee may obtain and enjoy his right, what was be<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>quested to him by the Sheriffs help.</q> I come back now to my track again.</p>
                     <q>
                        <p n="25">25. If any one of my Barons or Homagers shall make a forfeit, he shall not give a pawn in the scarcity of his money, as he did in the time of my Brother or my Father, but according to the quality of his forfei<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ture: nor shall he make amends, as he would have done heretofore in my Brothers or Fathers time.</p>
                        <p n="26">26. If he shall be convicted of perfidiousness or of foul misdemea<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>nors, as his fault shall be, so let him make amends.</p>
                        <p n="27">27. The Forests by the common advice of my Barons, I have kept in mine own hand, in the same manner as my Father had them.</p>
                        <p n="28">28. To those Souldiers or Knights who hold and maintain their Lands by Coats of Male (that is,<note place="margin">Hotom. Feud. Hauber<gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                                 <desc>•</desc>
                              </gap>ic. in Diction.</note> 
                           <hi>per fee de Hauberke,</hi> that they may be ready to attend their Lords with Habergeons or Coats of Male com<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>pleatly armed <hi>Cap a pee</hi>) I grant the Plough-lands of their Domains ac<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>quitted from all Gelds, and from every proper Gift of mine, that, as they are eased from so great a Charge and Grievance, so they may furnish themselves well with Horse and Arms, that they may be fit and ready for my service, and for the defence of my Realm.</p>
                        <p n="29">29. I restore unto you the Law of King <hi>Edward,</hi> with other amend<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ments, wherewith my Father amended it.</p>
                     </q>
                     <p n="29"> Those amendments are put forth by <hi>Lombard.</hi> Hitherto out of those Royal and general Letters, directed to all the Subjects.</p>
                  </div>
                  <div n="7" type="chapter">
                     <pb n="63" facs="tcp:108529:50"/>
                     <head>CHAP. VII. </head>
                     <argument>
                        <p>His order for restraint of his Courtiers. What the punishment of Theft. Coyners to lose their Hands and Privy-members. Guelding a kind of death. What Half-pence and Farthings to pass. The right measure of the Eln. The Kings price set for provisions.</p>
                     </argument>
                     <p n="30">30. <q>HE did by his Edict or Proclamation, restrain the Rapines, Thefts, and Rogueries of the Courtiers; ordering, that those who were caught in such pranks, should have their Eyes with their Stones pulled out.</q> This <hi>Malmesbury</hi> supplies us with. But <hi>Florentius of Worcester</hi> and <hi>Roger Hoveden</hi> give the account, that he pu<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>nished Thieves with Death and Hanging, otherwise than that pleasant and curious man <hi>Thomas Moor</hi> in his <hi>Vtopia</hi> would have his people to be dealt with.<note place="margin">Morus in Uto<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>piâ, l. 2.</note> Yet I am inclined rather to believe <hi>Malmesbury</hi>; not only upon the authority of the man, in comparison of whose Rose-beds (if you well weigh the Learning of that Age) the other pack of Writers are but sorry low shrubs; but also upon the account of a nameless Monk<g ref="char:punc">▪</g> who in his Book of the Miracles of S. <hi>Thomas of Canterbury,</hi>
                        <note place="margin">De mirac. Thom. ap. Fox hist. ec<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>cles. lib. 4.</note> tells us a story of one <hi>Eilward,</hi> a poor mean fellow of <hi>Kingsweston</hi> in <hi>Berk<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>shire,</hi> who being in the Reign of King <hi>Henry</hi> the Second condemned of Theft (he had it seems stoln a pair of Countrey Gloves and a Whet<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>stone) was punished by losing his Eyes and Privities; who coming with devotion to S. <hi>Thomas</hi> his Tomb, got an intire restitution of his disap<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>pearing Members and Faculties, and was as good a man as ever he was. Perchance in this he is no witness of infallible credit. Let the story of <hi>Iphis</hi> and <hi>Ianthis,</hi> and that of <hi>Ceneus</hi> try Masteries with this for the Whet<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>stone; to our purpose the Writer is trusty enough. But in the first times of the <hi>Normans,</hi> I perceive, that the Halter was the ill consequence of Theft. <q>Let it be lawful for the Abbot of that Church, if he chance to come in in the God speed, to acquit an High-way-man or Thief from the Gallows.</q> They are the words of the <hi>Patent</hi> with which <hi>William</hi> the Conquerour, to expiate the slaughter of <hi>Harald,</hi> consecra<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ted a Monastery to S. <hi>Martin</hi> near <hi>Hastings</hi> on the Sea-coast of <hi>Sussex,</hi> and priviledged it with choice and singular rights.</p>
                     <p n="31">31. <q>Against Cheats, whom they commonly call Coyners ('tis <hi>Malmesbury</hi> speaks again) he shewed his particular diligence, permit<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ting no cheating fellow to escape scot-free, without losing his Fist or Hand, who had been understood to have put tricks upon silly people with the traffick of their falshood.</q> For all that, he who hath tackt a sup<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>plement to <hi>Florentius of Worcester,</hi> and <hi>William Gemeticensis</hi> give out, that the Counterfeiters and Imbasers of Coin had,<note place="margin">Guli. Geme<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tic. de ducib. Norm. lib. 7. cap. 23.</note> over and above those parts cut off, which <hi>Galen</hi> accounts to be the principal instruments for propagating of the kind. To whom <hi>Hoveden</hi> agrees, who writes in the Life of <hi>Henry</hi> the First, <q>That Coyners by the Kings order being taken, had their right H<gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                              <desc>•</desc>
                           </gap>nds and their Privy-members cut off.</q> Upon this account sure, that he that was guilty of such a wicked crime, should have no hope left him of posterity, nor the Common-wealth be in any
<pb n="64" facs="tcp:108529:51"/>
further fear of those who draw villainous principles from the loins of those that beget them.</p>
                     <p>Now at this very time and in former Ages too, this piece of Treason was punished with Halter and Gallows; and that also of <hi>Theft</hi> not only in <hi>England,</hi>
                        <note place="margin">
                           <p>Fest. Latro. Heb. <gap reason="foreign">
                                 <desc>〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉</desc>
                              </gap> la<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tro à <gap reason="foreign">
                                 <desc>〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉</desc>
                              </gap> la<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tus.</p>
                           <p>Bodin. de rep. l. 6. c. 6. Dist. 55. c. 4. ff. Ad leg. Corn. de Sicar. l. 4. §. ult.</p>
                           <p>Bract. lib. 3. tract. 2. c. 23. &amp; Stams. plac. Coron. l. 1. c. 38.</p>
                        </note> but almost in all Countreys, especially <hi>Robbery</hi> upon the High-way, which is committed by those who lay wait to surprize Pas<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>sengers as they travel along upon one or other side of them; whence not only in the <hi>Latin,</hi> but in the holy Language also, a <hi>High-way-man</hi> hath his name. And truly among the Ancients <hi>guelding</hi> was lookt upon as a kind of death. The <hi>Apostles Canons</hi> give him the character and censure of a Manslayer, who cuts off his own Privities (who lives all his life a Batchelor, say the <hi>Talmudists</hi>) and he who cuts off another mans, is in danger of the <hi>Cornelian</hi> Law concerning Murderers and Cut-throats; and so was it heretofore among the <hi>English.</hi>
                     </p>
                     <q>
                        <p n="32">32. He ordered (they are <hi>Hoveden</hi>'s words) that no half-penny, which also he commanded should be made round, or farthing also, if it were intire, should be refused.</p>
                        <p n="33">33. He corrected the Merchants false Eln (so sayes the Monk of <hi>Malmesbury</hi>) applying the measure of his Arm, and proposing that to all people over <hi>England.</hi>
                        </p>
                        <p n="34">34. He gave order to the Courtiers, in whatsoever Cities or Vil<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>lages he were, how much they were to take of the Countrey people <hi>gratis,</hi> and at what price to buy things; punishing offendors herein ei<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ther with a great Fine of money, or with loss of life.</p>
                     </q>
                  </div>
                  <div n="8" type="chapter">
                     <pb n="65" facs="tcp:108529:51"/>
                     <head>CHAP. VIII. </head>
                     <argument>
                        <p>The Regality claimed by the Pope, but within a while resumed by the King. The <hi>Coverfeu</hi> dispensed with. A Subsidy for marrying the Kings Daughter. The <hi>Courtesie of England.</hi> Concerning Shipwrack. A Tax levied to raise and carry on a War.</p>
                     </argument>
                     <p n="35">
                        <q>35. <hi>ANselm</hi> Arch-Bishop of <hi>Canterbury</hi> labours earnestly with the Pope and his party, and at length obtains it with much ado, that from that time forward (you have it in <hi>Florilegus</hi> after other Writers) never any one should be invested with a Pastoral Staff or a Ring into a Bishoprick or Abbacy by the King, or any Lay-person whatsoever in <hi>England,</hi> (added out of <hi>Malmesbury</hi>) retaining however the priviledge of Election and Regality. </q>There was a sharp bickering about this business betwixt the King and <hi>Anselm;</hi> and so between the Popes <hi>Pas<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>chalis</hi> and <hi>Calixtus</hi> and <hi>Henry</hi> about that time Emperour. Both of them at least pretendedly quit their right; our King humouring the Scene according to the present occasion. <q>For after <hi>Anselm</hi>'s death, he did invest <hi>Rodulphus</hi> that came in his room by a Ring and a Pastoral Staff.</q>
                     </p>
                     <p n="36">36. He restored the Night-Torches or Lights which <hi>William</hi> the First had forbidden;<note place="margin">Stow, &amp; v. Malmesb. l. 5. de gest. reg. fol. 88.</note> forasmuch as he now had less reason to appre<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>hend any danger from them, the Kingdom being in a better and fir<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>mer posture.</p>
                     <p n="37">37. To make up a portion for <hi>Mawd</hi> the Kings Daughter, married to <hi>Henry</hi> the Emperour, every <hi>Hide</hi> of Land paid a Tribute of Three Shillings. Here <hi>Polydore</hi> makes his descant. <q>Afterward, sayes he, The rest of the Kings followed that course of raising Portions for the bestowal of their Daughters; so tenacious hath posterity alway been of their own advantages.</q> It is scarce to be doubted, that the right of raising money for the marrying of the Lords Daughters by way of <hi>Aid</hi> or Subsidy upon the Tenants or Dependants, is of a more ancient ori<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ginal. Neither would I fetch it from the mutual engagement of <hi>Romu<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>lus</hi> his Patrons and Clients, or Landlords and Tenants, or from <hi>Suetonius</hi> his <hi>Caligula</hi>: rather from the old Customs of the <hi>Normans,</hi> more ancient than King <hi>Henry:</hi> where that threefold Tribute is explained by the name of <hi>Aid,</hi> which the Patent granted by King <hi>John</hi> in favour of pub<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>lick liberty mentions in these words: <q>I will impose no Escuage or Aid in our Realm, but by the common advice of our Realm; unless it be to ransom our Body, and to make our first-born Son a Soldier or Knight, and to marry our eldest Daughter once.</q>
                     </p>
                     <p n="38">38. Some ascribe that Law to <hi>Henry,</hi>
                        <note place="margin">Spec. Just. cap. des arti<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>cles, &amp;c.</note> which Lawyers call the <hi>Courtesie of England;</hi> whereby a man having had a Child by his Wife, when she dyes, enjoyes her Estate for his life.</p>
                     <p n="39">
                        <pb n="66" facs="tcp:108529:52"/>39. He made a Law, that poor shipwrackt persons should have their Goods restored to them, if there were any living creature on Ship-board, that escaped drowning.<note place="margin">Lamb. Itine<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>rar. Cant. West. 1. c. 4.</note> Forasmuch as before that time, whatsoever through the misfortune of shipwrack was cast on Shoar, was adjudged to the <hi>Exchequer</hi>; except that the persons who suffered shipwrack and had escaped alive, did themselves within such a time refit and repair the Vessel. So the Chronicle of the Monastery of S. <hi>Martin de Bello.</hi> This right is called <hi>Wreck,</hi> or if you will, <hi>Uareck,</hi> of the Sea. How agree<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>able to the Law of Nations, I trouble not my self to enquire. That more ancient Custom, is as it were suitable to the <hi>Norman</hi> usage. Now at this time our Lawyers (and that the more modern Law of <hi>Edward</hi> the First) pass judgement according to the more correct Copy of King <hi>Henry.</hi> And they reckon it too among the most ancient Customs of the Kingdom.<note place="margin">Pat. 46 Ed. 3.</note> Did therefore King <hi>Richard</hi> order, or did <hi>Hoveden</hi> relate this to no purpose, or without any need? <q>If one who suffers shipwrack dye in the Ship, let his Sons or Daughters, his Brethren or Sisters have what he left, according as they can shew and make out that they are his next heirs. Or if the deceased have neither Sons nor Daughters, nor Brothers nor Sisters, the King is to have his Chattels.</q> Can one imagine, that this Law he made at <hi>Messina,</hi> when he was engaged in War, was calculated only for that time or place? Certainly in the Archives there is elsewhere to be met with as much as this.</p>
                     <p n="40">40. That he might with a stout Army bear the brunt of <hi>Baldwin</hi> Earl of <hi>Flanders</hi> and <hi>Louis</hi> King of <hi>France,</hi> who had conspired, being bound by mutual Oaths to one another with the Duke of <hi>Anjou,</hi> to take away from King <hi>Henry</hi> by force of Arms the Dutchy of <hi>Normandy,</hi>
                        <q> he first of all (tis <hi>Polydore</hi> avers it) laid a heavy Tax upon the people, to carry on the new War; which thing with the Kings that followed after, grew to be a custom.</q>
                     </p>
                     <p>He was the last of the <hi>Normans</hi> of a Male descent, and as to the me<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>thod of our undertaking, here we treat of him last.</p>
                  </div>
                  <div n="9" type="chapter">
                     <pb n="67" facs="tcp:108529:52"/>
                     <head>CHAP. IX. </head>
                     <argument>
                        <p>In King <hi>Stephen</hi>'s Reign all was to pieces. Abundance of Castles built. Of the priviledge of Coining. Appeals to the Court of <hi>Rome</hi> now set on foot. The <hi>Roman</hi> Laws brought in, but disowned. An instance in the <hi>Wonder-working Parliament.</hi>
                        </p>
                     </argument>
                     <p>AS of old, unless the Shields were laid up, there was no Dancing at Weddings; so except Arms be put aside, there is no pleading of Laws. That Antipathy betwixt Arms and Laws, <hi>England</hi> was all over sensible of, if ever at any time, in the Reign of K. <hi>STEPHEN,</hi> Count of <hi>Blois,</hi> King <hi>Henry</hi>'s Nephew by his Sister <hi>Adela.</hi> For he did not only break the Law and his Oath too to get a Kingdom, but also being sa<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>luted King, by those who perfidiously opposed <hi>Mawd</hi> the right and true heir of King <hi>Henry,</hi> he reigned with an improved wickedness. <q>For he did so strangely and odly chop and change every thing (it is <hi>Malms<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>bury</hi> speaks it) as if he had sworn only for this intent, that he might shew himself to the whole Kingdom, a Dodger and Shammer of his Oath.</q> But, as he saith,
<q>—perjuros merito perjuria fallunt?<note place="margin">
                              <hi>Ovid. Art. Am. lib.</hi> 1.</note>
                        </q>
that is,
<q>
                           <l>Such men as Perjuries do make their Trade,</l>
                           <l>By their own Perjuries most justly are betray'd.</l>
                        </q>
They are things of custom to which he swore, and such as whereby for<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>mer priviledges are ratifed, rather than new ones granted. However, some things there are, that may be worth the transcribing.</p>
                     <p n="41">41. <q>Castles were frequently raised ('tis <hi>Nubrigensis</hi> relates it) in the several Counties by the bandying of parties; and there were in <hi>En<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>gland</hi> in a manner as many Kings, or rather as many Tyrants, as Lords of Castles, having severally the stamping of their own Coin, and a power of giving Law to the Subjects after a Royal manner.</q> Then was the Kingdom plainly torn to pieces, and the right of Majesty shattered, which gains to it self not the least lustre from stamping of Money. Though I know very well, that before the <hi>Normans,</hi>
                        <note place="margin">V. Leg. Athel<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>stan. 14.</note> in the City of <hi>Ro<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>chester, Canterbury,</hi> and in other Corporations and Towns, Abbots and Bishops had by right of priviledge their Stampers and Coiners of Money.</p>
                     <p n="42">42. Next to the King, <hi>Theobald</hi> Arch Bishop of <hi>Canterbury</hi> presided over the Council of <hi>London</hi> (where there were also present the Peers of the Realm) which buzzed with new appeals.<q> For in <hi>England</hi> (tis <hi>Henry of Huntington</hi> sayes it) appeals were not in use, till <hi>Henry</hi> Bishop of <hi>Winchester,</hi> when he was Legate, cruelly intruded them to his own mischief.</q> Wherefore what Cardinal <hi>Bellarmin</hi> has writ,<note place="margin">Bellarm. l. 2. de Rom. Pou<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tif. c. 21.</note> be<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ginning
<pb n="68" facs="tcp:108529:53"/>
at the Synod of <hi>Sardis,</hi> concerning the no body knows how old time of the universal right of appealing to the Pope of <hi>Rome,</hi> does not at all, as to matter of fact, seem to touch upon this Kingdom of ours by many and many a fair mile.</p>
                     <p n="43">43. <q>In the time of King <hi>Stephen</hi> (so 'tis in the <hi>Polycraticon</hi> of <hi>John of Salisbury</hi>) the <hi>Roman</hi> Laws were banisht the Realm,<note place="margin">Polycrat. l. 8. c. 22.</note> which the Ho<gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                              <desc>•</desc>
                           </gap>se of the Right Reverend <hi>Theobald</hi> Lord Primate of <hi>Britanny</hi> had fetcht or sent for over into <hi>Britanny.</hi> Besides, it was forbidden by Royal Pro<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>clamation, that no one should retain or keep by him the Books.</q> If you understand the Laws of the Empire (I rather take them to be the Decrees of the Popes) it will not be much amiss, out of the Parlia<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ment Records to adjoyn these things of later date. In the Parliament holden by <hi>Richard</hi> of <hi>Bourdeaux,</hi> which is said to have <hi>wrought Wonders,</hi> Upon the Impeachment of <hi>Alexander Nevil</hi> Arch-Bishop of <hi>Canterbury, Robert Uere</hi> Duke of <hi>Ireland, Michael Pole</hi> Earl of <hi>Suffolk, Thomas</hi> Duke of <hi>Glocester, Richard</hi> Earl of <hi>Arundel, Thomas Beauchamp</hi> Earl of <hi>Warwick,</hi> and others, That they being intrusted with the management of the Kingdom, by soothing up the easie and youthful temper of the King, did assist one another for their own private interest, more than the publick, well near to the ruine and overthrow of the Government it self; the Common Lawyers and Civilians are consulted with, about the form of drawing up the Charge; which they answer all as one man, was not agreeable to the rule of the Laws. But the Barons of Par<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>liament reply, That they would be tyed up to no rules, nor be led by the punctilioes of the <hi>Roman</hi> Law, but would by their own authority pass judgement;<note place="margin">Rot. Parl. 11 Rich. 2.</note> 
                        <hi>pur ce que la royalme d' Angleterre n' estoit devant ces heures, n'y à l' entent de nostre dit Seigneur le Roy &amp; Seigneurs de Parlament unque ne serra rules ne gouvernes per la Loy Civil:</hi> that is, <hi>inasmuch as the Realm of</hi> England <hi>was not before this time, nor in the intention of our said Lord the King and the Lords of Parliament ever shall be ruled or governed by the Civil Law.</hi> And hereupon the persons impleaded are sentenced to be banished.</p>
                     <p>But here is an end of <hi>Stephen:</hi> He fairly dyed.</p>
                  </div>
                  <div n="10" type="chapter">
                     <pb n="69" facs="tcp:108529:53"/>
                     <head>CHAP. X. </head>
                     <argument>
                        <p>In King <hi>Henry</hi> the Seconds time, the Castles demolished. A Par<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>liament held at <hi>Clarendon.</hi> Of the Advowson and Presentation of Churches. Estates not to be given to Monasteries without the Kings leave. Clergymen to answer in the Kings Court. A Cler<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>gyman convict, out of the Churches Protection. None to go out of the Realm, without the Kings leave. This Repealed by King <hi>John.</hi> Excommunicate Persons to find Surety. Laymen how to be impleaded in the Ecclesiastical Court. A Lay-Jury to swear there, in what case. No Homager or Officer of the Kings to be Excommunicated, till He or his Justice be acquainted.</p>
                     </argument>
                     <p>AT length, though late first, <hi>Henry</hi> the Son of <hi>Jeoffry Plantagenet,</hi> Count of <hi>Angers</hi> by the Empress <hi>Mawd,</hi> came to his Grandfatherrs Inheritance. Having demolished and levelled to the ground, the Ca<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>stles which had, in King <hi>Stephen</hi>'s time, been built, to the number of eleven hundred and fifteen; and having retrieved the right of Majesty in<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>to its due bounds, he confirmed the Laws of his Grandfather. <q>More<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>over, at <hi>Clarendon</hi> in <hi>Wiltshire,</hi> near <hi>Salisbury, John</hi> of <hi>Oxford</hi> being President, by the Kings own Mandate, there being also present the Arch-Bishops, Bishops, Abbots, Priors, Earls, Barons, and Peers of the Realm, other Laws are recognized and passed; </q>whilst at first those who were for the <hi>King</hi> on one side, those who were for the <hi>Pope</hi> on the other, with might and main stickle to have it go their way; these latter pleading, that the secular Court of Justice did not at all suit with them, upon pretence that they had a priviledge of Immunity. But this would not serve their turn; for such kind of Constitutions as we are now setting down, had the Vogue.</p>
                     <p n="44">44. <q>If any Controversie concerning the Advowson and Presenta<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tion of Churches, arise betwixt Laymen, or betwixt Laymen and Cler<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>gymen, or betwixt Clergymen among themselves; let it be handled and determined in the Court of the Lord our King.</q>
                     </p>
                     <p n="45">45. <q>The Churches which are in the Kings Fee, cannot be given to perpetuity without his assent and concession.<note place="margin">Camden.</note>
                        </q> Even in the <hi>Saxons</hi> times it seems it was not lawful, without the Kings favour first obtained, to give away Estates to Monasteries; for so the old Book of <hi>Abington</hi> says. <q>A Servant of King <hi>Ethelred</hi>'s called <hi>Vlfric Spot,</hi> built the Abby of <hi>Bur<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ton</hi> in <hi>Staffordshire,</hi> and gave to it all his Paternal Estate,<note place="margin">A. 1004.</note> appraised at seven hundred pounds; and that this donation might be good in Law, he gave King <hi>Ethelred</hi> three hundred Marks of Gold for his confirmati<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>on of it, and to every Bishop five Marks, and over and above to <hi>Alfric</hi> Arch-Bishop of <hi>Canterbury,</hi> the Village of <hi>Dumbleton.</hi>
                        </q>
                     </p>
                     <p n="46">46. <q>Clergymen being arighted and accused of any matter whatso<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ever, having been summoned by the Kings Justice, let them come into his Court, there to make answer to that, of which it shall be thought
<pb n="70" facs="tcp:108529:54"/>
fit that there answer ought to be made: So that the Kings Justice send into the Court of Holy Church, to see after what manner the business there shall be handled.</q>
                     </p>
                     <p n="47">47. <q>If a Clergyman shall be convicted, or shall confess the Fact; the Church ought not from thenceforth to give him protection.</q>
                     </p>
                     <p n="48">48. <q>It is not lawful for Arch-Bishops, Bishops, and Persons of the Kingdom, to go out of the Realm without leave of our Lord the King: And if they do go out, if the King please, they shall give him security, that neither in going, nor in returning, or in making stay, they seek or devise any mischief or damage against our Lord the King.</q> Whether you refer that Writ, we meet with in the Register or Record, <hi>NE EXEAS REGNVM,</hi> for Subjects not to depart the Kingdom to this time or instance, or with <hi>Polydore Virgil</hi> to <hi>William Rufus,</hi> or to la<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ter times, is no very great matter: Nor will it be worth our while, cu<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>riously to handle that question: For who, in things of such uncertainty, is able to fetch out the truth? Nor will I abuse my leasure, or spend time about things unapproachable.
<q>
                           <note place="margin">
                              <hi>Metamor. l.</hi> 10.</note>An sit &amp; hic dubito, sed &amp; hic tamen auguror esse.</q>
Says the Poet in another case: And so say I.
<q>
                           <l>Whether it be here or no,</l>
                           <l>Is a Question, I confess:</l>
                           <l>And yet for all that, I trow,</l>
                           <l>Here it is too, as I guess.</l>
                        </q>
                     </p>
                     <p>Out of King <hi>John</hi>'s great Charter, as they call it, you may also com<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>pare or make up this Repeal of that Law in part. <q>Let it be lawful hence<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>forward for any one to go out of our Realm, and to return safely and securely by Land and by Water, upon our Royal word; unless in time of War, for some short time, for the common advantage of the King<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>dom; excepting those that are imprisoned and out-lawed according to the Law of the Kingdom, and any People or Nation, that are in actual War against us: And Merchants, concerning whom let such Order be taken, as is afore directed.</q> I return to King <hi>Henry.</hi>
                     </p>
                     <q>
                        <p n="49">49. Excommunicate Persons ought not to give suretiship for the Re<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>mainder, nor to take an Oath; but only to find Surety and Pledge, to stand to the Judgment of the Church, that they may be ab<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>solved.</p>
                        <p n="50">50. Persons of the Laity ought not to be accused or impleaded but by certain and legal Accusers and Witnesses, in the presence of the Arch-Bishop or Bishop; so that the Arch Deacon may not lose his right, nor any thing which he ought to have therefrom.</p>
                        <p n="51">
                           <pb n="71" facs="tcp:108529:54"/>51. If they be such Persons who are in fault, as no one will or dare to accuse; let the Sheriff being thereunto required by him, cause twelve legal men of the Voisinage or of the Village, to swear before the Bi<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>shop, that they will manifest or make known the truth of the matter according to their Conscience.</p>
                        <p n="52">52. Let no one who holds of the King in <hi>capite,</hi> nor any one of the Kings Officers or Servants of his Domain, be excommunicated; nor the Lands of any of them be put under an Interdict or prohibition; un<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>less first our Lord the King, if he be in the Land, be spoke with; or his Justice, if he be out of the Land, that they may do right by him: And so that what shall appertain to the Kings Court, may be determined there; and as to what shall belong to the Ecclesiastical Court, it may be sent thither and there treated of.</p>
                     </q>
                  </div>
                  <div n="20" type="chapter">
                     <pb n="72" facs="tcp:108529:55"/>
                     <head>CHAP. XI.</head>
                     <argument>
                        <p> Other Laws of Church affairs. Concerning Appeals. A Suit betwixt a Clergyman and a Layman, where to be Tryed: In what case one, who relates to the King, may be put under an Interdict. The difference betwixt that and Excommunication. Bishops to be present at Tryals of Criminals, until Sentence of Death, <hi>&amp;c.</hi> pass. Profits of vacant Bishopricks, <hi>&amp;c.</hi> belong to the King. The next Bishop to be Chosen in the Kings Chappel, and to do Homage before Consecration. Deforcements to the Bishop, to be righted by the King. And on the contrary, Chattels forfeit to the King, not to be detained by the Church. Pleas of debts what<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>soever in the Kings Court. Yeomens Sons not to go into Orders without the Lords leave.</p>
                     </argument>
                     <p n="53">
                        <note place="margin">V. Rog. Hove<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>den. fol. 303.</note>53. <q>COncerning Appeals, if at any time there shall be occasion for them, they are to proceed from the Arch-Deacon to the Bi<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>shop, and from the Bishop to the Arch-Bishop; and if the Arch-Bishop shall be wanting in doing of Justice, they must come in the last place to our Lord the King; that by his precept or order, the Controversie may be determined in the Arch-Bishops Court, so as that it ought not to proceed any further without the Kings assent.</q> This Law, long since, the famous Sir <hi>Edward Coke</hi> made use of, to assert and main<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tain the Kings Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction,<note place="margin">Coke praesat. ad Lib. 6.</note> as a thing not of late taken up by him, but anciently to him belonging.</p>
                     <q>
                        <p n="54">54. If a Claim or Suit shall arise betwixt a Clergyman and a Lay<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>man, or betwixt a Layman and a Clergyman, concerning any Tene<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ment which the Clergyman would draw to the Church, and the Lay<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>man to a Lay-fee; it shall by the recognizance of twelve legal men, upon the consideration and advisement of the Lord Chief Justice, be de<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>termined, whether the Tenement do appertain to Alms (<hi>i. e.</hi> to the Church) or to Lay-Estate, before the Kings own Justice. And if it shall be recognized or adjudged to appertain to Alms; it shall be a Plea in the Ecclesiastical Court: But if to a Lay-fee, unless they both avow or avouch the Tenement from the same Bishop or Baron, it shall be a Plea in the Kings Court. But if each of them shall for that fee avouch the same Bishop or Baron, it shall be a Plea in that Bishops or Barons Court; so that he who was formerly seised, shall not, by reason of the Recognizance made, lose the Seisin, till it shall by Plea be deraigned.</p>
                        <p n="55">55. He who shall be of a City, or a Castle, or a Burrough, or a Manner of the Kings Domain, if he shall be cited by an Arch-Deacon or a Bishop, upon any misdemeanour, upon which he ought to make answer to him, and refuse to satisfie upon their summons or citations; they may well and lawfully put him under an Interdict or Prohibition; but he ought not to be Excommunicated.</p>
                     </q>
                     <p n="55"> (By the way) seasonably re<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>mark out of the Pontificial Law, that that <hi>Excommunication,</hi> they call
<pb n="73" facs="tcp:108529:55"/>
the greater, removes a man and turns him out from the very Communi<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>on and Fellowship of the Faithful; and that an <hi>Interdict,</hi> as the lesser Excommunication, separates a man, and lays him aside only, forbidding him to be present at Divine Offices, and the use of the Sacraments.) <q>I say he ought not to be Excommunicated, before that the Kings Chief Justice of that Village or City be spoken with, that he may order him to come to satisfaction: And if the Kings Justice fail therein, he shall be at the Kings mercy, and thereupon or after that the Bishop may pu<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>nish him upon his impleadment, with the Justice of the Church.</q>
                     </p>
                     <q>
                        <p n="56">56. Arch-Bishops, B<gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                              <desc>•</desc>
                           </gap>shops, and all Persons whatsoever of the King<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>dom, who hold of the King <hi>in capite,</hi> and have their possessions from our Lord the King in nature of a Barony, and thereupon make answer to the Kings Justices and Officers, and perform all Rights and Customs due to the King as other Barons do; they ought to be present at the Tryals of the Court of our Lord the King with his Barons, until the losing of Limbs or death, be adjudged to the party tried.</p>
                        <p n="57">57. When an Arch-Bishoprick or Bishoprick, or Abbacy, or Priory of the Kings Domain shall be void; it ought to be in his hand, and thereof shall he receive all the profits and issues as belonging to his Do<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>main: And when the Church is to be provided for, our Lord the King is to order some choice persons of the Church, and the Election is to be made in the Kings own Chappel, by the assent of our Lord the King, and by the advice of those persons of the Kingdom, whom he shall call for that purpose; and there shall the Person Elect (saving his order) before he be Consecrated, do Homage and Fealty to our Lord the King, as to his Liege Lord, for his life and limbs, and for his Earthly Ho<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>nour.</p>
                        <p n="58">58. If any one of the Nobles or Peers do deforce to do Justice to an Arch-Bishop, Bishop, or Arch-Deacon, for themselves or those that belong to them; the King in this case is to do justice.</p>
                        <p n="59">59. If peradventure any one shall deforce to the Lord the King his Right; the Arch-Bishop, Bishop, and Arch-Deacon, ought then in that case to do justice (or to take a course with him) that he may give the King satisfaction.</p>
                        <p n="60">60. The Chattels of those who are in the Kings forfeit, let not the Church or Church-yard detain or keep back against the justice of the King; because they are the Kings own, whether they shall be found in Churches or without.</p>
                        <p n="61">61. Pleas of debts which are owing, either with security given, or without giving security, let them be in the Kings Court.</p>
                        <p n="62">62. The Sons of Yeomen or Country people, ought not to be ordain<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ed or go into holy Orders, without the assent of the Lord, of whose Land they are known to have been born.</p>
                     </q>
                  </div>
                  <div n="12" type="chapter">
                     <pb n="74" facs="tcp:108529:56"/>
                     <head>CHAP. XII. </head>
                     <argument>
                        <p>The Statutes of <hi>Clarendon</hi> mis-reported in <hi>Matthew Paris,</hi> a<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>mended in <hi>Quadrilegus.</hi> These Laws occasioned a Quarrel be<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tween the King and <hi>Thomas a Becket.</hi> Witness <hi>Robert</hi> of <hi>Glocester,</hi> whom he calls <hi>Yumen.</hi> The same as <hi>Rusticks,</hi> i. e. <hi>Villains.</hi> Why a Bishop of <hi>Dublin</hi> called <hi>Scorch-Uil<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>lein.</hi> Villanage before the <hi>Normans</hi> time.</p>
                     </argument>
                     <p>I Confess there is a great difference between these Laws and the Sta<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tutes of <hi>Clarendon,</hi> put forth in the larger History of <hi>Matthew Paris,</hi> I mean those mangled ones; and in some places, what through great gaps of sence, disjointings of Sentences, and misplacings of words, much depraved ones, whose misfortune I ascribe to the carelesness of Transcri<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>bers. But the latter end of a Manuscript Book commonly called <hi>Quadri<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>legus,</hi> (wherein the Life of <hi>Thomas,</hi> Arch-Bishop of <hi>Canterbury,</hi> is out of four Writers, to wit, <hi>Hubert</hi> of <hi>Boseham, John</hi> of <hi>Salisbury, William</hi> of <hi>Canterbury,</hi> and <hi>Alan,</hi> Abbot of <hi>Tewksbury,</hi> digested into one Volume) hath holp us to them amended as you may see here, and set to rights. It is none of our business to touch upon those quarrels, which arose upon the account of these Laws betwixt the King and <hi>Thomas</hi> of <hi>Canterbury:</hi> Our Historians do sufficiently declare them. In the mean time, may our Poet of <hi>Glocester</hi> have leave to return upon the Stage, and may his Verses written in ancient Dialect, comprising the matter which we have in hand, be favourably entertained.</p>
                     <q>
                        <l>No man ne might thenche the love that there was</l>
                        <l>Bitwene the K. H. and the good man S. Thomas;</l>
                        <l>The diuel had enui therto, and fed bitwen them feu,</l>
                        <l>Alas, alas thulke stond, vor all to well it greu.</l>
                        <l>Uor there had ere ibe kings of Luther dede</l>
                        <l>As W. Bastard, and his son W. the rede.</l>
                        <l>That Luther Laws made inou, and held in al the lond</l>
                        <l>The K. nold not beleue the lawes that he fond,</l>
                        <l>Ne that his elderne hulde, ne the godeman S. Thomas</l>
                        <l>Thought that thing age right neuer law nas.</l>
                        <l>Ne sothnes and custom mid strength up ihold,</l>
                        <l>And he wist that vre dere Lourd in the Gospel told</l>
                        <l>That he himselfe was sothnes, and custum nought,</l>
                        <l>Theruore Luther custumes he nould graent nought.</l>
                        <l>Ne the K. nould bileue that is elderne ad ihold,</l>
                        <l>So that conteke sprung bituene them manifold.</l>
                        <l>The K. drou to right law mani Luther custume,</l>
                        <l>S. Thomas they withsed, and granted some.</l>
                        <l>The Lawes that icholle now tell he granted vawe.</l>
                        <l>Zuf a yuman hath a sone to clergi idraw</l>
                        <l>He ne sall without is lourdes icrouned nought be</l>
                        <l>Uor yuman ne mai nought be made agen is lourds will free.</l>
                     </q>
                     <p>
                        <pb n="75" facs="tcp:108529:56"/>Those that are born Slaves, or that other sort of servants termed <hi>Vil<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>lains,</hi> he calls by the name of <hi>Yumen.</hi> We call free-born Commoners, alike as Servants, as it were with a badg of ignobleness or ungentility,<note place="margin">40 Assi<gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                              <desc>•</desc>
                           </gap>. pl. 21. &amp; 32. Ed. 3. ti<gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                              <desc>•</desc>
                           </gap>. Barr. 2<gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                              <desc>•</desc>
                           </gap>1.</note> 
                        <hi>Yeomen;</hi> and those who of that number are married men, <hi>Gommen</hi>; for it was <hi>Gomman</hi> in the old <hi>Dutch,</hi> not <hi>Goodman,</hi> as we vulgarly pronounce it, which signified a married man. Words, as I am verily perswaded, made from the Latin, <hi>Homines</hi>; which very word, by <hi>En<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>nius</hi> and <hi>Festus,</hi> according to the <hi>Oscan</hi> Idiom, is written <hi>Hemones,</hi> and in our Language, which comes pretty near that spelling of the Poet, <hi>Yeomen.</hi> And the <hi>Etymon</hi> or Origination of the word it self, is very much confirmed by the opinion of some of our own Country Lawyers, who take (but with a mistake) <hi>Homines, i. e.</hi> men that do homage, and <hi>Nativos, i. e.</hi> born Slaves, in ancient Pleas to be terms equipollent, and of the same importance. The Constitution of <hi>Clarendon</hi> style those <hi>Ru<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>sticks</hi> or Countrymen, whom he calls <hi>Yumen;</hi> and <hi>Rusticks</hi> and <hi>Villains</hi> (those among the <hi>English</hi> were slaves or servants) were anciently synony<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>mous words, meaning the same thing. For whereas <hi>Henry Londres,</hi> Arch Bishop of <hi>Dublin,</hi> had treacherously committed to the flames, the Charters of his Rustick Tenants, the Free Tenants called him, as we read in the Annals of <hi>Ireland, Scorch-Uillein;</hi> as if one would say,<note place="margin">Annal. Hiber. 1212. sub Henr. 3. Malmsb. l. 2. de gest. reg. c. 8. &amp; Ingulph. fol. 519.</note> the burner or firer of Villains.</p>
                     <p>Nor should I think it unseasonable in this place, to take notice of a mistake or oversight of <hi>Thomas Spott,</hi> a Monk of <hi>Canterbury;</hi> who writes, that the <hi>English,</hi> before the <hi>Norman</hi> Conquest, knew nothing of private servitude or bondage; <hi>i. e.</hi> had no such thing as Villanage among them: For he is convinced both by the Maid of <hi>Andover,</hi> King <hi>Edgar</hi>'s Miss,<note place="margin">Malmsb. l. 1. de gest. Pont.</note> as also by the Laws signed and sealed by King <hi>Ina,</hi> and by that Donation or Grant <hi>Torald</hi> of <hi>Buk<gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                              <desc>•</desc>
                           </gap>nhale</hi> made to <hi>Walgate,</hi> Abbot of <hi>Crowland</hi>; wherein among other things a great many servants are mentioned, with their whole suits and services. Take it also out of the Synod of <hi>London, Anselme</hi> being President of it (since here belike there is mention made of Servants) <hi>That no one henceforward presume to use that ungodly practice, which hitherto they were wont in</hi> England <hi>to do, to sell, or put to sale, men,</hi> (that is, <hi>Servants) like brute Beasts.</hi>
                     </p>
                     <p>But we do not do civilly to interrupt the Poet: We must begin again with him; he once more tunes his Pipes.</p>
                     <q>
                        <lg>
                           <l>Another thing he granted eke as ye mow novise;</l>
                           <l>Yuf a man of holi Chirch hath eni lay fee,</l>
                           <l>Parson, other what he be, he ssal do therevore</l>
                           <l>Kings service that there valth, that is right ne be vorlore,</l>
                           <l>In plaiding and in assise be and in judgement also.</l>
                           <l>Bote war man ssal be bilemed, other to deth ido.</l>
                           <l>He granted eke yuf eni man the Kings traitor were,</l>
                           <l>And eni man is chateux to holi chirch bere</l>
                           <l>That holi chirch ne solde nought the chateux there let</l>
                           <l>That the K. there other is as is owne is ne wette.</l>
                           <l>Uor all that the felon hath the Kings it is</l>
                           <l>And eche man mai in holi church is owne take iwis.</l>
                           <l>He granted eke that a chirche of the Kings fe</l>
                           <l>In none stede ene and ever ne ssold igiue be</l>
                           <l>
                              <pb n="76" facs="tcp:108529:57"/>As to hous of religion, without the Kings leve,</l>
                           <l>And that he other the patron the gift first gave.</l>
                           <l>S. Thomas granted well these and other mo</l>
                           <l>And these other he withsede that did him well woe.</l>
                        </lg>
                        <lg n="1">
                           <l>I. Yuf bituene twei leud men were eni striving,</l>
                           <l>Other bituene a leud and a clerc, for holi chirch thing</l>
                           <l>As vor vouson of chirch whether shold the chirch giue,</l>
                           <l>The K. wold that in his court the ple ssold be driue;</l>
                           <l>Uor as much as a leud man that the o parti was</l>
                           <l>Chanliche was under the K. &amp; under no bishop nas.</l>
                        </lg>
                     </q>
                  </div>
                  <div n="13" type="chapter">
                     <pb n="77" facs="tcp:108529:57"/>
                     <head>CHAP. XIII. </head>
                     <argument>
                        <p>The Poet gives account which of those Laws were granted by <hi>Thomas a Becket,</hi> which withstood. <hi>Lendemen</hi> signifies Laymen, and more generally all illiterate Persons.</p>
                     </argument>
                     <p>THat which this Author of ours calls <hi>Leudemen,</hi> the Interpreters of Law, both our Common and the Canon Law call <hi>Laicks,</hi> or <hi>Laymen.</hi> For as <gap reason="foreign">
                           <desc>〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉</desc>
                        </gap>, <hi>i. e.</hi> people, as it it is derived by <hi>Caesar Germanicus,</hi> upon <hi>Aratus</hi> his <hi>Phaenomena</hi> after <hi>Pindar,</hi> 
                        <gap reason="foreign">
                           <desc>〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉</desc>
                        </gap>, <hi>i. e.</hi> from a <hi>Stone,</hi>
                        <note place="margin">
                           <p>Caes. Germ. ad Arat. in Aqua<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>rio.</p>
                           <p>Pindar. Olym. 9.</p>
                        </note> denotes a hard and promiscuous kind of men; so the word <hi>Leudes</hi> im<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ports the illiterate herd, the multitude or rabble, and all those who are not taken into holy Orders. <hi>Justus Lipsius</hi> in his <hi>Poliorceticks,</hi> discour<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ses this at large;<note place="margin">Lips. Polior<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>cet. lib. 1. dis<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>sert. 2.</note> where he searches out the origination of <hi>Leodium</hi> or <hi>Liege,</hi> the chief City of the <hi>Eburones</hi> in the <hi>Netherlands.</hi> As to what concerns our language, <hi>John Gower</hi> and <hi>Jeoffry Chaucer,</hi> who were the Reformers and Improvers of the same in Verse, do both make it good. Thus <hi>Jeoffry.</hi>
                        <note place="margin">Chauc. in Pro<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>log. of the Sumners tale.</note>
                        <q>
                           <l>No wonder is a leude man to rust</l>
                           <l>If a Priest be foule on whom we trust.</l>
                        </q>
However, that it signifies an illiterate or unlearned person, as well as one not yet in orders; what he saith elsewhere, informs us.
<q>This every leud Uicar and Parson can say.</q>
And <hi>Peter</hi> of <hi>Blois,</hi> and others, use this expression;<note place="margin">Pet. Blesens. app. ad In<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>gulph.</note> 
                        <hi>as well Laymen as Scholars.</hi> But let not <hi>Chaucer</hi> take it ill, that here he must give way to our <hi>Glocester</hi> Muse.</p>
                     <q>
                        <lg n="2">
                           <l>II. Another was that no cl<gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                                 <desc>•</desc>
                              </gap>re, ne bishop nath mo,</l>
                           <l>Ne ssolde without Kings loue out of the lond go.</l>
                           <l>And that hii ssolde suere up the boke ywis.</l>
                           <l>That hii ne sold purchas no uvel the K. ne none of is.</l>
                        </lg>
                        <lg n="3">
                           <l>III. The thrid was yuf eni man in mausing were I brought,</l>
                           <l>And suth come to amendment, ne age were nought</l>
                           <l>That he ne suore <gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                                 <desc>•</desc>
                              </gap>p the boc, ac borowes find solde</l>
                           <l>To stand to that holy Chirch there of him toky wold.</l>
                        </lg>
                        <lg n="4">
                           <l>IV. The verth was that no man that of the K. huld ought</l>
                           <l>In cheife or in eni servise in mausing were ibrought,</l>
                           <l>Bote the wardeins of holy chirch that brought him thereto,</l>
                           <l>The K. sede or is bailifes wat he ad misdo,</l>
                           <l>And loked verst were thei to amendment it bring,</l>
                           <l>And vote hii wolde by their leue do the mausing.</l>
                        </lg>
                        <lg n="5">
                           <l>V. The vist was, that bishoprikes and Abbeis also</l>
                           <l>That vacans were of prelas in the K. hand were ido,</l>
                           <l>
                              <pb n="78" facs="tcp:108529:58"/>And that the K. sold all the land as is owne take,</l>
                           <l>Uort at last that him lust eni prelat there make.</l>
                           <l>And than thulke prelat sould in is chapel ichose be.</l>
                           <l>Of is clarks which he wuld to such prelace bise.</l>
                           <l>And than wan he were ichose in is chapel right yere,</l>
                           <l>Homage he solde him do ar he confirmed were.</l>
                        </lg>
                        <lg n="6">
                           <l>VI. The sixt was yuf eni play to chapitle were idraw,</l>
                           <l>And eni man made is appele, yuf me dude him unlaw,</l>
                           <l>That to the Bishop from Ercedeken is appele sold make,</l>
                           <l>And from Bishop to Arcebissop and suth none other take,</l>
                           <l>And but the Ercebisops court to right him wold bring,</l>
                           <l>That he sold from him be cluthe biuore the King.</l>
                           <l>And from the K. non other mo so that attan end</l>
                           <l>Plaining of holi chirch to the K. shold wend.</l>
                           <l>And the K. amend solde the Ercebissops dede,</l>
                           <l>And be as in the Popes stude, and S. Thomas it withsede.</l>
                        </lg>
                        <lg n="7">
                           <l>VII. The seuethe was that plaiding that of det were</l>
                           <l>To yeld wel thoru truth iplight, and nought ihold nere</l>
                           <l>Althei thoru truth it were, that ple sold be ibrought</l>
                           <l>Biuore the K. and is bailies and to holy chirch nought.</l>
                        </lg>
                        <lg n="8">
                           <l>VIII. The eighth that in the lond citation none nere</l>
                           <l>Thoru bull of the Pope of Rome, and clene bileued were.</l>
                        </lg>
                        <lg n="9">
                           <l>IX. The nithe was that Peters pence that me gadereth manion</l>
                           <l>The Pope nere nought on isend, ac the K. echone.</l>
                        </lg>
                        <lg n="10">
                           <l>X. The tethe was yuf eni Clarke as felon were itake,</l>
                           <l>And vor felon iproved and ne might it not forsake,</l>
                           <l>That me sold him verst disordein and suth thoru there law,</l>
                           <l>And thoru judgement of the land hong him other to draw.</l>
                           <l>Uor these and vor other mo the Godeman S. Thomas</l>
                           <l>Fleu verst out of England and eke imartred was,</l>
                           <l>Uor he sei there nas bote o way other he must stiffe be</l>
                           <l>Other holy chirch was isent, that of right was so fre.</l>
                        </lg>
                     </q>
                  </div>
                  <div n="14" type="chapter">
                     <pb n="79" facs="tcp:108529:58"/>
                     <head>CHAP. XIV. </head>
                     <argument>
                        <p>The Pope absolves <hi>Thoms a Becket</hi> from his Oath, and damns the Laws of <hi>Clarendon.</hi> The King resents it, writes to his She<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>riffs, Orders a Seisure. Penalties inflicted on Kindred. He provides against an Interdict from <hi>Rome.</hi> He summons the Bi<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>shops of <hi>London</hi> and <hi>Norwich.</hi> An Account of <hi>Peter</hi> Pence.</p>
                     </argument>
                     <p>TO the Laws of <hi>Clarendon,</hi> which I spoke of, the States of the King<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>dom (the <hi>Baronage</hi>) and with them the Arch-Bishop of <hi>Canterbu<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ry,</hi> took their Oaths in solemn manner, calling upon God. There were Embassadors sent to Pope <hi>Alexander</hi> the third, that there might be that bottom also, that he would further confirm and ratifie them. But he was so far from doing that, that he did not only pretend that they did too much derogate from the priviledge of the Clergy, and wholly refuse to give his assent to them; but also having absolved <hi>Thomas</hi> the Arch-Bishop, at his own request, from the obligation of that Oath he had bound himself with, he condemned them as impious, and such as made against the interest and honour of holy Church. King <hi>Henry,</hi> as soon as he heard of it, took it, as it was fit he should, very much in dudgeon; grievously and most deservedly storming at the insolence of the <hi>Roman</hi> Court, and the Treachery of the Bishop of <hi>Canterbury.</hi> Immediately Letters were dispatcht to the several Sheriffs of the respective Counties, <q>That if any Clerk or Layman in their Bayliwicks, should appeal to the Court of <hi>Rome,</hi> they should seise him and take him into firm custody; till the King give order what his pleasure is: And that they should seise into the Kings hand, and for his use, all the Revenues and Possessions of the Arch-Bishops Clerks; and of all the Clerks that are with the Arch-Bishop; they should put by way of safe pledge the Fathers, Mothers, and Sisters, Nephews and Neeces, and their Chattels, till the King give order what his pleasure is.</q> I have told the Story out of <hi>Matthew Paris.</hi>
                     </p>
                     <p>You see in this instance a penalty, where there is no fault: It affects or reaches to their Kindred both by Marriage and Blood; a thing not un<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>usual in the declension of the <hi>Roman</hi> Empire after <hi>Augustus</hi> his time. <hi>But let misdemeanors hold or oblige those who are the Authors of them</hi> (was the Order of <hi>Arcadius</hi> and <hi>Honorius,</hi> Emperors,<note place="margin">C. de poeni<gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                              <desc>•</desc>
                           </gap>. l. 21. sanci<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>mus.</note> to the Lord Chief Justice <hi>Eu<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tychianus) nor let the fear of punishment proceed further than the offence is found.</hi> A very usual right among the <hi>English,</hi> whereby bating the ta<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>king away the Civil Rights of Blood and Nobility,<note place="margin">V. Canut. leg. 74.</note> none of the Posterity or Family of those who lose their honours, do for the most hainous crimes of their Parents, undergo any p<gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="2 letters">
                           <desc>••</desc>
                        </gap>al<gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                           <desc>•</desc>
                        </gap>ies.</p>
                     <p>But this was not all, in those Letters I mentioned, he added threats also.</p>
                     <p n="63">63. <q>If any one shall be found carrying Letters or a Mandate from the Pope, of <hi>Thomas,</hi> Arch-Bishop of <hi>Canterbury,</hi> containing an interdiction of Christian Religion in <hi>England,</hi> let him be seised and kept in hold, and let Justice be done upon him without delay, as a Traitor against the King and Kingdom.</q> This <hi>Roger</hi> of <hi>Hoveden</hi> stands by, ready to witness.</p>
                     <p n="64">
                        <pb n="80" facs="tcp:108529:59"/>64. <q>Let the Bishops of <hi>London</hi> and <hi>Norwich</hi> be summon'd, that they may be before the Kings Justices to do right (<hi>i. e.</hi> to answer to their charge, and to make satisfaction) that they have contrary to the Statutes of the Kingdom, interdicted the Land of Earl <hi>Hugh,</hi> and have inflicted a sentence of Excommunication upon him.</q> This was <hi>Hugh Bigod,</hi> Earl of <hi>Norfolk.</hi>
                     </p>
                     <p n="65">65. 'Let St. <hi>Peters</hi> pence be collected, or gathered, and kept safe. Those <hi>Pence</hi> were a Tribute or Alms granted first by <hi>Ina</hi> King of the <hi>West-Saxons</hi>; yearly at <hi>Lammas</hi> to be gathered from as many as 'had thirty pence (as we read it in the <hi>Confessor</hi>'s Laws) 'of live mony in their house. These were duly, at a set time, paid in, till the time of <hi>Henry</hi> the eighth, when he set the Government free from the Papal Tyranny: About which time <hi>Polydore Virgil</hi> was upon that account in <hi>England,</hi> Treasurer, or Receiver general.<note place="margin">Fox. in hist. Eccels. Ed. 2. Rescript. dat. 10. Ral. Maii ap. Veterem urbem, Pon<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tificat. 2.</note> I thought fit to set down an ancient brief account of these pence, out of a Rescript of Pope <hi>Gregory</hi> to the Arch-Bishops of <hi>Canterbury</hi> and <hi>York,</hi> in the time of King <hi>Edward</hi> the second.</p>
                     <p>
                        <table>
                           <row>
                              <cell role="label">Diocess</cell>
                              <cell role="label">li.</cell>
                              <cell role="label">s.</cell>
                              <cell role="label">d.</cell>
                           </row>
                           <row>
                              <cell>
                                 <hi>Canterbury</hi>
                              </cell>
                              <cell>07</cell>
                              <cell>18</cell>
                              <cell>00</cell>
                           </row>
                           <row>
                              <cell>
                                 <hi>London</hi>
                              </cell>
                              <cell>16</cell>
                              <cell>10</cell>
                              <cell>00</cell>
                           </row>
                           <row>
                              <cell>
                                 <hi>Rochester</hi>
                              </cell>
                              <cell>05</cell>
                              <cell>12</cell>
                              <cell>00</cell>
                           </row>
                           <row>
                              <cell>
                                 <hi>Norwich</hi>
                              </cell>
                              <cell>21</cell>
                              <cell>10</cell>
                              <cell>00</cell>
                           </row>
                           <row>
                              <cell>
                                 <hi>Ely</hi>
                              </cell>
                              <cell>05</cell>
                              <cell>00</cell>
                              <cell>00</cell>
                           </row>
                           <row>
                              <cell>
                                 <hi>Lincoln</hi>
                              </cell>
                              <cell>42</cell>
                              <cell>00</cell>
                              <cell>00</cell>
                           </row>
                           <row>
                              <cell>
                                 <hi>Coventry</hi>
                              </cell>
                              <cell>10</cell>
                              <cell>05</cell>
                              <cell>00</cell>
                           </row>
                           <row>
                              <cell>
                                 <hi>Chester</hi>
                              </cell>
                              <cell>08</cell>
                              <cell>00</cell>
                              <cell>00</cell>
                           </row>
                           <row>
                              <cell>
                                 <hi>Winchester</hi>
                              </cell>
                              <cell>17</cell>
                              <cell>06</cell>
                              <cell>08</cell>
                           </row>
                           <row>
                              <cell>
                                 <hi>Exceter</hi>
                              </cell>
                              <cell>09</cell>
                              <cell>05</cell>
                              <cell>00</cell>
                           </row>
                           <row>
                              <cell>
                                 <hi>Worcester</hi>
                              </cell>
                              <cell>10</cell>
                              <cell>05</cell>
                              <cell>00</cell>
                           </row>
                           <row>
                              <cell>
                                 <hi>Hereford</hi>
                              </cell>
                              <cell>06</cell>
                              <cell>00</cell>
                              <cell>00</cell>
                           </row>
                           <row>
                              <cell>
                                 <hi>Bath</hi>
                              </cell>
                              <cell>12</cell>
                              <cell>05</cell>
                              <cell>00</cell>
                           </row>
                           <row>
                              <cell>
                                 <hi>York</hi>
                              </cell>
                              <cell>11</cell>
                              <cell>10</cell>
                              <cell>00</cell>
                           </row>
                           <row>
                              <cell>
                                 <hi>Salisbury</hi>
                              </cell>
                              <cell>17</cell>
                              <cell>00</cell>
                              <cell>00</cell>
                           </row>
                        </table>
                     </p>
                     <p>It amounts to three hundred <hi>Marks</hi> and a <hi>Noble</hi>; that is, two hun<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>dred <hi>Pounds</hi> sterling, and six <hi>Shillings</hi> and eight <hi>Pence.</hi>
                     </p>
                     <p>You are not to expect here the murder of <hi>Thomas a Becket,</hi> and the story how King <hi>Henry</hi> was purged of the crime, having been absolved upon hard terms.</p>
                     <q>Conveniunt cymbae vela minora meae.</q>
                     <q>My little Skiff bears not so great a Sail.</q>
                  </div>
                  <div n="15" type="chapter">
                     <pb n="81" facs="tcp:108529:59"/>
                     <head>CHAP. XV. </head>
                     <argument>
                        <p>A Parliament at <hi>Northampton.</hi> Six Circuits ordered. A List of the then Justices. The Jury to be of twelve Knights. Several sorts of Knights. In what cases Honorary Knights to serve in Juries. Those who come to Parliament by right of Peerage, sit as Barons. Those who come by Letters of Summons, are styled Chevaliers.</p>
                     </argument>
                     <p>NOt long after, the King and the Barons meet at <hi>Northampton.</hi> They treat concerning the Laws and the administration of Justice: At length the Kingdom being divided into six Provinces or <hi>Circuits,</hi> there are chosen from among the Lawyers, some, who in every of those Pro<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>vinces might preside in the Seat of Justice, Commissioned by the Name of <hi>Itinerant Justices,</hi> or <hi>Justices in Eyre.</hi> See here the List and Names of those Justices out of <hi>Hoveden.</hi>
                     </p>
                     <list>
                        <item>
                           <hi>Hugh de Cressi. Walter Fitz-Robert. Robert Mantel.</hi> for
<list>
                              <item>
                                 <hi>Norfolk.</hi>
                              </item>
                              <item>
                                 <hi>Suffolk.</hi>
                              </item>
                              <item>
                                 <hi>Cambridge.</hi>
                              </item>
                              <item>
                                 <hi>Huntington.</hi>
                              </item>
                              <item>
                                 <hi>Bedford.</hi>
                              </item>
                              <item>
                                 <hi>Buckingham.</hi>
                              </item>
                              <item>
                                 <hi>Essex.</hi>
                              </item>
                              <item>
                                 <hi>Hertford.</hi>
                              </item>
                           </list>
                        </item>
                        <item>
                           <hi>Hugh de Gundeville. William Fitz-Ralph. William Basset.</hi> for
<list>
                              <item>
                                 <hi>Lincoln.</hi>
                              </item>
                              <item>
                                 <hi>Nottingham.</hi>
                              </item>
                              <item>
                                 <hi>Darby.</hi>
                              </item>
                              <item>
                                 <hi>Stafford.</hi>
                              </item>
                              <item>
                                 <hi>Warwick.</hi>
                              </item>
                              <item>
                                 <hi>Northampton.</hi>
                              </item>
                              <item>
                                 <hi>Leicester.</hi>
                              </item>
                           </list>
                        </item>
                        <item>
                           <hi>Robert Fitz-Bernard. Richard Gifford. Roger Fitz-Reinfrai.</hi> for
<list>
                              <item>
                                 <hi>Kent.</hi>
                              </item>
                              <item>
                                 <hi>Surrey.</hi>
                              </item>
                              <item>
                                 <hi>Southampton.</hi>
                              </item>
                              <item>
                                 <hi>Sussex.</hi>
                              </item>
                              <item>
                                 <hi>Barkshire.</hi>
                              </item>
                              <item>
                                 <hi>Oxford.</hi>
                              </item>
                           </list>
                        </item>
                        <item>
                           <hi>William Fitz-Steeven. Bertam de Uerdun. Turstan Eitz-Simon.</hi> for
<list>
                              <item>
                                 <hi>Hereford.</hi>
                              </item>
                              <item>
                                 <hi>Glocester.</hi>
                              </item>
                              <item>
                                 <hi>Worcester.</hi>
                              </item>
                              <item>
                                 <hi>Shropshire.</hi>
                              </item>
                           </list>
                        </item>
                        <item>
                           <pb n="82" facs="tcp:108529:60"/>
                           <hi>Ralph Fitz-Steeven. William Ruffus. Gilbert Pipard.</hi> for
<list>
                              <item>
                                 <hi>Wiltshire.</hi>
                              </item>
                              <item>
                                 <hi>Dorsetshire.</hi>
                              </item>
                              <item>
                                 <hi>Somersetshire.</hi>
                              </item>
                              <item>
                                 <hi>Devonshire.</hi>
                              </item>
                              <item>
                                 <hi>Cornwall.</hi>
                              </item>
                           </list>
                        </item>
                        <item>
                           <hi>Robert de Wals. Ralph de Glanville. Robert Pikenot.</hi> for
<list>
                              <item>
                                 <hi>York.</hi>
                              </item>
                              <item>
                                 <hi>Richmond.</hi>
                              </item>
                              <item>
                                 <hi>Lancashire.</hi>
                              </item>
                              <item>
                                 <hi>Copland.</hi>
                              </item>
                              <item>
                                 <hi>Westmoreland.</hi>
                              </item>
                              <item>
                                 <hi>Northumberland.</hi>
                              </item>
                              <item>
                                 <hi>Cumberland.</hi>
                              </item>
                           </list>
                        </item>
                     </list>
                     <p>
                        <q>These he made to take an Oath, that they would themselves, <hi>bona fide,</hi> in good faith, and without any deceit or trick, ('tis the same Au<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>thor whose words I make use of) keep the under-written <hi>Assizes,</hi> and cause them inviolably to be kept by the men of the Kingdom.</q> He men<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tions them under this specious Title.</p>
                     <q>The <hi>ASSISES</hi> of King <hi>HENRY,</hi> made at <hi>Clarendon,</hi> and renew<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ed at <hi>Northampton.</hi>
                     </q>
                     <p n="66">66. <q>If any one be called to do right (or be served with a Writ) before the Justices of our Lord the King, concerning Murder, or Theft, or Robbery, or the receiving and harbouring of those who do any such thing; or concerning Forgery, or wicked setting fire of houses, <hi>&amp;c.</hi> let him upon the Oath of twelve Knights of the Hundred; or if there be no Knights there, then upon the Oath of twelve free and lawful men, and upon the Oath of four men out of each Village of the Hundred, let him go to the Ordeal of Water, and if he perish, <hi>i. e.</hi> sink, let him lose one foot.</q> The <hi>Knights</hi> who are wanting here, are perhaps those who hold by Knights service, or if you had rather, that hold by Fee; betwixt whom, and those who served in War for wages or pay, which in the Books of Fees are called <hi>Solidatae</hi> (the same peradventure as by <hi>Cae<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>sar</hi> are termed <hi>Soldurii,</hi>
                        <note place="margin">Caes. comm. l. 3. Ath. dipn. l. 6. Feud. l. 2. tit. 20. Otho Fris. lib. de Frederic. 1. Radevic. l. 1. c. 26.</note> that is, <hi>Soldiers;</hi> by <hi>Nicolaus Damascenus,</hi> 
                        <gap reason="foreign">
                           <desc>〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉</desc>
                        </gap>, by our Monks, <hi>Bracton, Otho Frisingensis,</hi> and <hi>Radevicus,</hi> in the Camp Laws of <hi>Barbarossa,</hi> are styled <hi>Servientes,</hi> that is, <hi>Serjeants</hi>) there is an apparent difference; both of them being, placed far below the dignity of those honorary Knights, who are called <hi>Equites aurati.</hi>
                     </p>
                     <p>But yet I do very well know, that these <hi>honorary Knights</hi> also were of old time,<note place="margin">
                           <p>Bract. l. 5. de Essoniis, c. 10. &amp; 26 Ed. 3. fo. 57. a. 30 Ed. 3. fol. 2.6. v. 17 Ed. 2. tit.</p>
                           <p>
                              <hi>Attaint.</hi> 60.1<gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                                 <desc>•</desc>
                              </gap> Ed. 3. tit. <hi>Challenge.</hi> 115. Plo. com. fol. 117.8 H. 6. fol. 10.</p>
                        </note> and are now by a most certain right cal<gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                           <desc>•</desc>
                        </gap>ed forth to some Tryals by Jury. To the <hi>Kings Great</hi> or <hi>Grand Assise</hi> (I say) and to a Suit of Law contested, when a Baron of Parliament is Party on one side, <hi>i. e.</hi> Plaintiff or Defendant. To the <hi>Assise,</hi> in that it is the most solemn and honourable way of Tryal, and that which puts an utter end to the claim of the Party that is cast. To such an <hi>unequal suit,</hi> that there may be some equality of Name or Title as to some one, at least, of the Judges (for the <hi>Jury</hi> or twelve men are upon such occasion Judges made)
<pb n="83" facs="tcp:108529:60"/>
and as to the more honourable of the two parties, whether Plaintiff or Defendant. For the <hi>Peers</hi> of Parliament, who are the greater Nobles (amongst whom by reason of their Baronies, <hi>Arch-Bishops</hi> and <hi>Bishops,</hi> heretofore a great many <hi>Abbots)</hi> such as are <hi>Dukes, Marquesses, Earls, Viscounts,</hi> and <hi>Barons;</hi> who though they be distinguished by Order and honorary Titles, yet nevertheless they sit in Parliament, only as they are <hi>Barons</hi> of the Realm. And those who at the Kings pleasure are called in by Letters of summons, as Lawyers term it, are styled <hi>Chevaliers,</hi> not <hi>Barons.</hi> For that of <hi>Chevalier</hi> was a Title of Dig<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>nity; this of <hi>Baron</hi> anciently rather of Wealth, and great Estate. Which Title only such Writs of Summons bestowed till <hi>Richard</hi> the seconds time, who was the first that by Patent made <hi>John Beau<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>champ</hi> of <hi>Holt,</hi> Baron of <hi>Kiderminster:</hi> Now both ways are in fashion.</p>
                  </div>
                  <div n="16" type="chapter">
                     <pb n="84" facs="tcp:108529:61"/>
                     <head>CHAP. XVI. </head>
                     <argument>
                        <p>The person convict by <hi>Ordeal,</hi> to quit the Realm within Forty dayes. Why Forty dayes allowed. An account of the Ordeals by Fire and Water. Lady <hi>Emme</hi> dear'd by going over burning Coulters. Two sorts of tryal by Water. Learned conjectures at the rise and reason of these customs. These Ordeals, as also that of single Combat condemned by the Church.</p>
                     </argument>
                     <p n="67">67. <q>AT <hi>Northampton</hi> it was added for the rigour of Justice, (re<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>member what was said in the foregoing Chapter) that he should in like manner lose his right Hand or Fist with his Foot, and for<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>swear the Realm, and within Forty Dayes go out of the Kingdom into banishment.</q> (He had the favour of Forty Dayes allowed him, so saith <hi>Bracton,</hi>
                        <note place="margin">Bract. tract. de Coron. l. 3.</note> that in the mean time he might get help of his friends to make provision for his Passage and Exile.) <q>And if upon the tryal by water he be clean, <hi>i. e.</hi> innocent, let him find pledges, and remain in the Realm, unless he be arighted for Murder, or any base Felony, by the Commu<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>nity or Body of the County, and of the Legal Knights of the Countrey, concerning which, if he be arighted in manner aforesaid, although he be clean by the tryal of Water; nevertheless let him quit the Realm within Forty Dayes, and carry away his Chattels along with him, sa<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ving the right of his Lords, and let him forswear the Realm at the mer<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>cy of our Lord the King.</q>
                     </p>
                     <p>Here let me say a little concerning the Tryal by Fire and Water, or the <hi>Ordeals.</hi> It is granted, that these were the <hi>Saxons</hi> wayes of tryal, rashly and unadvisedly grounded upon Divine Miracle. They do more appertain to Sacred Rites, than to Civil Customs; for which reason we past them by in the former Book, and this place seemed not unseasonable to put the Reader in mind of them. <q>He who is accused, is bound to clear himself ('tis <hi>Ralph Glanvill</hi> writes this) by the Judgement of God,<note place="margin">Glanv. l. 14. c. 1.</note> to wit, by hot burning Iron, or by Water, according to the dif<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ferent condition of men: by burning hot Iron, if it be a free-man; by Water,<note place="margin">
                              <p>Polydor. hist. l. 8.</p>
                              <p>Matth. Park. in vit. Rob. Archiep. Cant.</p>
                           </note> if he be a Countrey-man or Villain.</q> The party accused did carry in his hand a piece of Iron glowing hot, going for the most part two or three steps or paces along, or else with the soles of his feet did walk upon red hot Plough-shares or Coulters, and those, according to the Laws of the <hi>Franks</hi> and <hi>Lombards,</hi> nine in number. The Lady <hi>Emme</hi> the <hi>Confessor</hi>'s Mother being impeached of Adultery with <hi>Aldwin</hi> Bishop of <hi>Winton,</hi> was wonderfully cleared by treading upon so many, and is famous for it in our Histories, being preserved safe from burning, and proved innocent from the Crime.</p>
                     <p>There were two sorts of watery <hi>Ordeal</hi> or tryal by Water; to wit, cold or scalding hot. The party was thrown into the cold water, as in some places at this day Witches are used: he who did not by little and little sink to the bottom, was condemned as guilty of the Crime, as one whom that Element, which is the outward sign in the Sacrament of Regenera<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tion, did not admit into its bosome. As to scalding Water, ones arm
<pb n="85" facs="tcp:108529:61"/>
in that manner thrust in up to the elbow, made a discovery of the truth; and <hi>Aelstan</hi> a Monk of <hi>Abendon,</hi> afterward Bishop of <hi>Shirburn,</hi> thrusting in his bare Hand into a boiling Cauldron, shewed himself with some pride to his Abbot.</p>
                     <p>But that they say, that Rusticks or Vassals only were tryed by Water,<note place="margin">
                           <p>Malmesb. l. 2. de gest. Pon<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tif.</p>
                           <p>Lact. Instit. l. 7. de divi<gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                                 <desc>•</desc>
                              </gap>. praem. c. 9. Hoveden. an<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>nal. l. 2.</p>
                        </note> (for <hi>Water</hi> is ascribed to the earthly and ignoble nature, <hi>Fire</hi> to the heaven<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ly; so that from the use of Fire peculiar to man, <hi>Firmianus Lactantius</hi> hath fetcht an argument for the Immortality of the Soul) that this is not altogether so true, is made out by that one example of <hi>John,</hi> a Noble and Rich old man, who in the time of King <hi>Henry</hi> the Second, when, be<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ing charged with the death of his Brother the Earl of <hi>Ferrers,</hi> he could not acquit himself by the Watery Tryal, was hang'd on a Gallows.</p>
                     <p>Whence or by what means both these Customs were brought in among Christians, 'tis none of my business to make an over strait inqui<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ry.<note place="margin">Coel. Rhod. antiq. sect. l. 17. c. 21.</note> I remember that <hi>Fire</hi> among the Ancients was accounted purga<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tive; and there is one in a Tragedy of <hi>Sophocles</hi> intitled <hi>Antigone,</hi> who of his own accord profest to King <hi>Creon,</hi>
                        <q>
                           <lg>
                              <l>—<gap reason="foreign">
                                    <desc>〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉</desc>
                                 </gap>
                              </l>
                              <l>
                                 <gap reason="foreign">
                                    <desc>〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉</desc>
                                 </gap>.—<note place="margin">Sophocles in Antigone.</note>
                              </l>
                           </lg>
                           <lg>
                              <l>That in his hands be red-hot gads would kéep,</l>
                              <l>And over burning gleads would bare-foot créep.</l>
                           </lg>
                        </q>
to shew himself innocent as to the Burial of <hi>Polynices.</hi> I pass by in si<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>lence that <hi>Pythagorical</hi> opinion,<note place="margin">Arist. 2<g ref="char:punc">▪</g> de Coelo.</note> which placeth Fire in the Centre of the Universe, where <hi>Jupiter</hi> hath his Prison; which Fire some, however the <hi>Peripateticks</hi> stiffly oppose it, would have to be in plain terms the <hi>Sun,</hi>
                        <q>—<gap reason="foreign">
                              <desc>〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉</desc>
                           </gap>.<note place="margin">Iliad. 3.</note>
                        </q>
                        <q>Who all things overlooks, and all things hears.</q>
Yet I shall not omit this,<note place="margin">Deut. 4. Zanch. de nat. Dei, l. 1. c. 6. Reuchl. de verb. mirif. l. 2. c. 16. Psalm 104. Hebr. 1.7.</note> that in the holy Bible the great and gracious God hath of a truth discovered himself to mortal conception in the very name of <hi>Fire,</hi> 
                        <gap reason="foreign">
                           <desc>〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉</desc>
                        </gap>, as a thing agreeable to Divinity, as saith <hi>John Reu<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>chlin</hi>; and that S. <hi>Paul</hi> hath, according to the <hi>Psalmists</hi> mind, stiled the Ministers of God, <hi>a flame of fire.</hi> And indeed to abuse the holy Scri<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ptures, by mis-interpreting them, is a custom too ancient and too too common.</p>
                     <p>
                        <hi>Homer</hi> and <hi>Virgil</hi> both sing of
<q>
                           <l>—Imperjuratam Stygiamque paludem,<note place="margin">
                                 <hi>Aeneid.</hi> 6.</note>
                           </l>
                           <l>Dii cujus jurare timent &amp; fallere numen.</l>
                        </q>
that is,
<q>
                           <l>—Th' unperjur'd Stygian lake,</l>
                           <l>Whose name the Gods do fear in vain to take.</l>
                        </q>
                        <pb n="86" facs="tcp:108529:62"/>
We read of the Infants of the <hi>Celts,</hi>
                        <q>
                           <note place="margin">Anthol. <gap reason="foreign">
                                 <desc>〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉</desc>
                              </gap>. Epigr. <gap reason="foreign">
                                 <desc>〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉</desc>
                              </gap>.</note>
                           <gap reason="foreign">
                              <desc>〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉</desc>
                           </gap>.</q>
                        <q>
                           <l>Try'd in the streams of sacred Flood,</l>
                           <l>Whether of right or of base blood;</l>
                        </q>
as it is in the <hi>Greek Epigrams:</hi>
                        <note place="margin">
                           <p>Polyhist. l. 1. c. 10.</p>
                           <p>Ovid. Fast. 2. Senec. Ep. 41.</p>
                        </note> of the fountains of <hi>Sardinia,</hi> in <hi>Solinus:</hi> of the moist <hi>Februa,</hi> or purifications by water, in <hi>Ovids Fastorum</hi>: and of those Rivers that fell from Heaven, and their most wonderful and hidden natures, among Natural Philosophers. But most of these things were not known peradventure in our <hi>Ordeals.</hi>
                        <note place="margin">Mart. del Rio disq mag. l. 4. sect. 3. &amp; 4.</note> Yet <hi>Martin Del Rio,</hi> a man of various Reading and exquisite Learning, hath in his <hi>Magical In<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>quiries</hi> offered a conjecture, that the tryal by Water crept into use from a paltry imitation of the <hi>Jews</hi> Cup of Jealousie.</p>
                     <p>Truth is, a great many instances both of this way of trying by Water and of that by Fire, are afforded by the Histories of the <hi>Danes, Saxons, Germans, Franks, Spaniards,</hi> in a word, of the whole Christian World.
<q>
                           <l>An quia cunctarum concordia semina rerum,</l>
                           <l>
                              <note place="margin">
                                 <hi>Ovid. Fast.</hi> 4.</note>Sunt duo discordes Ignis &amp; Vnda dei,</l>
                           <l>Junxerunt elementa Patres?</l>
                        </q>
was it, saith the Poet,
<q>
                           <l>'Cause the two diff'ring Gods,</l>
                           <l>Alwayes at ods,</l>
                           <l>That of Water, that of Fire,</l>
                           <l>Which yet in harmony conspire</l>
                           <l>The seeds of all things fitly joyn'd;</l>
                           <l>Therefore our Fathers have these two combin'd.</l>
                        </q>
Or was it, because that the Etymologie of the Word <gap reason="foreign">
                           <desc>〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉</desc>
                        </gap> 
                        <hi>Hashamaim,</hi> that is,<note place="margin">Pic. Mirandu<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>la in Hepta<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>plo.</note> 
                        <hi>Heaven,</hi> (for the Heavens themselves were the feigned Gods of the Gentiles) some are pleased with the deriving it from <gap reason="foreign">
                           <desc>〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉</desc>
                        </gap> 
                        <hi>Esh, i. e. Fire</hi> and <gap reason="foreign">
                           <desc>〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉</desc>
                        </gap> 
                        <hi>Maim, i. e. Water:</hi> Let some more knowing <hi>Janus</hi> tell you.
<q>
                           <note place="margin">Pindar. Olymp. 3.</note>— <gap reason="foreign">
                              <desc>〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉</desc>
                           </gap>.</q>
                        <q>
                           <l>For my part I shall not this game pursue;</l>
                           <l>Why should I lose my time and labour too?</l>
                        </q>
                     </p>
                     <p>The superstitions and fopperies, the rites and usages, the lustrations and purifyings, the Prayers and Litanies, and the solemn preparations (in consecrating and conjuring the Water, <hi>&amp;c.</hi>) you have in <hi>Will. Lam<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>bard</hi> in his <hi>Explications of Law terms,</hi>
                        <note place="margin">Vitâ Roberti.</note> and in <hi>Matthew Parker</hi> Arch-Bi<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>shop of <hi>Canterbury</hi> in his <hi>Antiquities of the Brittish Church.</hi> Both of them together, with that other of single <hi>Combat</hi> or Duel (for that also was reckoned among the <hi>Ordeals</hi>) were judged by the Church of <hi>Rome</hi> to be impious customs;<note place="margin">Decret. tit. de vulgar. pur<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>gat. caus. 2. quaest. 5.</note> and it is long since that they have been laid aside, and not put in practice among the common ordinary wayes of peoples purging and clearing themselves.</p>
                     <p>
                        <pb n="87" facs="tcp:108529:62"/>Well, now let me come back to my own Country again, and return to <hi>Northampton.</hi>
                     </p>
                  </div>
                  <div n="17" type="chapter">
                     <head>CHAP. XVII.</head>
                     <argument>
                        <p> Other Laws: Of entertaining of strangers. An <hi>Uncuth,,</hi> a <hi>Gust,</hi> a <hi>Hogenhine;</hi> what of him who confesseth the Murder, <hi>&amp;c.</hi> Of <hi>Frank pledge.</hi> Of an Heir under age. Of a Widows Dowry. Of taking the Kings fealty. Of setting a time to do homage. Of the Justices duty. Of their demolishing of Castles. Of Felons to be put into the Sheriffs hands. Of those who have de<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>parted the Realm.</p>
                     </argument>
                     <p n="68">68. <q>LEt it be lawful for no man, neither in Borough nor in Vil<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>lage or place of entertainment, to have or keep in his house, beyond one night, any stranger, whom he will not hold to right, (that is, answer for his good behaviour) unless the person entertain'd shall have a reasonable Essoin or excuse, which the Master or Host of the house is to shew to his neighbours; and when the Guest departs, let him depart in presence of the neighbours, and in the day time.</q> Hither belongs that of <hi>Bracton.</hi> 
                        <q>He may be said to be of ones family, who shall have lodged with another for the space of three nights;<note place="margin">Bract. l. 3. tract. 2. c. 10. &amp; Canuti leges.</note> in that the first night he may be called <hi>Uncuth, i. e.</hi> Unknown, a Stranger; but the se<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>cond night <hi>Gust, i.e.</hi> a Guest or Lodger; the third night <hi>Hogenhine</hi> (I read <hi>Hawan man) i. e.</hi> in Greek <gap reason="foreign">
                              <desc>〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉</desc>
                           </gap>, in Latin <hi>Familia<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ris,</hi> one of the family.</q>
                     </p>
                     <p n="69">69. <q>If any one shall be seised for Murder, or for Theft, or Robbery, or Forgery, and be knowing thereof, (<hi>i. e.</hi> shall confess it) or for any other Felony which he shall have done, before the Provost (the Master or Bailiff of the Hundred or Borough, and before lawful men, he cannot deny it afterwards before the Justices. And if the same per<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>son without Seisin (<hi>with Seisin</hi> in this place is the same as <gap reason="foreign">
                              <desc>〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉</desc>
                           </gap>, as we commonly say in our Language, <hi>taken with the manner</hi>) shall re<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>cognize or acknowledge any thing of this nature before them, this also in like manner he shall not be able to deny before the Justices.</q>
                     </p>
                     <p n="70">70. <q>If any one shall dye holding in Frank Pledge (<hi>i. e.</hi> having a free Tenure) let his heirs remain in such Seisin, as their Father had on the day he was alive and dyed, of his fee, and let them have his Chat<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tels, out of which they may make also the devise or partition of the de<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ceased, (that is, the sharing of his goods according to his will) and afterwards may require of their Lord, and do for their relief and other things, which they ought to do as touching their Fee (<hi>i. e.</hi> in order to their entring upon the estate.)</q>
                     </p>
                     <p n="71">
                        <pb n="88" facs="tcp:108529:63"/>71. <q>If the heir be under age, let the Lord of the Fee take his ho<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>mage, and have him in custody or keeping for as long time as he ought; let the other Lords, if there be more of them, take his homage, and let him do to them that which he ought to do.</q>
                     </p>
                     <p n="72">72. <q>Let the Wife of the deceased have her Dowry, and that part of his Chattels, which of right comes to her.</q> In former times perad<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>venture it was a like generally practised by the <hi>English,</hi> that the Wife and Children should have each their lawful <hi>Thirds</hi> of the estate; (each of them, I say, if they were in being; but half to the Wife, if there were no issue; and as much to the Children, if the Wife did not survive her Husband:) as it was practised by the <hi>Romans</hi> of old accor<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ding to the <hi>Falcidian</hi> Law<g ref="char:punc">▪</g> and of later time by the <hi>Novells</hi> of <hi>Justinian,</hi> that they should have their <hi>Quarter</hi>-part. For I see that those of <hi>Nor<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>mandy,</hi> of <hi>Arras,</hi> of <hi>Ireland,</hi> people that lay round about them, had the same custom. Of this you are to see <hi>Glanvill, Bracton,</hi> the <hi>Register</hi> of <hi>Briefs</hi> or <hi>Writs,</hi> and <hi>William Lindwood,</hi> beside the Records or yearly Re<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ports of our Law.</p>
                     <q>
                        <p n="73">73. Let the Justices take the Fealties of our Lord the King before the close of <hi>Easter,</hi> and at furthest before the close of <hi>Pentecost;</hi> namely, of all Earls, Barons, Knights and Free-holders, and even of Rusticks or Vassals, such as have a mind to stay in the Realm; and he who will not do fealty, let him be taken into custody as an enemy of our Lord the King.</p>
                        <p n="74">74. The Justices have also this to give in charge, that all those, who have not as yet done their homage and allegiance to our Lord the King, do at a term of time; which they shall name to them, come in and do homage and allegiance to the King as to their Liege Lord.</p>
                        <p n="75">75. Let the Justices do all acts of Justice and rights belonging to our Lord the King by a Writ of our Lord the King, or of them who shall be in his place or stead, as to a half-Knights fee and under; (a <hi>Knights fee</hi> in an old Book, which pretends to more antiquity by far than it ought, concerning <hi>the manner of holding Parliaments,</hi> is said to be <hi>twenty pounds</hi> worth of Land in yearly revenue, but the number prefixt before the <hi>Red Book</hi> of the <hi>Exchequer</hi> goes at the rate of Six Hundred and Eighty Acres:) unless the complaint be of that great concern, that it cannot be determined without our Lord the King, or of that nature that the Justices by reason of their own doubting refer it to him, or to those who shall be in his place and stead. Nevertheless let them to the ut<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>most of their ability intend and endeavour the service and advantage of our Lord the King.</p>
                        <p n="76">76. Let the Justices provide and take care, that the Castles already demolisht, be utterly demolished, and that those that are to be demo<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>lished, be well levelled to the ground. And if they shall not do this, our Lord the King may please to have the judgement of his Court against them, as against those who shew contempt of his Precept.</p>
                        <p n="77">
                           <pb n="89" facs="tcp:108529:63"/>77. A Thief or Robber, as soon as he is taken, let him be put into the Sheriffs hands to be kept in safe custody; and if the Sheriff shall be out of the way, let him be carried or brought to the next Con<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>stable of a Castle, and let him have him in custody, until he deliver him up to the Sheriff.</p>
                        <p n="78">78. Let the Justices according to the custom of the Land, cause in<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>quiry to be made of those, who have departed or gone out of the Realm. And if they shall refuse to return within a term of time that shall be named, and to stand to right in the Kings Court (<hi>i. e.</hi> to make their appearance, and there to answer, if any thing shall be brought in against them) let them after that be outlawed, and the names of the Outlaws be brought at <hi>Easter</hi> and at the Feast of St. <hi>Michael</hi> to the Ex<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>chequer, and from thence be sent to our Lord the King.</p>
                     </q>
                     <p>These Laws were agreed upon at <hi>Northampton.</hi>
                     </p>
                  </div>
                  <div n="18" type="chapter">
                     <pb n="90" facs="tcp:108529:64"/>
                     <head>CHAP. XVIII. </head>
                     <argument>
                        <p>Some Laws in favour of the Clergy. Of forfeitures on the account of Forest or hunting. Of Knights fees. Who to bear Arms, and what Arms. Arms not to be alienated. No <hi>Jew</hi> to bear Arms. Arms not to be carryed out of <hi>England.</hi> Rich men under suspi<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>cion to clear themselves by Oath. Who allowed to swear against a Free-man. Timber for building of Ships not to be carryed out of <hi>England.</hi> None but Free-men to bear Arms. Free-men who. Rusticks or Villains not such.</p>
                     </argument>
                     <q>
                        <p n="79">
                           <note place="margin">Matth. Paris.</note>79. THat henceforth a Clergy-man be not dragg'd and drawn be<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>fore a Secular Judge personally for any crime or transgres<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>sion, unless it be for Forest or a Lay-fee, out of which a Lay-service is due to the King, or to some other Secular Lord. This priviledge of the Clergy the King granted to <hi>Hugh</hi> the Popes Cardinal Legate, by the Title of S. <hi>Michael à Petra,</hi> who arrived here on purpose to advance the Popish interest.</p>
                        <p n="80">80. Furthermore, that Arch-Bishopricks, Bishopricks or Abbacies be not held in the Kings hand above a year, unless there be an evident cause, or an urgent necessity for it.</p>
                        <p n="81">81. That the Murderers or Slayers of Clergy-men being convicted, or having confest before a Justice or Judge of the Realm, be punished in the presence of the Bishop.</p>
                        <p n="82">82. That Clergy-men be not obliged to make Duel: <hi>i. e.</hi> not to clear themselves,<note place="margin">V. Britton. cap. d' Ap<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>peales, and temp. Ed. 1. tit. Quod per<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>mittat. 9.</note> as others upon some occasion did, by single combat.</p>
                        <p n="83">83. He ordained at <hi>Woodstock</hi> (we transcribe these words out of <hi>Hoveden</hi>) that whosoever should make a forfeit to him concerning his Forest, or his hunting once, he should be tyed to find safe Pledges or Sureties; and if he should make a second forfeit, in like manner safe Pledges should be taken of him; but if the same person should forfeit the third time, then for his third forfeit, no pledges should be taken, but the proper body of him who made the forfeit.</p>
                        <p>Moreover, we meet with these Military Laws, or Laws of <hi>Knights fees,</hi> made for Tenants and other people of the common sort.</p>
                        <p n="84">84. He who hath one Knights fee ('tis the aforesaid <hi>Hoveden</hi> speaks) let him have an Habergeon or Coat of Male, and a Helmet or Head-piece and a Buckler or Target and a Lance: and let every Knight have so many Habergeons, and Helmets, and Targets, and Lances, as he shall have Knights fees in his demeans.</p>
                        <p n="85">85. Whatsoever Free-holder that is a Lay-man, shall have in Chattel
<pb n="91" facs="tcp:108529:64"/>
or in Rent and Revenue to the value of Sixteen Marks, let him have a Coat of Male, and a Head-piece, and a Buckler, and a Lance.</p>
                        <p n="86">86. Whatsoever Lay-person being a Free-man, shall have in Chattel to the value of Ten Marks, let him have a little Habergeon, or Coat of Male, and a <hi>Capelet</hi> of Iron, and a Lance.</p>
                        <p n="87">87. Let all Burghers or Towns-men of a Corporation, and the whole Communities of Free-men have a <hi>Wambais,</hi> and a <hi>Capelet</hi> of Iron, and a Lance.</p>
                        <p n="88">88. Let no one, after he hath once had these Arms, sell them, nor pawn them, nor lend them, nor by any other way alienate them from himself, or part with them: nor let his Lord alienate them by any manner of way from his man (<hi>i. e.</hi> his Tenant that holds under him) neither by forfeit, nor by gift, nor by pledge, nor by any other way.</p>
                        <p n="89">89. If any one shall dye having these Arms, let them remain to his heir; and if the heir be not of such estate or age, that he may use the Arms, if there shall be need, let that person who shall have them (the heir) in custody, have likewise the keeping of the Arms, and let him find a man, who may use the Arms in the service of our Lord the King, if there shall be need, until the heir shall be of such estate, that he may bear Arms, and then let him have them.</p>
                        <p n="90">90. Whatsoever Burgher shall have more Arms, than it shall be<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>hove him to have, according to this Assize, let him sell them, or give them away, or so dispose of them from himself to some other man, who may retain them in <hi>England</hi> in the service of our Lord the King.</p>
                        <p n="91">91. Let no one of them keep by him more Arms, than it shall be<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>hove him according to this Assize to have.</p>
                        <p n="92">92. Let no <hi>Jew</hi> keep in his possession a Coat of Male or an Haber<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>geon, but let him sell them, or give them, or in some other manner put them away, in that wise that they may remain in the service of the King of <hi>England.</hi>
                        </p>
                        <p n="93">93. Let no man bear or carry Arms out of <hi>England,</hi> unless it be by special order of our Lord the King; nor let any one sell Arms to any one, who may carry them from <hi>England;</hi> nor let Merchant or other carry or convey them from <hi>England.</hi>
                        </p>
                        <p n="94">94. They who are suspected by reason of their wealth or great estate, do free or acquit themselves by giving their Oaths. The <hi>Justices</hi> have Power or Jurisdiction given them in the case for this pur<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>pose. If there shall be any, who shall not comply with them (the Justices) the King shall take himself to the members or limbs of such persons, and shall by no means take from them their Lands or Chattels.</p>
                        <p n="95">
                           <pb n="92" facs="tcp:108529:65"/>95. Let no one swear upon lawful and free-men, (<hi>i. e.</hi> in any mat<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ter against or concerning them) who hath not to the value of Sixteen or Ten Marks in Chattel.</p>
                        <p n="96">96. Let no one, as he loves himself and all that he hath, buy or sell any Ship to be brought from <hi>England</hi>; nor let any one carry, or cause to be carryed out of <hi>England</hi> Timber for the building of Ships.</p>
                     </q>
                     <p n="97">97. Let no one be received or admitted to the Oath of bearing Arms 'but a Free-man.</p>
                     <p>To bring once for all something concerning a <hi>Free-man,</hi> that may not be beside the purpose. The ancient Law of <hi>England</hi> bestowed that name only upon such persons, as many as, either being honoured by the Nobi<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>lity of their Ancestors, or else out of the Commonalty being of in<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>genuous Birth (to wit, of the Yeomanry) did not hold that rustick fee or Tenure of Villenage) dedicated to <hi>Stercutius</hi> (the God of Dunghils) and necessarily charged and burthened with the Plough tail, the Wain, and the Dray, which are the hard Countrey-folks Arms and Imple<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ments. To this purpose makes the term of <hi>Rustick</hi> or <hi>Countrey-man</hi> above mentioned in the Statutes of <hi>Clarendon,</hi> and the place of <hi>Glanvill</hi> cited in the Tryal of <hi>Ordeal.</hi>
                     </p>
                     <p>That the business may be more clearly asserted; a Suit of Law being waged in the time of <hi>Edward</hi> the First,<note place="margin">Temp. Ed. 1. tit. <hi>Attorney,</hi> 103.</note> betwixt <hi>John Levin</hi> Plaintiff and the Prior of <hi>Bernwell</hi> Defendant (I have taken the Story out of an old Ma<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>nuscript, and the Reports of our Law, and the Collection or Body of the Royal Rescripts do agree to it) it was then, after several disputes bandied to and fro, and with earnestness enough, decided by the judge<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ment of the Court, that those Tenants which hold in fee <hi>from the anci<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ent Domain of the Crown,</hi> as they call it, are by no means comprehended under the title of <hi>free-men;</hi> as those who driving their labour around throughout the year pay their daily Vows to <hi>Ceres</hi> the Goddess of Corn, to <hi>Pales</hi> the Goddess of Shepherds, and to <hi>Triptolemus</hi> the Inventer of Husbandry or Tillage, and keep a quarter with their <hi>Gee Hoes</hi> about their Chattel.</p>
                     <p>And now death hath put an end to King <hi>Henry</hi>'s Reign. And I also having made an end of his Laws, so far as Histories do help me out, do at the last muster and arm my Bands for the guard of my Frontiers. I wish they may be of force enough against Back-biters.</p>
                  </div>
                  <div n="19" type="chapter">
                     <pb n="93" facs="tcp:108529:65"/>
                     <head>CHAP. XIX.</head>
                     <argument>
                        <p> Of Law-makers. Our Kings not Monarchs at first. Several of them in the same County. The <hi>Druids</hi> meeting-place where. Un<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>der the <hi>Saxons,</hi> Laws made in a general Assembly of the States. Several instances. This Assembly under the <hi>Normans</hi> called <hi>Parliament.</hi> The thing taken from a custome of the ancient <hi>Germans.</hi> Who had right to sit in Parliament. The harmony of the Three Estates.</p>
                     </argument>
                     <p>BUt however <hi>Laws</hi> are not without their <hi>Makers</hi> and their <hi>Guardians,</hi> or they are to no purpose. It remaineth therefore that we say somewhat in general of them. They are <hi>made</hi> either by Use and <hi>Custom</hi> (for things that are approved by long Use, do obtain the force of Law) or by the Sanction and <hi>Authority</hi> of Law-givers. Of ancient time the <hi>Semnothei,</hi> the <hi>Kings</hi> and the <hi>Druids</hi> were <hi>Law-givers;</hi> amongst the <hi>Britans</hi> I mean.</p>
                     <p>Concerning the <hi>Semnothei</hi> whatsoever doth occurr you had before.</p>
                     <p>The <hi>Kings</hi> were neither Monarchs of the whole Island, nor so much as of that part of <hi>Brittany</hi> that belonged to the <hi>Angles.</hi> For there were at the same time over the single County of <hi>Kent</hi> four Kings; to wit, <hi>Cyngetorix, Carvilius, Taximagulus,</hi> and <hi>Segonax;</hi> and at the same rate in other Counties. Wherefore we have no reason to make any question, but that part wherein we live, now called <hi>England,</hi> was governed by several persons, and was subject to an Aristocracy: according to what <hi>Polydore Virgil, John Twine,</hi>
                        <note place="margin">
                           <p>Polyd. hist. Angl. 2.</p>
                           <p>Tuin. Com. de reb. Albion. Dav. Pouel. in Epist. Guli. <hi>Fléetwode.</hi>
                           </p>
                        </note> 
                        <hi>David Powell</hi> and others have infor<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>med us.</p>
                     <p>The <hi>Druids</hi> were wont to meet, to explain the Laws in being, and to make new ones as occasion required, as is most likely, in some cer<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tain place designed for that purpose; as now at this very time all mat<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ters of Law go to be decided at <hi>Spire</hi> in <hi>Germany,</hi> at <hi>Westminster</hi>-Hall in <hi>England,</hi> and <hi>Paris</hi> in <hi>France.</hi>
                     </p>
                     <p>Their publick Convention or Meeting-place was constantly, as <hi>Julius Caesar</hi> tells us,<note place="margin">Caes. l. 6. de bell. Gall.</note> in the borders of the <hi>Carnutes</hi> the middle Region of all <hi>France.</hi> Some think that a Town at eight Miles distance from the <hi>Metropolis</hi> of those people commonly called <hi>Dreux,</hi> was designed for that use.<note place="margin">Paul. Merula.</note>
                     </p>
                     <p>Whilst the <hi>Saxons</hi> governed, the Laws were made in the General As<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>sembly of the States or Parliament. In the front of King <hi>Ina</hi>'s Laws ('tis above Eight Hundred and Eighty years that he first reigned) we read thus, <hi>It Ine mid godes gift West-Saxna Cyning mid getbeat &amp; mid lere Cenredes mines fader &amp; hedde &amp; Erconwald mine biscops &amp; mid eallum minum, ealdor mannum, &amp; tham yldestan Witan mi<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>nes theode be beodeth, &amp;c.</hi> which in our present <hi>English</hi> speaks thus, <hi>I</hi> Ina <hi>by the Grace of God King of the</hi> West-Saxons, <hi>by the advice and or<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>der of</hi> Kenred <hi>my Father, and of</hi> Hedda <hi>and</hi> Erconwald <hi>my Bishops, and of all my Aldermen, and of the Elders and Wise Men of my people, do command,</hi> &amp;c. There are a great many instances of this kind in other places. Moreover <hi>Witlaf</hi> and <hi>Bertulph,</hi>
                        <note place="margin">Ingulph.</note> who were Kings of the <hi>Merci<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ans</hi>
                        <pb n="94" facs="tcp:108529:66"/>
near upon Eight hundred years ago, do in their instruments under their hands make mention <q>of Synods and Councils of the Prelates and Peers convened for the affairs of the Kingdom.<note place="margin">Camden.</note>
                        </q> And an ancient Book has this passage of <hi>Abendon,</hi> 
                        <q>Here was the Royal Seat, hither when they were to treat of the principal and difficult points of State, and affairs of the Kingdom, the people were used to meet and flock together.</q> To this may be added that which <hi>Malmesbury</hi> sayes of King <hi>Edward</hi> in the year of our Lord 903. <q>The King gathered a Synod or <gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                              <desc>•</desc>
                           </gap>ssembly of the Senators of the <hi>English</hi> Nation, over which did preside <hi>Pleimund</hi> Arch-Bishop of <hi>Canterbury</hi> interpreting expresly the words of the Apostolical Embassy.</q> These Assemblies were termed by the <hi>Saxons, Widdena gemcdes, i. e.</hi> Meetings of the Wise Men, and <hi>Micil sinodes, i. e.</hi> the Great Assemblies. At length we borrowed of the <hi>French</hi> the name of <hi>Parliaments,</hi>
                        <note place="margin">Polyd. hist. Angl. l. 11.</note> which before the time of <hi>Henry</hi> the First, <hi>Polydore Virgil</hi> sayes, were very rarely held. An usage, that not without good reason seems to have come from the ancient <hi>Germans.</hi> So <hi>Tacitus</hi> sayes of them, <q>Concerning smaller matters the Princes only, concerning things of greater concern, they do all the whole body of them consult; yet in that manner, that those things also, which it was in the peoples power to determine,<note place="margin">Mod. ten. Parl.</note> were treated of by the Princes too. And I have one that hath left it in writing, that when there was neither Bishop, nor Earl, nor Baron, yet then Kings held their Parliaments: and in King <hi>Arthur</hi>'s Patent to the University of <hi>Cambridge</hi> (for ye have my leave, if you can find in your heart,<note place="margin">Jo. Caius An<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tiq. Canta<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>brig. l. 1.</note> to give credit to it, as <hi>John Key</hi> does) by the coun<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>sel and assent of all and singular the Prelats and Princes of this Realm, I decree.</q> 
                     </p>
                     <p>There were present at <hi>Parliaments,</hi> about the beginning of the <hi>Nor<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>mans</hi> times,<note place="margin">V. 22 Ed. 3. fol. 18.</note> as many as were invested with Thirteen Fees of Knights ser<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>vice, and a third part of one Fee, called <hi>Baron</hi>'s, from their large Estates: for which reason perhaps <hi>John Cochleius</hi> of <hi>Mentz,</hi> in his Epistle Dedica<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tory to our most Renowned Sir <hi>Thomas More,</hi> prefixt before the Chronicle of <hi>Aurelius Cassiodorus,</hi> calls him <hi>Baron</hi> of <hi>England.</hi> But <hi>Henry</hi> the Third, the number of them growing over big, ordered by Proclamation, that those only should come there, whom he should think fit to summon by Writ.</p>
                     <p>These Assemblies do now sit in great State, which with a wonderful harmony of the Three Estates, the <hi>King,</hi> the <hi>Lords</hi> and the <hi>Commons,</hi> or Deputies of the People, are joyned together, to a most firm se<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>curity of the publick, and are by a very Learned Man in allusion to that made word in <hi>Livy, Panaetolium</hi> from the <hi>Aetolians,</hi> most rightly called <hi>Pananglium,</hi>
                        <note place="margin">August. de civ. Dei, l. 2. c. 21.</note> that is, <hi>all England.</hi> 
                        <q>As in Musical Instruments and Pipes and in Singing it self, and in Voices (sayes <hi>Scipio</hi> in <hi>Tully</hi>'s Books of the Common-wealth) there is a kind of harmony to be kept out of distinct sounds, which Learned and Skilful Ears cannot endure to hear changed and jarring; and that consort or harmony, from the tuning and orde<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ring of Voices most unlike; yet is rendred agreeing and suitable: so of the highest and middlemost and lowermost States shuffled together, like different sounds, by fair proportion doth a City agree by the con<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>sent of persons most unlike; and that which by Musicians in singing is called <hi>Harmony</hi>: that in a City is <hi>Concord,</hi> the straightest and surest bond of safety in every Common-wealth, and such as can by no means be without Justice.</q>
                     </p>
                     <p>But let this suffice for <hi>Law-makers.</hi>
                     </p>
                  </div>
                  <div n="20" type="chapter">
                     <pb n="95" facs="tcp:108529:66"/>
                     <head>CHAP. XX. </head>
                     <argument>
                        <p>The Guardians of the Laws, who. In the <hi>Saxons</hi> time seven Chief. One of the Kings among the Heptarchs styled <hi>Monarch</hi> of all <hi>En<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>gland.</hi> The Office of Lord <hi>High Constable.</hi> Of Lord <hi>Chancellor,</hi> ancient. The Lord <hi>Treasurer. Alderman</hi> of <hi>England,</hi> what. Why one called <hi>Healfkoning. Aldermen</hi> of Provinces and <hi>Graves,</hi> the same as <hi>Counts</hi> or <hi>Earls</hi> and <hi>Vis<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>counts</hi> or Sheriffs. Of the <hi>County Court,</hi> and the Court of Inquests, called <hi>Tourn le Viscount.</hi> When this Court kept, and the original of it.</p>
                     </argument>
                     <p>I Do scarce meet before the <hi>Saxons</hi> times with any Guardians of the Laws different from these Law-makers. In their time they were vari<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ously divided, whose neither Name nor Office are as yet grown out of use. The number is made up, to give you only the heads, by these; to wit, the <hi>King,</hi> the Lord <hi>High Constable,</hi> the <hi>Chancellor,</hi> the <hi>Treasurer,</hi> the <hi>Alderman of England,</hi> the <hi>Aldermen of Provinces</hi> and the <hi>Graves.</hi> Those of later date and of meaner notice I pass by, meaning to speak but briefly of the rest.</p>
                     <p>The <hi>King</hi> was alwayes one amongst the <hi>Heptarchs</hi> or seven Rulers, who was accounted (I have <hi>Beda</hi> to vouch it) the <hi>Monarch of all En<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>gland.</hi>
                        <note place="margin">Ethelwerd. l. 3. c. 2.</note> 
                        <q>
                           <hi>Ella</hi> King of the <hi>South-Saxons</hi> (so sayes <hi>Ethelwerd</hi>) was the first that was dignified with so high a Title and Empire, who was Owner of as large a Jurisdiction as <hi>Ecbright;</hi> the second was <hi>Ceulin</hi> King of the <hi>West-Angles;</hi> the third <hi>Aethelbrith</hi> King of the <hi>Kentish</hi>-men; the fourth <hi>Redwald</hi> King of the <hi>Easterlings</hi>; the fifth <hi>Edwin</hi> King of <hi>Northumberland;</hi> the sixth <hi>Oswald;</hi> the seventh <hi>Osweo, Oswala</hi>'s Bro<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ther; after whom the eighth was <hi>Ecbright.</hi>
                        </q> His <hi>West-Saxon</hi> Kingdom took in the rest for the greatest part.</p>
                     <p>The Office of Lord <hi>High Constable,</hi> which disappeared in <hi>Edward</hi> Duke of <hi>Buckingham,</hi> who in <hi>Henry</hi> the Eighth's time lost his Head for High-Treason, was not seen till the latter end of the <hi>Saxons.</hi>
                        <note place="margin">Hist. Eliens.</note> One <hi>Alfgar Staller</hi> is reported by <hi>Richard</hi> of <hi>Ely</hi> Monk, to have been Constable to <hi>Edward</hi> the <hi>Confessor,</hi> and Mr. <hi>Camden</hi> mentions a dwelling of his upon this account called <hi>Plaiffy</hi> in the County of <hi>Middlesex.</hi>
                        <note place="margin">
                           <p>Camd. in Northampt. V. Kel. relat. 6 Hen. 8. fol. 171. Stat.</p>
                           <p>13 Rich. 2. c. 2 Matth. Paris, pag. 563. Brook tit. Prerogative. 31.</p>
                        </note> He of <hi>Ely</hi> sets him out for <hi>a Great and Mighty Man in the Kingdom.</hi> And indeed formerly that Ma<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>gistrate had great power, which was formidable even to Kings them<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>selves.</p>
                     <p>They who deny there were any <hi>Chancellors</hi> before the coming in of the <hi>Normans,</hi> are hugely mistaken. Nor are they disproved only out of the Grant of <hi>Edward</hi> the <hi>Confessor</hi> to the Abbot of <hi>Westminster,</hi> which I am beholden to Mr. <hi>Lambard</hi> for, at the bottom of which these words are set down: <q>
                           <hi>I</hi> Syward <hi>Publick Notary, instead of</hi> Rembald <hi>the Kings Maje<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>sties</hi> Chancellor, <hi>have written and subscribed this paper</hi>; but also out of <hi>Ingulph,</hi> who makes mention of <hi>Farketulus,</hi> some while after that Abbot of <hi>Crowland,</hi> Chancellor of King <hi>Edred,</hi> by whose Decree and Counsel
<pb n="96" facs="tcp:108529:67"/>
were to be handled &amp; treated whatsoever businesses they were, Tempo<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ral or Spiritual, that did await the Judgement of the King; and being thus treated of by him,<note place="margin">Fr. Thin. in contin. Chr. Eliz.</note> might irrefragably stand good.</q> And <hi>Francis Thinn,</hi> that Learned Antiquary has reckoned up several, who have discharged this Office; as <hi>Turketill</hi> to King <hi>Ethelbald, Swithin</hi> Bishop of <hi>Winche<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ster</hi> to King <hi>Egbert, Vlfin</hi> to King <hi>Athelstan, Adulph</hi> to King <hi>Edgar, Alsy</hi> Abbot and Prelate of <hi>Ely</hi> to King <hi>Ethelred.</hi> Concerning which Office and the Seals, which the <hi>Chancellor</hi> in old time had the keeping of, I had rather you would consult with <hi>Camden</hi>'s Tribunals or Seats of Justice, and those things which <hi>John Budden</hi> at <hi>Wainfleet</hi> Doctor of Laws has brought out of the <hi>Archives</hi> into his <hi>Palingenesia,</hi> than seek them at my hands.</p>
                     <p>
                        <note place="margin">Matth. Cant. in Odonis se<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>veri vitâ.</note>As for <hi>Treasurers, Dunstan</hi> was so to King <hi>Edred,</hi> and <hi>Hugolin</hi> to the <hi>Confessor.</hi>
                     </p>
                     <p>But that fifth title of <hi>Alderman of England,</hi> is an unusual one. Yet, if I don't mistake my self, he was the Chief President in Tryals at Law, and an Officer to keep all quiet at home; the same as now perhaps is commonly called the <hi>Lord Chief Justice of England.</hi> This remarkable name I do not meet with, neither in the Monkish <hi>Chronologers,</hi> which are to be had at the Shops, nor in the <hi>Records</hi> of our Laws. But a pri<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>vate History of the Abbey of <hi>Ramsey</hi> in <hi>Huntingdon-shire</hi> has given us no<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tice of one <hi>Ailwins</hi> Tomb with this Inscription,<note place="margin">Camden.</note>
                        <q>HIC. REQUIESCIT. AILWINUS. INCLITI. REGIS. EADGARI. COGNATUS. TOTIUS. AN<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>GLIAE. ALDERMANNUS. ET. HUJUS. SACRI. COENOBII. MIRACULOSUS. FUNDATOR.</q>
that is, <hi>Here resteth</hi> Ailwin <hi>Kinsman of the Renowned King</hi> Edgar, <hi>Al<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>derman of all</hi> England, <hi>and the miraculous Founder of this Sacred Monastery.</hi> And by reason of his great Authority and Favour which he had with the King, by a Nick name they called him <hi>Healfkoning,</hi> i. e. <hi>Half-King.</hi> Now <hi>Henry</hi> of <hi>Huntingdon</hi> sayes,<note place="margin">Huntingd. hist. l. 6.</note> that <hi>Tostius</hi> Earl (or to use his phrase Consul) of <hi>Northumberland,</hi> and <hi>Harald</hi> Sons of <hi>Godwin</hi> Earl of <hi>Kent</hi> were <hi>Justices of the Realm.</hi>
                     </p>
                     <p>
                        <hi>Aldermen</hi> may aptly be termed by the word <hi>Senators.</hi> Those Judges did exercise a delegated power throughout the Provinces, called <hi>Counties</hi> or <hi>Shires,</hi> and the <hi>Graves</hi> an under-delegated power from them. The word is as much as Governours, and is the same thing, as in High Dutch <hi>Grave</hi> in <hi>Landgrave, Burgrave, Palsgrave,</hi> &amp;c. and what amongst some of our own people <hi>Reev.</hi> We shall call them both, as that Age did, in a <hi>Latin</hi> term, the one <hi>Comites, i. e.</hi> Counts or Earls, the other <hi>Vicecomites,</hi> that is, Viscounts or Sheriffs.</p>
                     <p>The name of <hi>Count</hi> is every where met with amongst the most ancient of the Monks, which yet does very often pass into that of <hi>Duke</hi> in the subscription of Witnesses. And in the Charter of the Foundation of <hi>Chertsey</hi> Abby in <hi>Surrey,</hi>
                        <note place="margin">Camden.</note> 
                        <hi>Frithwald</hi> stiles himself <hi>subregulus, i.e.</hi> an under Kingling or petty Vice-Roy to <hi>Wulpher</hi> King of the <hi>Mercians;</hi> make no question of it, he meant he was a <hi>Count.</hi>
                     </p>
                     <p>A <hi>Viscount</hi> and a Vice-Lord are more than very like, they are the very same. <hi>Ingulph</hi> sayes it above. <q>And in the last hand-writing of King <hi>Edred</hi> we have, I <hi>Bingulph</hi> Vice-Lord advised it, I <hi>Alfer</hi> Viscount heard it.</q>
                     </p>
                     <p>
                        <pb n="97" facs="tcp:108529:67"/>These <hi>Counts</hi> and <hi>Viscounts,</hi> or <hi>Earls</hi> and <hi>Sheriffs</hi> had in their Counties their several <hi>Courts</hi> both for private and for publick matters. For pri<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>vate affairs they had every Month a Meeting called the <hi>County Court.</hi> 
                        <q>Let every <hi>Grave,</hi> as we have it in <hi>Edward</hi> the Elder's Laws,<note place="margin">Leg. Edw. 5. &amp; Canut. 17.</note> every fourth Week convene and meet the people in Assembly: let him do equal right to every one, and determine and put an end to all Suits and Quarrels, when the appointed days shall come.</q> For publick busi<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ness King <hi>Edgar</hi> ordered the <hi>Court of Inquests</hi> or Inquiries,<note place="margin">Leg. Edgar. cap. 11.</note> called <hi>Tourn le Uiscount.</hi> 
                        <q>Let a Convention or Meeting be held twice every year out of every County, at which let the Bishop of that Diocess, and the Senator, (<hi>i. e.</hi> the Alderman) be present; the one to teach the people the Laws of God; the other the Laws of the Land.</q> What I have set down in <hi>William</hi> the First at the end of the fourth Chapter of this se<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>cond Book, you ought to consider of here again in this place.</p>
                     <p>The inhabitants did not meet at this <hi>Court of Inquests</hi> at any season promiscuously and indifferently, but as it is very well known by the use and ancient Constitutions of the Realm, within a Month either after <hi>Easter,</hi> or after <hi>Michaelmas.</hi> In which Court, seeing that not only the <hi>Count,</hi> as now a dayes the <hi>Viscount</hi> or <hi>Sheriff</hi> does, but also the <hi>Bishop</hi> did preside; it does not at all seem difficult to trace the very ori<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ginal of this temporary Law.<note place="margin">Synod. Anti<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>och. c. <gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                              <desc>•</desc>
                           </gap>0.</note> That peradventure was the Synod of <hi>Antioch</hi> held in Pope <hi>Julius</hi> the First's time, and acknowledged in the sixth General Council held at <hi>Constantinople.</hi>
                        <note place="margin">Dist. 18. c. 4.</note> In this latter there are expresly and plainly two Councils or Meetings of the Bishops to be kept every year within three Weeks after <hi>Easter,</hi> and about the middle of <hi>October,</hi> (if there be any small difference in the time, it can be no great matter of mistake). You may help your self to more other things of meaner note out of what has been said before about <hi>Hundreds, Bourghs</hi> and the like.</p>
                     <p>And this may serve in brief for the <hi>Saxons,</hi> who were entrusted with the care of their Laws.</p>
                  </div>
                  <div n="21" type="chapter">
                     <pb n="98" facs="tcp:108529:68"/>
                     <head>CHAP. XXI.</head>
                     <argument>
                        <p> Of the <hi>Norman</hi> Earls. Their Fee. Their power of making Laws. Of the <hi>Barons, i.e.</hi> Lords of Manours. Of the <hi>Court-Baron.</hi> Its rise. An instance of it out of <hi>Hoveden.</hi> Other Offices much alike with the <hi>Saxons.</hi>
                        </p>
                     </argument>
                     <p>I Shall be briefer concerning the <hi>Normans,</hi> I mean their <hi>Earls</hi> and <hi>Barons.</hi>
                     </p>
                     <p>Their <hi>Counts</hi> or <hi>Earls</hi> before the Conquest, except those of <hi>Leicester,</hi> and perchance some others, were but Officers, and not as yet heredita<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ry. When <hi>William</hi> bore the sway, they began to have a certain Fee and a descent of Patrimony; having together with their Title assigned to them a third part of the Revenues or Rents, which did arise out of the whole County to the Exchequer. This custom is clear enough in <hi>Gervase</hi> of <hi>Tilbury</hi> in the case of <hi>Richard de Redueriis</hi> made Earl of <hi>Devonshire</hi> by <hi>Henry</hi> the First, &amp; <hi>Jeoffrey de Magna Villa</hi> made Earl of <hi>Essex</hi> by <hi>Mawd</hi> the Empress. It seems that the <hi>Saxon</hi> Earls had the self-same right of sharing with the King. So in <hi>Doomsday</hi> Book we find it; <q>The Queen <hi>Edeua</hi> had two parts from <hi>Ipswich</hi> in <hi>Suffolk,</hi> and the Earl or Count <hi>Guert</hi> the third: and so of <hi>Norwich,</hi> that it paid Twenty Pound to the King, and to the Earl Ten Pound: so of the Revenues of the Borough of <hi>Lewes</hi> in <hi>Sussex,</hi> the King had two shares, and the Earl the third. And <hi>Oxford</hi> paid for Toll and Gable, and other customary Duties Twenty Pound a year to the King, besides Six Quarts of Honey, and to Earl <hi>Algar</hi> Ten Pound.</q>
                     </p>
                     <p>To conclude, it appears also that these <hi>Norman</hi> Earls or Counts had some power of making Laws to the people of their Counties. For in<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>stance,<note place="margin">Malmesb. de gest. reg. l. 3.</note> the Monk of <hi>Malmesbury</hi> tells us, <q>that the Laws of <hi>William Fitz-Osborn</hi> Earl of <hi>Hereford</hi> remained still in force in the said County, that no Souldier for whatsoever offence should pay above Seven Shillings.</q> The Writings and Patents of the men of <hi>Cornwall</hi> concerning their Stan<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>naries or Tinn-Mines do prove as much; nor need I tell the story, how <hi>Godiva</hi> Lady to the Earl <hi>Leofrick</hi> rid on Horse-back through the Streets of <hi>Coventry</hi> with her hair disshevelled, all hanging about her at full length, that by this means she might discharge them of those Taxes and Pay<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ments, which the Earl had imposed upon them.</p>
                     <p>Out of the Countreys (wherein all Estates were subject to Mi<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>litary Service) the <hi>Barons</hi> had their Territories, as we call them <hi>Mannors;</hi> and in them their Courts to call their Tenants together, at the end of every three Weeks, and to hear and determine their Causes. A Civilian,<note place="margin">Ad leg. 2. de origin. jur.</note> one <hi>Vdalricus Zazius,</hi> would have the original of these Courts among other Nations, to have come by way of imitation from <hi>Romulus</hi> his making of Lords or Patrons, and their Clanns or Tenants. The use of them at this day is common and ordinarily known. But to shew how it was of old, we will borrow out of <hi>Hoveden</hi> this spark of light.<note place="margin">Roger de Ho<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>veden in H. 2.</note> 
                        <q>
                           <hi>John Marshall</hi> complained to <hi>Henry</hi> the Second, that whereas he had claimed or challenged in the Arch-Bishops Court a piece of Land
<pb n="99" facs="tcp:108529:68"/>
to be held from him by right of inheritance, and had a long time pleaded upon it, he could obtain no Justice in the case, and that he had by Oath falsified the Arch-Bishops Court, (that is, proved it to be false by Oath, according to the custom of the Realm: to whom the Arch-Bishop made answer, There has been no Justice wanting to <hi>John</hi> in my Court; but he, I know not by whose advice, or whether of his own head, brought in my Court a certain <hi>Toper,</hi> and swore upon it, that he went away from my Court for default of Justice; and it seemed to the Justices of my Court, that he did me the injury, by withdrawing in that manner from my Court; seeing it is ordained in your Realm, that he who would falsifie anothers Court must swear upon the holy Gospels. The King not regarding these words, swore, that he would have Ju<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>stice and Judgement of him; and the Barons of the Kings Court did judge him to be in the Kings Mercy; and moreover they fined him Five Hundred Pound.</q>
                     </p>
                     <p>As to doing Justice in all other Cases, and managing of Publick Af<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>fairs, the <hi>Normans</hi> had almost the same Names and Titles of Officers and Offices as the <hi>Saxons</hi> had.</p>
                     <trailer>FINIS.</trailer>
                  </div>
               </div>
            </body>
            <back>
               <div type="chronology">
                  <pb facs="tcp:108529:69"/>
                  <pb n="101" facs="tcp:108529:69"/>
                  <head>A Brief CHRONOLOGY TO Attend and Assist THE HISTORY.</head>
                  <p>
                     <table>
                        <row>
                           <cell role="label">In the Year of the WORLD.</cell>
                           <cell role="label"> </cell>
                        </row>
                        <row>
                           <cell>1910.</cell>
                           <cell>
                              <hi>Samothes,</hi> if there ever were such a man, bears rule.</cell>
                        </row>
                        <row>
                           <cell>2805.</cell>
                           <cell>
                              <hi>Brutus</hi> makes a descent, (that is, lands with his <hi>Trojans</hi>) in <hi>Cornwall</hi> or <hi>Devonshire.</hi>
                           </cell>
                        </row>
                        <row>
                           <cell>3516.</cell>
                           <cell>
                              <hi>Dunvallo Molmutius</hi> swayes the Scepter.</cell>
                        </row>
                        <row>
                           <cell>3627.</cell>
                           <cell>
                              <hi>Martia,</hi> Dowager of King <hi>Quintilen,</hi> is Queen Regent during the Minority of her Son <hi>Sisillius</hi> the First.</cell>
                        </row>
                        <row>
                           <cell>
                              <pb n="102" facs="tcp:108529:70"/>3942.</cell>
                           <cell>
                              <hi>Caius Julius Caesar</hi> arrives at <hi>Deal</hi> on the Sea-Coast of <hi>Kent,</hi> and
<q>
                                 <note place="margin">
                                    <hi>Lucan.</hi>
                                 </note>Territa quaesitis ostendis terga Britannis,</q>
that is,
<q>
                                 <l>Having inquiry made,</l>
                                 <l>After the <hi>Britans</hi> bold,</l>
                                 <l>He turn'd his back, 'tis said,</l>
                                 <l>His courage would not hold:</l>
                              </q>
and was the first that discover'd <hi>Britanny</hi> to the <hi>Romans.</hi>
                           </cell>
                        </row>
                     </table>
                  </p>
                  <p>
                     <table>
                        <row>
                           <cell role="label">In the Year of CHRIST.</cell>
                           <cell role="label"> </cell>
                        </row>
                        <row>
                           <cell>44.</cell>
                           <cell>
                              <hi>Claudius Caesar</hi> Emperour sends over <hi>Aulus Plau<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tius</hi> with an Army as his Lieutenant General, and by degrees reduceth the Countrey into the form of a <hi>Roman</hi> Province.</cell>
                        </row>
                        <row>
                           <cell>52.</cell>
                           <cell>A Colony of Veterans or old <hi>Roman</hi> Souldiers is sent down to <hi>Maldon</hi> in <hi>Essex.</hi>
                           </cell>
                        </row>
                        <row>
                           <cell>86.</cell>
                           <cell>
                              <hi>Britanny</hi> is subdued or brought under the yoke by the Conduct of <hi>Junius Agricola,</hi> in the time of <hi>Domitian</hi> the Emperour.</cell>
                        </row>
                        <row>
                           <cell>183.</cell>
                           <cell>
                              <hi>Lucius</hi> or King <hi>Lucy</hi> was the first Christian King. Forasmuch as he was of the same standing with Pope <hi>Eleutherius</hi> and the Emperour <hi>Commodus.</hi> Whence it appears, that <hi>Beda</hi> makes others mi<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>stake, and is himself mistaken in his wrong ac<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>count of time in this affair.</cell>
                        </row>
                        <row>
                           <cell>428.</cell>
                           <cell>The <hi>Saxons, Angles, Jutes, Danes, Frisons,</hi> or <hi>Friselanders</hi> arrive here from <hi>Germany, Taurus</hi> and <hi>Felix</hi> then Consuls, in the one and twentieth year of <hi>Theodosius</hi> the younger. The common or ordinary account of Writers sets it down the four hundred forty ninth year: but that great man both for Authority and Judgement <hi>William Cam<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>den Clarenceaux</hi> King at Arms hath, upon the cre<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>dit of ancient Records, closed this <hi>Epoch</hi> or Date of time within that term of years, which I have set in the Margin.</cell>
                        </row>
                        <row>
                           <cell>561.</cell>
                           <cell>King <hi>Ethelbert</hi> the First King of the <hi>English Saxons,</hi> who profest Christianity.</cell>
                        </row>
                        <row>
                           <cell>800.</cell>
                           <cell>King <hi>Egbert.</hi>
                           </cell>
                        </row>
                        <row>
                           <cell>
                              <pb n="102" facs="tcp:108529:70"/>872.</cell>
                           <cell>King <hi>Alured</hi> or <hi>Alfred.</hi>
                           </cell>
                        </row>
                        <row>
                           <cell>959.</cell>
                           <cell>King <hi>Edgar.</hi>
                           </cell>
                        </row>
                        <row>
                           <cell>1017.</cell>
                           <cell>
                              <hi>Canute</hi> or King <hi>Knute</hi> the <hi>Dane.</hi>
                           </cell>
                        </row>
                        <row>
                           <cell>1036.</cell>
                           <cell>
                              <hi>Harold,</hi> eldest Son to King <hi>Knute,</hi> called for his swiftness <hi>Harefoot.</hi>
                           </cell>
                        </row>
                        <row>
                           <cell>1042.</cell>
                           <cell>
                              <hi>Edward</hi> the <hi>Confessor,</hi> after whom <hi>Harold</hi> Son to <hi>Godwin</hi> Earl of <hi>Kent</hi> usurp't the Throne, where he continued only nine Months.</cell>
                        </row>
                        <row>
                           <cell>1066.</cell>
                           <cell>
                              <hi>William</hi> Duke of <hi>Normandy,</hi> after a Battel fought upon the Plain near <hi>Hastings,</hi> got the Dominion or Soveraignty of the <hi>British</hi> Island.</cell>
                        </row>
                        <row>
                           <cell>1088.</cell>
                           <cell>
                              <hi>William Rufus,</hi> second Son of the Conquerour.</cell>
                        </row>
                        <row>
                           <cell>1100.</cell>
                           <cell>
                              <hi>Henry</hi> the First, younger Brother to <hi>Rufus.</hi>
                           </cell>
                        </row>
                        <row>
                           <cell>1135.</cell>
                           <cell>King <hi>Stephen,</hi> Count of <hi>Blois</hi> in <hi>France,</hi> Nephew to <hi>Henry</hi> by his Sister <hi>Adela.</hi>
                           </cell>
                        </row>
                        <row>
                           <cell>1153.</cell>
                           <cell>
                              <hi>Henry</hi> the Second, Grand-child to <hi>Henry</hi> the First by his Daughter <hi>Mawd</hi> the Empress, and <hi>Jeoffrey</hi> Count of <hi>Angers</hi> in <hi>France.</hi>
                           </cell>
                        </row>
                     </table>
                  </p>
                  <trailer>FINIS.</trailer>
               </div>
               <div type="notes">
                  <pb facs="tcp:108529:71"/>
                  <pb n="105" facs="tcp:108529:71"/>
                  <head>BRIEF NOTES UPON Some of the more Difficult Passages IN THE TITLE-PAGE.</head>
                  <p>
                     <hi>COmmon and Statute Law</hi>] So I render <hi>Jus Prophanum,</hi> as <hi>Prophane</hi> is opposed to <hi>Sacred</hi> and <hi>Ecclesiastical,</hi> as him<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>self explains the term in his Preface out of <hi>Festus.</hi> Otherwise it might have been render'd <hi>Civil Law,</hi> as relating to Civil affairs and the Government of <hi>State,</hi> not medling with the Canons and Rules of the <hi>Church</hi>; but that the <hi>Civil Law</hi> with us is taken ge<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>nerally in another sense for the <hi>Imperial Law,</hi> which however practised in several other Nations, hath little to do in <hi>England,</hi> unless in some particular cases.</p>
                  <p>
                     <hi>Of English Britanny</hi>] that is, that part of <hi>Britain,</hi> which was inhabi<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ted by the <hi>Angles,</hi> in <hi>Latin</hi> called <hi>Anglo-Britannia,</hi> by us strictly <hi>England</hi>; as for distinction, the other part of the Island, <hi>Wales,</hi> whither the <hi>Welsh,</hi> the true and ancient <hi>Britans,</hi> were driven by the <hi>Saxons,</hi> is called <hi>Cambro-Britannia,</hi> that is, <hi>Welsh Britanny</hi>; and <hi>Scotland</hi> possest by the <hi>Scots,</hi> is in like manner called <hi>Scoto-Britannia,</hi> that is <hi>Scotch-Britanny,</hi> which now together with <hi>England,</hi> since the Union of the two King<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>doms, goes under the name of <hi>Great Britain.</hi>
                  </p>
                  <div type="part">
                     <pb n="106" facs="tcp:108529:72"/>
                     <head>In the Author's PREFACE.</head>
                     <p>
                        <hi>The Guardian of my Threshold</hi>] So <hi>Limentinus</hi> among the <hi>Romans</hi> was the God of the Threshold, <hi>qui limentis,</hi> i. e. <hi>liminibus praeest;</hi> but it may be taken for the Officer of the Gate, the Porter, who gives admission to strangers.</p>
                     <p>
                        <hi>In a different Character</hi>] Accordingly in the <hi>Latin</hi> the Author's Cita<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tions are printed in <hi>Italick</hi>; which, because they are so frequent, I thought fit rather to notifie by a distinction, as usual, in the Margin; thus, " "</p>
                     <p>
                        <hi>Intercidona, Pilumnus &amp; Deverra</hi>] These were Heathen Deities, to whom they attributed the Care of their Children, whom else they thought <hi>Silvanus</hi> might, like <hi>Oberon</hi> King of the Fairies, surprize or do some other mischief to.</p>
                  </div>
                  <div type="part">
                     <head>In the FIRST BOOK.</head>
                     <div type="subpart">
                        <head>CHAP. 1.</head>
                        <p>Pag. 2. lin. 23. <hi>Among the Celts and Gauls</hi>] Who are reckoned for one and the same people; as for instance, those <hi>Gauls,</hi> who removed into the <hi>Lesser Asia,</hi> mixing with the <hi>Greeks,</hi> were called <hi>Gallo-Graeci,</hi> but by the <hi>Greeks</hi> were styled <gap reason="foreign">
                              <desc>〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉</desc>
                           </gap>, whence by contraction, I suppose <gap reason="foreign">
                              <desc>〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉</desc>
                           </gap>.</p>
                        <p>L. 41. <hi>Bellagines, that is, By-Laws.</hi>] From <hi>By,</hi> that is, a Village, Town or City, and <hi>Lagen,</hi> which in <hi>Gothish</hi> is a Law; so that it sig<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>nifies such Laws, as Corporations are govern'd by. The <hi>Scots</hi> call them <hi>Burlaws,</hi> that is, Borough-Laws. So that <hi>Bellagines</hi> is put for <hi>Bila<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>gines</hi> or <hi>Burlagines.</hi> This kind of Laws obtains in Courts <hi>Leet</hi> and Courts <hi>Baron,</hi> and in other occasions, where the people of the place make their own Laws.</p>
                     </div>
                     <div type="subpart">
                        <head>CHAP. II.</head>
                        <p>Pag. 4. l. 7. <hi>Adrastia, Rhamnusia &amp; Nemesis.</hi>] Which is all but <hi>Ne<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>mesis</hi> the Goddess of Revenge, called <hi>Adrastria</hi> from King <hi>Adrastus,</hi> who first built her a Temple; and <hi>Rhamnusia</hi> from <hi>Rhamnus</hi> a Village in the <hi>Athenian</hi> Territory, where she was worshipped.</p>
                        <p>L. 42. <hi>Elohim, that is, Gods.</hi>] And so <hi>Judges</hi> are properly called ac<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>cording to the original notation of the word, whose Root <gap reason="foreign">
                              <desc>〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉</desc>
                           </gap> 
                           <hi>alah,</hi> though in <hi>Hebrew</hi> it signifie to <hi>curse,</hi> yet in the <hi>Arabick</hi> Language, a de<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>scendent of the <hi>Hebrew,</hi> it betokens to <hi>judge.</hi> Thus 'tis said in the <hi>Psalms, God standeth in the Congregation of the Gods,</hi> and <hi>I have said, Ye are Gods,</hi> &amp;c.</p>
                        <p>L. 45. <hi>It subjoins to it the name of God.</hi>] To wit, that Name of his <gap reason="foreign">
                              <desc>〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉</desc>
                           </gap> 
                           <hi>El,</hi> which signifies a <hi>mighty God.</hi> In this sense <hi>the Cedars of God</hi> are lofty stately Cedars; and by <hi>Moses</hi> his being <hi>fair to God,</hi> is meant, that he was exceeding fair.</p>
                        <p>Pag. 5. lin. 18. <hi>Not only Berecynthia, but also Juno, Cybele.</hi>] Why! <hi>Cybele</hi> is the very same Goddess, who was called <hi>Berecynthia</hi> from <hi>Bere<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>cynthus</hi>
                           <pb n="107" facs="tcp:108529:72"/>
a Hill of <hi>Phrygia</hi> (as also <hi>Cybelus</hi> was another) where she was worshipped. And she had several such Names given her from the places of her worship, as <hi>Dindymene, Pessinuntia, Idaea, Phrygia.</hi> This then was a slip of our worthy Author's memory or his haste.</p>
                     </div>
                     <div type="subpart">
                        <head>CHAP. III.</head>
                        <p>Pag. 5. lin. 34. <hi>Not by the number of dayes, but of nights.</hi>] Thus in our common reckoning we say a <hi>Sennight,</hi> that is, <hi>seven nights; septi<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>noctium,</hi> for what in <hi>Latin</hi> they say <hi>septimana,</hi> seven mornings; and a <hi>fortnight,</hi> that is, <hi>fourteen nights.</hi> Again for <hi>Sundayes</hi> and <hi>Holy-dayes,</hi> the Evening, which concludes the fore-going day, is said to be their <hi>Eve,</hi> that is, <hi>Evening.</hi> And the <hi>Grecians</hi> agree with us in setting the night before the day, in that they call the natural day, which is the space of twenty four hours, comprehending day and night, <gap reason="foreign">
                              <desc>〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉</desc>
                           </gap>, <hi>Night-day,</hi> not <hi>Day-night.</hi>
                        </p>
                     </div>
                     <div type="subpart">
                        <head>CHAP. IV.</head>
                        <p>Pag. 6. lin. 22. <hi>King Phranicus.</hi>] It is so ordinary a matter for Histo<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>rians, when they treat of things at great distance of time, to devise Fables of their own, or take them up from others, that I doubt not but this <hi>Phranicus</hi> was designed to give name to <hi>France;</hi> whereas it was so cal<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>led from the <hi>Franks,</hi> who came to plant there out of <hi>Franconia</hi> a Coun<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>trey of <hi>Germany,</hi> called <hi>East-France.</hi>
                        </p>
                        <p>L. 29. <hi>With Corinus one of the chief of his company.</hi>] From whom <hi>Cornwall</hi> had its name, formerly called in <hi>Latin Corinia</hi> or <hi>Cornavia</hi> (say some) now <hi>Cornubia.</hi> And possibly if that were so, <hi>Corinium</hi> also or <hi>Cirencester,</hi> a Town in <hi>Glocestershire,</hi> and <hi>Corinus</hi> too, the River <hi>Churne,</hi> that runs by it, owe their appellations to the same Noble person.</p>
                        <p>L. 31. <hi>New Troy, that is, London.</hi>] Called also <hi>Troynovant,</hi> and the people about it called <hi>Trinobantes</hi> or <hi>Trinovantes,</hi> from whom also the City it self was styled <hi>Augusta Trinobantum,</hi> that is, the Royal Seat of the New <hi>Trojans.</hi>
                        </p>
                        <p>L. 40. <hi>King Belin.</hi>] Who gave name to <hi>Billinsgate,</hi> that is, <hi>Be<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>lin</hi>'s <hi>Gate,</hi> as King <hi>Lud</hi> to <hi>Ludgate.</hi>
                        </p>
                        <p>Pag. 8. lin. 39. <hi>Eumerus Messenius.</hi>] Some such fabulous Writer as our Sir <hi>John Mandevil,</hi> who tells us of People and Countreys, that are no where to be found in the World.</p>
                     </div>
                     <div type="subpart">
                        <head>CHAP. VI.</head>
                        <p>Pag. 9. lin. 19. <hi>In the time of</hi> Brennus <hi>and</hi> Belinus.] The first of these was General of the <hi>Gauls,</hi> who were called <hi>Senones,</hi> and going into <hi>Italy</hi> with them, sackt <hi>Rome.</hi> There he built the City <hi>Verona,</hi> called by his Name <hi>Brennona;</hi> as he had done <hi>Brennoburgum</hi> now <hi>Bran<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>denburg</hi> in <hi>Germany.</hi> From his prowess and famed Exploits, it is sup<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>posed that the <hi>Britans</hi> or <hi>Welsh</hi> do to this day call a King <hi>Brennin.</hi> Of the other, <hi>viz. Belinus,</hi> some mention hath been made already.</p>
                     </div>
                     <div type="subpart">
                        <head>CHAP. VII.</head>
                        <p>Pag. 10. lin. 24. <hi>Locrinus, Camber and Albanactus.</hi>] From the first of these three Brethren, to wit, <hi>Locrinus,</hi> it is said, that the <hi>Welsh</hi> call <hi>En<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>gland Lhoegr,</hi> that falling to the eldest Sons share; from the second <hi>Camber,</hi> that a <hi>Welsh</hi>-man is named <hi>Cumra,</hi> and the Countrey <hi>Cam<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>bria</hi>;
<pb n="108" facs="tcp:108529:73"/>
and from the third <hi>Albanactus,</hi> that <hi>Scotland,</hi> or at least good part of it retains the term of <hi>Albania,</hi> a title still belonging to the King of <hi>Britain</hi>'s second Brother, the Duke of <hi>York.</hi> Though for my part for this last name of <hi>Albanactus</hi> I am somewhat of opinion, that it might be devised by some smattering Monk purposely in favour of the <hi>Trojan</hi> Sto<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ry, as much as to say in a mungrel word <hi>Alba</hi> 
                           <gap reason="foreign">
                              <desc>〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉</desc>
                           </gap> King of <hi>Alba,</hi> a City of <hi>Italy</hi> built by one of <hi>Aeneas</hi> his Sons.</p>
                        <p>L. 29. <hi>Gavelkind.</hi>] From the <hi>Saxon gafel</hi> or <hi>gafol,</hi> a Debt or Tri<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>bute, and <hi>cyn</hi> or <hi>kynd,</hi> the Kindred or Children; or, as Mr. <hi>Lambard, gif eal cyn, i. e.</hi> given to all who are next of Kin; or, as <hi>Vorstegan, give all kind, i. e.</hi> give to each Child his part. An ancient custom of the <hi>Saxons,</hi> whereby the Fathers Estate was equally divided amongst his Sons; as it is still amongst the Daughters, if there be no Sons. It obtains still in several places, especially in <hi>Kent</hi> by the concessions of the <hi>Conqueror.</hi>
                        </p>
                        <p>Pag. 11. lin. 22. <hi>The Laws of second Venus.</hi>] Not having <hi>Plato</hi> by me, nor any other means to inform my self better, I imagine that by the <hi>first Venus</hi> they mean the force of Lust and Beauty, which doth so naturally incline people to a desire of union and copulation; and by the <hi>second Venus</hi> consequently is intended that prudential reason, by which men according to wholsome and equal Laws easily suffer themselves to be gathered into Societies, and to comply with one another in mutual in<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>dearments.</p>
                        <p>P. 12. lin. 12. <hi>Jupiter</hi>'s <hi>Register.</hi>] <gap reason="foreign">
                              <desc>〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉</desc>
                           </gap> in the <hi>Greek</hi> Proverb, is the skin of that Goat, which nursed him in his Childhood, of which after her Death in honour of her memory, and reward of her services, he made his <hi>Register,</hi> to enroll therein and set down upon record all the concerns of mankind.</p>
                        <p>Lin. 15. <hi>Of some Aethalides.</hi>] He was the Son of <hi>Mercury,</hi> and had the priviledge allowed him to be one while among the living, another while among the dead, and by that means knew all that was done among either of them. The Moral is plain, that he was a great Scholar, who what with his refin'd meditation and study of Books, which is being among the dead, and what by his conversation with men, had attained great knowledge and prudence: So that <hi>Pythagoras</hi> himself, as modest as he was to refuse the Title of <hi>Wise</hi> man, and to content himself with that of a <hi>Philosopher,</hi> that is, a Lover of Wisdom, yet was fond of the coun<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>terfeit reputation of being thought to be He, giving out according to his own Doctrine of <hi>Transmigration,</hi> that he was the man.</p>
                     </div>
                     <div type="subpart">
                        <head>CHAP. IX.</head>
                        <p>P. 14. lin. 6. <hi>What? that those very Letters,</hi> &amp;c.] The Authors ex<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>pression here may seem somewhat obscure; Wherefore I think fit to set down this by way of explication. He sayes, that the Letters which the <hi>Greeks</hi> used in <hi>Caesar</hi>'s time, and which we now use, are rather such as the <hi>Greeks</hi> borrowed from the <hi>Gauls</hi> than what they had originally of their own. This he proves in the end of this Paragraph by the judge<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ment of several Learned Men. So then, if this were so, <hi>Caesar,</hi> who without all question was well enough acquainted with the <hi>Greek Let<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ters</hi> then in use, yet in all likelihood did not so well know what the true old <hi>Gallick Letters</hi> were, the people being strangers to the <hi>Romans,</hi> and he having but lately had any converse with them, and so might very probably mistake, in thinking that, because the Letters were the
<pb n="109" facs="tcp:108529:73"/>
same, the <hi>Gauls</hi> might borrow the <hi>Greek</hi> Letters to make use of; whereas the contrary (to wit, that the <hi>Greeks,</hi> after the disuse of the <hi>Phoenician</hi> Letters, which <hi>Cadmus</hi> had brought over into <hi>Greece,</hi> took the <hi>Gallick</hi> in their stead) is averr'd by <hi>Lazius, Becanus,</hi> &amp;c.</p>
                     </div>
                     <div type="subpart">
                        <head>CHAP. X.</head>
                        <p>Pag. 15. lin. 12. <hi>From the sixth Moon.</hi>] Whether that were from the <hi>sixth Month</hi> they began their reckoning, which among the <hi>Romans,</hi> was <hi>August,</hi> therefore called formerly <hi>Sextilis,</hi> as the rest that follow according to order, are styled <hi>September, October, &amp;c.</hi> or whether it were from the <hi>sixth day</hi> of the Moon's age, (as they apply by way of Proverb <hi>Quartâ Lunâ nati</hi> to the unfortunate, <hi>Hercules</hi> having been born on such a day of the Moon) is none of my business to determine, but to leave it to the Readers own inquiry and judgement.</p>
                        <p>Lin. 17. <hi>Nestor</hi>'s <hi>triple age.</hi>] Which if it be reckoned according to this account of Thirty Years to an Age, makes but Ninety years in all. And though that also be a great Age for a man to handle Arms, and to attend the duty and service of War, yet that is not so ex<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>traordinary a case, but that others may be found in Story to stand in competition with him. Besides it falls short of that description, which <hi>Homer</hi> hath given of him, <gap reason="foreign">
                              <desc>〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉</desc>
                           </gap>. Which implyes, that he had out-lived <hi>two</hi> Generations (to wit, the <hi>Fathers</hi> which had been bred up with him, and the <hi>Sons</hi> which had grown up into his acquaintance) and that now he reigned among the <hi>Grand-children,</hi> the <hi>Third</hi> generation, the two former having been swept off the Stage. And in this sense the <hi>Latins</hi> took it, as appears by <hi>Horace,</hi> who sayes of him <hi>ter Aevo functus,</hi> that he had gone through the course of nature, lived out the life of man, three times over; and in that he is styled by another old Poet <hi>triseclisenex,</hi> that is, the Three hun<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>dred years old Gentleman; for as <hi>aevum</hi> in the one signifies the whole space of humane life, so <hi>seculum</hi> in the other is constantly taken for a Hundred years.</p>
                        <p>Pag. 16. lin. 2. <hi>Greece, all over Italy.</hi>] For all the lower part of <hi>Italy</hi> was at that time inhabited by the <hi>Greeks,</hi> and from them called <hi>Magna Graecia,</hi> or <hi>Graecia Major,</hi> in opposition, I suppose, only to <hi>Sicily</hi> the neighbouring Isle, as being alike inhabited by <hi>Greeks,</hi> but of less extent.</p>
                        <p>Lin. 18. <hi>Voitland.</hi>] A Province of <hi>Germany,</hi> in the <hi>Vpper Saxony.</hi>
                        </p>
                        <p>Lin. 21. <hi>Having their heads uncovered.</hi>] That as they were bare-footed, so they were bare-headed also, perfect <hi>Gymnosophists.</hi> The <hi>Latin</hi> is <hi>nudis pedibus, capita intectae, Graecanico pallio &amp; cucullato, penulâque,</hi> and may be rendred indeed, <hi>having their heads covered</hi> or muffled. But how? <hi>With a Pall hooded and a Satchell.</hi> I, but what had the <hi>Satchell</hi> to do with their heads, that hung at their side, and so they are pictu<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>red. But to pass this, Reader, thou art at thy own choice, to take which interpretation of the two thou wilt; for the <hi>Latin</hi> word <hi>intectae,</hi> as I said, admits of either.</p>
                     </div>
                     <div type="subpart">
                        <head>CHAP. XII.</head>
                        <p>Pag. 18. lin. 10. <hi>The Women carried it for</hi> Minerva <hi>against</hi> Neptune.] There is another account given of this Story, that these two Gods be<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ing in a contest, which of them should be intitled to the Presidence of this City <hi>Athens,</hi> they did each of them, to oblige the Community in
<pb n="110" facs="tcp:108529:74" rendition="simple:additions"/>
their favour, by a Miracle cause to rise out of the ground, the one (<hi>Neptune</hi>) an <hi>Horse,</hi> to denote Prowess and warlike Courage, the other (<hi>Minerva</hi>) an <hi>Olive</hi>-tree loaden with fruit, an Emblem of Peace and Fruitfulness; and that the Citizens preferr'd the latter, as the greater merit and more welcome blessing.</p>
                        <p>Lin. 26. <hi>Juno, Salacia, Proserpina.] Juno</hi> was <hi>Jove</hi> the <hi>Thunderer</hi>'s Consort, as <hi>Proserpine</hi> was the forc'd Mate of grim <hi>Pluto,</hi> the infernal Queen. The third, <hi>Salacia,</hi> Lady of the Sea, was Wife to <hi>Neptune, as</hi>
                           <g ref="char:punc">▪</g> S. <hi>Austin</hi> hath it out of some of the old <hi>Roman</hi> Writers: though among the Poets she generally pass by the name of <hi>Amphitrite.</hi>
                        </p>
                        <p>Pag. 19. lin. 25. <hi>Amalasincta, Artemisia, Nicaula,</hi> &amp;c.] These brave Ladies or She-Heroes are famous upon record, and need not any thing further for their commendation, but their Name. This <hi>Artemisia</hi> men<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tioned here, was not the Wife of <hi>Mausolus,</hi> a vertuous and magnificent Woman too, but another who lived in <hi>Xerxes</hi>'s time, a great Com<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>mandress, in alliance with him. <hi>Nicaula,</hi> it seems, though whence he learn't her Name, I cannot tell, for Scripture gives it us not; was she, who is there called the <hi>Queen of the South,</hi> a great admirer of <hi>Solomon</hi>'s Wisdom.</p>
                     </div>
                     <div type="subpart">
                        <head>CHAP. XV.</head>
                        <p>Pag. 25, 26. The <hi>Inscriptions,</hi> which are left un-englished, are only brought in, to evidence, that there were several <hi>Roman Colonies,</hi> beside that at <hi>Maldon,</hi> called <hi>Colonia Victricensis,</hi> planted up and down in <hi>Britain</hi>; to wit, at <hi>York,</hi> at <hi>Chester,</hi> at <hi>Glocester,</hi> and I doubt not but at <hi>Colchester</hi> too, no less than there was one at <hi>Cullen</hi> in <hi>Germany,</hi> as the very name of them both imports, <hi>Colonia.</hi> And that ours hath an ad<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>dition of <hi>Chester</hi> to it, is usual to some other Cities: <hi>Colchester</hi> for <hi>Colnchester,</hi> which in <hi>Latin</hi> would be <hi>Colonia Gastri,</hi> or rather <hi>Coloniae Castrum,</hi> the Castle or Garrison of the Colony.</p>
                     </div>
                     <div type="subpart">
                        <head>CHAP. XVI.</head>
                        <p>Pag. 28. lin. 11. <hi>Now you for your part are Gods Vicegerent in the Kingdom.</hi>] They are the words of Pope <hi>Eleutherius</hi> in his Letter to <hi>Lucy,</hi> the first Christian King, which was in the year of our Lord 183. From whence we may fairly conclude, that in those early dayes, the <hi>Pope of Rome</hi> according to his own acknowledgement had no such pretensions as now for several Ages since they have made, upon the Rights of Princes, to the great disturbance of the World, and reproach of Christian Religion. And indeed this is the more considerable, in that such was the simplicity of devotion in those early Converts, and such the deference, which Princes who embraced the Christian Faith, especially from the Missionaries of <hi>Rome,</hi> had for that <hi>Holy See,</hi> as ap<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>pears by this one single instance; that it had been no hard matter, nor could be judged an unreasonable thing, for them to lay claim to a right, and assert a power, which was so voluntarily offered. Further I add, that seeing the <hi>Donation of Constantine,</hi> besides that it was alwayes look't upon as a piece of forgery, was at best, supposing it true, but an Impe<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>rial Grant and Concession, which would not be of authority enough to bear up the <hi>Popes Supremacy</hi> in all other Kingdoms of the earth; and seeing Pope <hi>Boniface,</hi> who was the first that with bare face own'd it, his complyance with <hi>Phocas</hi> was so grosly wicked, that none of their own Writers but are ashamed to make that transaction betwixt those
<pb n="111" facs="tcp:108529:74"/>
two, an argument for the Papal pretence: Seeing, I say, it is so, if the Pope be intitled, as their <hi>Canonists</hi> pretend, to an Universal Dominion by vertue of his Office, and by Commission from <hi>Christ</hi> and his chief Apostle S. <hi>Peter,</hi> how came it to pass, that the Bishops of <hi>Rome</hi> all along till <hi>Boniface,</hi> were so modest, as not to challenge any such rights or powers; nay, upon occasion to declare against such pre<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tences, as <hi>Antichristian</hi>; which, if that be true, that the <hi>Pope</hi> is by his Of<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>fice, and by a Divine Commission instated into a <hi>Supremacy,</hi> was in ef<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>fect no less, than to betray the cause of <hi>Christ</hi> and his <hi>Church</hi>: how came it to pass, that <hi>Eleutherius</hi> should neglect such a seasonable and exem<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>plary opportunity of maintaining and exercising his right, and should rather chuse to return it in a complement back to the King his Con<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>vert? <hi>VICARIVS verò DEI estis in Regno,</hi> sayes he, <hi>You are GOD</hi>'s <hi>VICAR in your Kingdom:</hi> which Title now the <hi>Pope</hi> doth with as much arrogance challenge to himself, as here one of his Pre<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>decessors doth with modesty ascribe to the <hi>King.</hi>
                        </p>
                        <p>Lin. 32. <hi>With the title of</hi> Spectabilis.] Towards the declension of the <hi>Roman</hi> Empire, it was usual so to distinguish great Offices with pe<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>culiar Titles, as <hi>Spectabilis, Clarissimus, &amp;c.</hi> so among the <hi>Italians, Mag<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>nifico</hi> to a Senator of <hi>Venice, Illustrissimo</hi> to any Gentleman, <hi>Eminentissi<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>mo</hi> to a Cardinal: So with us the term of <hi>Highness</hi> is given to a <hi>Prince</hi> of the Blood, <hi>Excellence</hi> to a <hi>Vice-Roy</hi> or a <hi>Lord Lieutenant</hi> and to a <hi>General</hi> of an Army, <hi>Grace</hi> to an <hi>Arch-bishop</hi> and to a <hi>Duke, Honour</hi> to a <hi>Lord, Worship</hi> to an <hi>Esquire,</hi> &amp;c.</p>
                     </div>
                     <div type="subpart">
                        <head>CHAP. XVII.</head>
                        <p>P. 29. lin. 43. <hi>Fabius Quaestor Aethelwerd.</hi>] Why he calls him <hi>Fa<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>bius Quaestor,</hi> is at present past my understanding. Did he take upon him a <hi>Roman</hi> name? Was he in any such Office as <hi>Quaestor, i. e.</hi> Trea<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>surer or Receiver General, wherein he behaved himself like a <hi>Fabius?</hi> or did he intitle his Book by that name? I am to seek.</p>
                     </div>
                     <div type="subpart">
                        <head>CHAP. XVIII.</head>
                        <p>Pag. 31. lin. 19. <hi>Whatsoever there was in</hi> Pandora <hi>of Good and Fair.</hi>] She was a Woman made by <hi>Jupiter</hi>'s own order, and designed to be the pattern of female perfection: to which end all the Gods contributed to the making of her several gifts, one Wisdom, another Beauty, a third Eloquence, a fourth Musick, <hi>&amp;c.</hi>
                        </p>
                     </div>
                     <div type="subpart">
                        <head>CHAP. XIX.</head>
                        <p>P. 32. lin. 27. <hi>Wapentakes.</hi>] Which in some of our Northern Countreys is the same as we call other-where a <hi>Hundred,</hi> from the <hi>Saxon</hi> word <hi>waepen,</hi> i. e. <hi>arms,</hi> and <hi>tac,</hi> i. e. <hi>touch</hi>; as one should say, a touching or shaking of their Arms. For, as we read it in King <hi>Edward</hi>'s Laws, when any one came to take upon him the Government of a <hi>Wapentake,</hi> upon a day appointed all that owed suit and service to that Hundred, came to meet their new Governour at the usual place of their Rendezvouz. He upon his arrival, lighting off his Horse, set up his Lance an end (a Custom used also among the <hi>Romans</hi> by the <hi>Praetor</hi> at the meetings of the <hi>Centumviri</hi>) and according to custom took fealty of them. The Ceremony of which was, that all who were present, touch't the Governours Lance with their Lances, in token of a confir<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>mation: whereupon that whole meeting was called a <hi>Wapentake,</hi>
                           <pb n="112" facs="tcp:108529:75"/>
inasmuch as by the mutual touch of one anothers Arms, they had en<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tred into a confederacy and agreement to stand by one another. This fashion, they say, the <hi>Saxons</hi> took up from the <hi>Macedonians</hi> their Pro<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>genitors. Others will have it from <hi>tac</hi> to take, and give this account of it, that the Lord of the Hundred at his first entrance upon the place was used to take the Tenants Arms, surrendred and delivered up to him by themselves, in token of subjection by way of Homage. Sir <hi>Tho<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>mas Smith</hi> differs from both these; for he sayes, that at the Hundred meeting, there was a Muster taken of their Weapons or Arms; and that those who could not find sufficient Pledges for their good abear<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ing, had their Weapons taken away; so that in his sense a <hi>Wapentake</hi> is properly <hi>Armilustrium,</hi> and so called from taking away their Wea<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>pons or Arms, who were found unfit to be trusted with them.</p>
                        <p>L. 40. <hi>For the Ceremony of the Gown.</hi>] He alludes to the <hi>Roman</hi> Custom, with whom the youth, when they arrived at mans estate, were then allowed to wear <hi>togam virilem,</hi> to put on a <hi>Gown,</hi> the habit of men; whereas before that, they were obliged to wear a Coat peculiar to the age of Childhood, called <hi>Praetexta</hi>: whence <hi>Papyrius,</hi> though yet a Child, being admitted into the Senate-house for his extraordinary se<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>crecy and manly constancy, was called <hi>Papyrius Praetextatus.</hi>
                        </p>
                        <p>Pag. 33. lin. 9. <hi>Morgangheb.</hi>] Or <hi>Morgingab,</hi> from <hi>Morgin,</hi> which in <hi>High Dutch</hi> signifies the <hi>Morning,</hi> and <hi>gab,</hi> a <hi>gift;</hi> to wit, that Pre<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>sent, which a man makes to his Wife, that morning he marries her.</p>
                     </div>
                     <div type="subpart">
                        <head>CHAP. XX.</head>
                        <p>Pag. 34. lin. 3. <hi>Tityus his Liver.</hi>] A Gyant, who for ravishing of <hi>Latona</hi> was adjudged to have his <hi>Liver</hi> after death prey'd upon conti<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>nually by a Vulture, which grew up again as fast as it was wasted. The equity of which punishment lay in this, that the <hi>Liver</hi> is reputed the source and seat of all lusts and unlawful desires, and doth naturally, as some Physicians hold, receive the first taint of Venereal distempers (the rewards of impure mixtures) according to that of <hi>Solomon,</hi> speak<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ing of an Adulterer, <hi>Till a dart strike thorough his Liver</hi>; from whence they gather, that that, which we now call the <hi>French Pox,</hi> was not un<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>know even in that age of the World.</p>
                        <p>L. 26. <hi>Prema and Mutinus.</hi>] This latter a Title given to <hi>Priapus,</hi> much-what such a God, as <hi>Baal Peor</hi> was; the other a Goddess forsooth much to the same purpose. For the old <hi>Romans</hi> had <hi>Gods</hi> and <hi>Goddesses,</hi> as the present <hi>Romans</hi> have <hi>Saints,</hi> for every thing, for every action of life. But their Offices were such, as the modest Reader will easily excuse the want of explaining them.</p>
                        <p>Lin. 38. <hi>Sayes</hi> Progne <hi>to her Sister</hi> Philomel.] <hi>Tereus</hi> King of <hi>Thrace</hi> having married <hi>Progne</hi> Daughter of <hi>Pandion</hi> King of <hi>Athens,</hi> when he went to fetch her Sister <hi>Philomel,</hi> ravished her by the way on Ship<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>board; which occasioned a bloody revenge in the murder of his Son <hi>Itys.</hi> At last they were turned all four into so many several sorts of Birds; <hi>Progne</hi> into a Swallow, <hi>Philomel</hi> into a Nightingale, <hi>Tereus</hi> into a Lapwing, and <hi>Itys</hi> into a Pheasant.</p>
                     </div>
                     <div type="subpart">
                        <head>CHAP. XXI.</head>
                        <p>Pag. 36. lin. 20. <hi>With head-money called Wergild.</hi>] A word com<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>pounded of the <hi>Saxon were,</hi> the price or value or worth of a man, and <hi>geld</hi> or <hi>gild,</hi> a payment. That is, he that had killed another, was to
<pb n="113" facs="tcp:108529:75"/>
buy off his life, by paying the full value of the person slain. The prizes or rates are set down in <hi>Ethelstan</hi>'s Laws, by <hi>Thrimsa</hi>'s, a kind of Coyn, or piece of money, of the value of three shillings, saith Mr. <hi>Lam<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>bard</hi>; which being reduced to our <hi>Sterling</hi> stand thus.
<table>
                              <row>
                                 <cell>
                                    <hi>A Peasant,</hi>
                                 </cell>
                                 <cell>40 <hi>l.</hi> 1 <hi>s.</hi>
                                 </cell>
                              </row>
                              <row>
                                 <cell>
                                    <hi>A Thane, or one in Orders,</hi>
                                 </cell>
                                 <cell>300 <hi>l.</hi>
                                 </cell>
                              </row>
                              <row>
                                 <cell>
                                    <hi>A General, or Chieftain,</hi>
                                 </cell>
                                 <cell>600 <hi>l.</hi>
                                 </cell>
                              </row>
                              <row>
                                 <cell>
                                    <hi>A Bishop, or Alderman,</hi>
                                 </cell>
                                 <cell>1200 <hi>l.</hi>
                                 </cell>
                              </row>
                              <row>
                                 <cell>
                                    <hi>An Arch-Bishop, or Peer,</hi>
                                 </cell>
                                 <cell>2250 <hi>l.</hi>
                                 </cell>
                              </row>
                              <row>
                                 <cell>
                                    <hi>And a King,</hi>
                                 </cell>
                                 <cell>4500 <hi>l.</hi>
                                 </cell>
                              </row>
                           </table> Half of which last summ was to go to the Kindred, and the other half to the publick. And these Rates are set, he sayes, by the Common Law of the <hi>English.</hi> The reason of this pecuniary compensation, was their tenderness of life, that two men might not dye upon the account of the same mischance, according to that saying in an ancient Law, <hi>Nulla sit culpa tam gravis, ut vita non concedatur, propter timorem Dei.</hi> But yet withal in some cases of premeditated or clandestine murder, they were not excused from making satisfaction with their life; or in case one were not able to pay the <hi>were,</hi> or Fine, he was punished with death. I called this <hi>Head-money,</hi> because in <hi>Latine</hi> it is termed <hi>capitis aestimatio,</hi> the value or price of a mans head: not in that sense as either <hi>Chevage</hi> or <hi>Poll-money</hi> is so called.</p>
                     </div>
                     <div type="subpart">
                        <head>CHAP. XXII.</head>
                        <p>Pag. 37. lin. 42. In the Margin <hi>Caxton</hi> is quoted, a Book, it seems, rare; of which he saith, That Book, that goes up and down by this name, Mr. <hi>War in Townsend</hi> of <hi>Lincolns-Inn,</hi> a Gentleman Noble by his Descent and Learning both, very friendly lent me for my use in a very fair Manuscript; which courtesie of his, I cannot but think it a foul shame for me, not to own and acknowledge with all thankfulness.</p>
                        <p>Pag. 38. lin. 17, 18. <hi>Even now in the time of those that are called the Good.</hi> 'Tis <hi>William</hi> of <hi>Malmesbury,</hi> whom he quotes; <hi>etiam nunc tem<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>pore Bonorum.</hi> Whether he mean <hi>Good Princes,</hi> who would have those Laws observed, or <hi>Honest Subjects,</hi> who would observe them, or whe<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ther there were any sort of men in his time that went by that Chara<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>cter of <hi>Boni,</hi> good men, is more than I have to say. There was at one time a sort of Religious persons, that went by the name of <hi>Bon Hommes</hi>; but that can have nothing to do in this business.</p>
                     </div>
                     <div type="subpart">
                        <head>CHAP. XXIII.</head>
                        <p>Pag. 39. lin. 14. <hi>Every Native home-born lawful man.</hi>] In the <hi>Latin</hi> it is <hi>Indigena legalis,</hi> in the <hi>Saxon</hi> Law-term it is <hi>Inlaughe</hi> or <hi>Inlaugh,</hi> that is, one that is under the Law, <hi>Inlagatus,</hi> who is in <hi>Frank pledge,</hi> or belongs to some <hi>Court Leet:</hi> as all Males from twelve years old and upwards were obliged to be. So <hi>Bracton</hi> tells us.</p>
                        <p>Lin. 27. <hi>Decenna.</hi>] The same as <hi>Decuria,</hi> which is generally rendred a <hi>Tithing, i.e.</hi> a Company of ten men with their families, all of them bound to the King to answer for one anothers good and peaceable be<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>haviour. From the <hi>Latin</hi> word it is called a <hi>Dozein,</hi> and the people that belong to it are called <hi>Deciners</hi> or <hi>Dozeniers,</hi> that is, <hi>Decennarii.</hi> The chief of them is termed <hi>Decurio</hi> or <hi>Decanus Friburgi,</hi> the <hi>Tithing-man</hi>
                           <pb n="114" facs="tcp:108529:76"/>
or <hi>Headborough.</hi> And all Males of twelve years age and upwards (except Nobles and Religious persons) were obliged to be of some <hi>Dozein</hi> or other. But now there are no other <hi>Dozeins</hi> but <hi>Leets,</hi> and no other security there given for the Kings Peace, but the persons own Oath.</p>
                        <p>Lin. 29. <hi>Friborgh.</hi>] From the <hi>Saxon freo, free,</hi> and <hi>borgh</hi>
                           <g ref="char:punc">▪</g> a <hi>surety</hi> or security: or, as some write it, <hi>Fridburgh,</hi> from <hi>frid, peace,</hi> and <hi>burgh, a surety.</hi> If it be taken for the person, it is the same that a <hi>Deciner</hi> (we now spoke of;) if for the action, it is their being sure<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ties for one another: if for the company of these mutual ingagers, 'tis the same as <hi>Decuria,</hi> a Tything, in <hi>Saxon tienmannatale, i. e.</hi> the num<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ber of ten men. The <hi>Normans</hi> retained the same custom, but alte<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>red the name, calling it <hi>Frankpledg,</hi> from the <hi>French, Frank,</hi> i. e. <hi>free,</hi> and <hi>pledg,</hi> i. e. <hi>surety.</hi> And the compass or circuit of this <hi>Frankpledg</hi> the same as that of <hi>Friburg,</hi> to wit, the <hi>Decenna</hi> or <hi>Dozein, i. e.</hi> ten housholds.</p>
                        <p>Lin. 40. <hi>Manupastus.</hi>] Of this <hi>Bracton</hi> sets down a Rule for Law, that every person, whether free-man or servant, either is or ought to be in frank-pledge or of some bodies <hi>mainpast.</hi> Now he is of ones <hi>Mainpast,</hi> saith he, who is allowed Victuals and Clothes, or Victuals only and Wages. And this was the reason, why great men were not obliged to be of any ordinary <hi>Dozein,</hi> because Bishops, Earls and Ba<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>rons, as the same <hi>Bracton</hi> informs us, ought to have their menial ser<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>vants in their own <hi>Friborgh,</hi> and to answer to the King for their behavi<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>our, and to pay what forfeits they should make, if they had not the per<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>sons themselves forth-coming. And this, sayes he, is the case of all those who are of any ones <hi>Mainpast.</hi>
                        </p>
                     </div>
                     <div type="subpart">
                        <head>CHAP. XXIV.</head>
                        <p>P. 41. lin. 16. <hi>John Scot Erigena.</hi>] A School-man famous for his subtilty, called in <hi>Latin, Johannes Duns Scotus.</hi> Whether <hi>Duns</hi> were the Name of his Family, as it might be, <hi>Johannes de Dunis,</hi> which in <hi>English</hi> would be <hi>John Downs;</hi> or whether it were a Nickname given him for his slovenliness and seeming blockishness, from the word <hi>Dunce,</hi> which in Barbarous <hi>Latin</hi> is <hi>Dunsa,</hi> (For so in <hi>Camden</hi>'s <hi>Remains</hi> we find the Emperour <hi>Charles,</hi> as I take it, putting that question to him, as he sate at Table over against him, <hi>Quid interest inter Scotum &amp; So<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tum,</hi> What difference between a <hi>Scot</hi> and a <hi>Sot?</hi> to which he as freely replyed, <hi>Mensa,</hi> the Table, Sir) I shall not determine. But <hi>Scotus</hi> or <hi>Scot,</hi> is the name of his Countrey, he being a <hi>Scotch</hi>-man, and for that reason called also <hi>Erigena,</hi> that is, <hi>Irish born,</hi> to wit, a <hi>Highlander;</hi> for those people were originally <hi>Irish,</hi> and came out of that Island over into the North parts of <hi>Scotland.</hi> Now <hi>Ireland</hi> is by several Authors <hi>Greek</hi> and <hi>Latin</hi> called <hi>Ierna,</hi> and by the Inhabitants themselves <hi>Erin.</hi>
                        </p>
                        <p>L. 43. <hi>The Goddess Anna Perenna.</hi>] The Lady President of the year, <hi>Anna ab Anno</hi>; to whom they addrest their devotions, that she would <hi>pe<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>rennare,</hi> that is, preserve and continue health and plenty and prosperity from year to year; for which reason she was called <hi>Anna Perenna.</hi> Now our Author here brings in long-lived <hi>Nestor</hi> and this Goddess, to shew that those good fellows in quaffing of healths, do wish <hi>muchos annos,</hi> as the <hi>Spaniard</hi> saith, many and many a years life to their absent friends, while in the mean time by tossing off so many bowsing Canns, they shorten their own lives.</p>
                        <p>
                           <pb n="115" facs="tcp:108529:76"/>Pag. 42. lin. 24. <hi>Englescyre.</hi>] Or <hi>Englecerie,</hi> that is, the being an <hi>English</hi>-man. For there was a Law made by King <hi>Knute</hi> in favour of his <hi>Danes</hi> (and so afterward it was interpreted in behalf of the <hi>Fran<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>cigenae, French</hi>-men, or whatever foreigners) that if any such were pri<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>vily murdered or slain, the Village, where the fact was done, should be amerced in a lusty fine to the King, unless they could prove <hi>Engle<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>cerie,</hi> that is, that the murdered person was an <hi>English</hi>-man, one born of <hi>English</hi> Parents, in which case there was no fine levied. So that the <hi>Danes</hi> and <hi>French,</hi> when they governed here, provided they might se<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>cure themselves from the <hi>English,</hi> were well enough content to let them destroy one another.</p>
                     </div>
                     <div type="subpart">
                        <head>CHAP. XXV.</head>
                        <p>Pag. 44. lin. 11. <hi>An Olympiad.</hi>] An account of time used by the <hi>Greeks,</hi> consisting of four years, so called from the <hi>Olympick</hi> Games, which were celebrated in honour of <hi>Jupiter Olympius</hi> every fifth year. This reckoning began first in the year of the World three thousand one hundred seventy four.</p>
                     </div>
                  </div>
                  <div type="part">
                     <pb n="116" facs="tcp:108529:77"/>
                     <head>In the SECOND BOOK.</head>
                     <div type="subpart">
                        <head>CHAP. I.</head>
                        <p>PAg. 48. l. 5. <hi>By right of Fréehold.] Allodii jure,</hi> that is, by a mans own right, without acknowledgment of service or fealty, or payment of Rent to any other as a Superiour Lord. In which respect it is op<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>posed to an Estate in <hi>Fée,</hi> wherein though a man hath a perpetual right to him and to his heirs for ever, yet seeing he owes a duty and service for it, it cannot be said properly and simply to be his own. And such are all mens Estates here in <hi>England,</hi> but the Kings in the right of his Crown, who cannot be supposed to hold of another, or to owe fealty to any Superiour, but to God only.</p>
                        <p>Lin. 12. <hi>Vnder Military service.</hi>] Or <hi>Knights service,</hi> that is, to find the King such a number of Men and Arms in time of War, as it is here expressed. See <hi>Cowell</hi> in the word <hi>Chivalry.</hi> Indeed the Clergy before the <hi>Conquerour</hi> in the time of the <hi>Saxons</hi> (as we find it in the five and twentieth Chapter of the first Book) were allowed to be free from Secular Services, but with an Exception and Reserve however of these things, <hi>to wit,</hi> Expedition, Repairing of Castles and Building of Bridges, from which last duty the High-Priests among the <hi>Romans</hi> were called <hi>Pontifices, i. e.</hi> Bridge-makers. Now this bringing of the Bishops Baronies under <hi>Knights Service,</hi> was sure enough design'd to engage them into a close dependence upon the Crown, and to take them off from hankering after any forreign Power, to which they might pretend to owe any subordination; as all along the times of Popery, out of reverence to the <hi>Holy See,</hi> they were forward enough upon oc<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>casion to think themselves obliged to do, even to the high discontent and great disservice of their Kings.</p>
                     </div>
                     <div type="subpart">
                        <head>CHAP. II.</head>
                        <p>Pag. 51. lin. 12. <hi>Ready money.</hi>] So I render <hi>Viva pecunia:</hi> which though <hi>Spelman</hi> saith it is so called, that it may the more expresly sig<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>nifie <hi>pecudes, i. e.</hi> Cattle; yet he doth not to me, I confess, make out by any fair instance that it doth ever so signifie; and that it cannot be taken in that sense here, is plain from what immediately goes before, <hi>quot ani<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>malia, imò quantum vivae pecuniae quisque possidebat</hi>: where <hi>animalia</hi> li<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ving creatures include <hi>pecudes</hi> the Cattle.</p>
                     </div>
                     <div type="subpart">
                        <pb n="117" facs="tcp:108529:77"/>
                        <head>CHAP. III.</head>
                        <p>Pag. 54. lin. 32. <hi>Boseham.</hi>] What Earl <hi>Godwin</hi>'s trick was, or wherein the conceit lay, I cannot at present well imagine, unless it were in the equivocation or misunderstanding of the word <hi>Boseham,</hi> as it falls in with the word <hi>Bosom</hi> in the pronunciation and sound of it; thus. Supposing the Earl at meeting of the Arch-Bishop, coming up to him upon pretence of saluting him said, <hi>Give me your Boseham, my Lord;</hi> to which the Arch-Bishop thinking belike, he might, by way of desiring his Pastoral embrace, mean only his <hi>bosom,</hi> readily made answer, <hi>I give you my bosom</hi>; which the Earl with a cunning fetch in<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>terpreted a Grant of his Estate of <hi>Boseham.</hi>
                        </p>
                        <p>Pardon, Reader, my mistake, if it be one; since I have no better ac<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>count, from my own guess, to give, meeting with no help from our Law-Dictionaries.</p>
                     </div>
                     <div type="subpart">
                        <head>CHAP. IV.</head>
                        <p>P. 56. lin. 8. <hi>The first Sheriffs of Counties.</hi>] A <hi>Sheriff</hi> or <hi>Shyre<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>reed</hi> signifies the Governour of a County, called in <hi>Latin Vice-comes,</hi> as Deputy to the Count or Lord or Chief Man of the County; though even in the <hi>Confessor</hi>'s time he was reckoned the Kings Officer, and not the Counts. This Office, as Mr. <hi>Camden</hi> tells us, was first set up by King <hi>Alfred,</hi> who also divided <hi>England</hi> into Counties, and those Coun<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ties again into Hundreds and Tythings.</p>
                        <p>Lin. 29. <hi>Other Judges without appeal.</hi>] This should seem to be the Court of <hi>Chancery:</hi> for which reason the Lord <hi>Chancellor</hi> is said to keep the Kings conscience, as here these Judges are compared to the Kings bosom.</p>
                        <p>Lin. 37. <hi>Acting a</hi> Busiris <hi>his part.] i. e.</hi> Treating strangers ill; he being a cruel Tyrant of <hi>Egypt,</hi> who slew strangers, and sacrificed them to his Gods: whence the Proverb, <hi>Busiridis arae.</hi>
                        </p>
                        <p>Pag. 57. lin. 39. <hi>that he should pay it at the Scale.</hi>] That is, should pay it by weight, or according to full weight.</p>
                     </div>
                     <div type="subpart">
                        <head>CHAP. VI.</head>
                        <p>Pag. 60. lin. 17. <hi>Being Lord Chief Justice of the whole Kingdom.</hi>] In the <hi>Latin</hi> it is thus expressed; <hi>totius regni placitator &amp; exactor:</hi> where I confess the former title of the two gave me the occasion of my mistake, as if he had been Chief Justice of the <hi>Common Pleas:</hi> whereas I should rather have rendred it thus; <hi>who had been</hi> (to wit, in King <hi>Rufus</hi> his time) <hi>Pleader or Demander and Receiver of the Kings duties throughout the whole Kingdom.</hi> For such an Officer this <hi>Exactor regius</hi> was, other<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>wise called <hi>Grasio.</hi> See <hi>Spelman</hi> upon both those words.</p>
                        <p>Lin. 39. <hi>In the times of the Saxons a Hereot.</hi>] This at first was a tri<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>bute given to the Lord for his better preparation towards War; but afterward though the name were kept, the thing was altered, being taken for the best Chattle, that the Tenant hath at the hour of his death, due to the Lord by custom, be it Horse, Ox, <hi>&amp;c.</hi> That <hi>Hereot</hi> and <hi>Re<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>lief</hi> do not signifie the same thing, appears by this, that they are both often sound to be paid out of one and the same Tenure, and again that the
<pb n="118" facs="tcp:108529:78"/>
heir alway succeeds into the Estate upon the payment of the <hi>Relief,</hi> but not alwayes upon the payment of the <hi>Hereot.</hi>
                        </p>
                        <p>Lin. 42. <hi>In French is called a Relief.</hi>] From the Verb <hi>Relever,</hi> to raise again and take up the Estate which had faln into the Lords hand by the death of the Ancestor. It is a summ of money, which the new Homager, when he is come to age, payes to the Lord for his admission or at his entrance into the estate. Whence by the old Civilians 'tis cal<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>led <hi>Introitus,</hi> and in <hi>Greek</hi> 
                           <gap reason="foreign">
                              <desc>〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉</desc>
                           </gap>. This summ was moderately set; wherein it differed from <hi>Ransom,</hi> which was much more severe. The Kings rates upon his Homagers were thus: An Earls heir was to give an hundred Pounds, a Barons an hundred Marks, a Knights an hundred Shillings at most; and those of lesser estate less, according to the anci<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ent custom of their Tenures: as <hi>Spelman</hi> quotes it out of the Charter of <hi>Henry</hi> the Third.</p>
                        <p>Pag. 61. lin. 11. <hi>Of the greater Uavasors.</hi>] They were a sort of Gentlemen next in degree to the Barons. They did not hold immedi<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ately of the King, but of some Duke, Marquess or Earl. And those that held from them again, were called <hi>Valvasini,</hi> or the lesser <hi>Vavasors.</hi> There is little certainty what their Offices or Priviledges were, or in<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>deed whence they were so called; whether <hi>qu. ad valvas stantes,</hi> or <hi>valvae assidentes,</hi> for their sitting or standing at their Lords door, (if those of that quality did so) as some would have it; or that they kept the doors or entrances of the Kingdom against the enemies, as <hi>Spelman</hi> sayes; or whether from <hi>Vassal<gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                                 <desc>•</desc>
                              </gap>i,</hi> as the Feudists derive the name, from that inferiour Tenure they had mediately from the King by his great Lords; which seems the more likely, because these <hi>greater Vavasors,</hi> who did so hold, are sometimes termed <hi>Valvasores regii</hi> and <hi>Vassi domi<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>nici,</hi> that is, the Kings Vassals.</p>
                        <p>Lin. 27. <hi>Her Dowry and right of Marriage.</hi>] In the Latin it is <hi>dotem suam &amp; maritagium.</hi> Now <hi>Dos</hi> is otherwise taken in the <hi>English,</hi> than in the <hi>Roman</hi> Laws; not for that which the man receives with his Wife at marriage, a <hi>Portion:</hi> but for that which the Woman hath left her by her Husband at his death, a <hi>Dowry.</hi> And <hi>Maritagium</hi> is that which is given to a Man with his Wife, so that 'tis the same as <hi>Dos</hi> among the <hi>Romans,</hi> saith <hi>Spelman.</hi> But this is too general, I think, that the man should be obliged to return at his death <hi>all</hi> to his Wife that he had with her, beside leaving her a Dowry. I am therefore rather inclined to <hi>Cowell,</hi> who tells us, <hi>Maritagium</hi> signifies <hi>Land</hi> bestowed in marriage; which, it seems, by this Law was to return to the Wife, if her Husband dyed before her. The word hath another sense also, which doth not be<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>long to this place, being sometime taken for that which Wards were to pay to the Lord for his leave and consent that they might marry themselves, which if they did against his consent, it was called <hi>For<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>feiture of marriage.</hi>
                        </p>
                        <p>Lin. 35. <hi>The common Duty of Money or Coinage.</hi>] So I render the word <hi>Monetagium.</hi> For it appears, that in ancient times the Kings of <hi>England</hi> had Mints in most of the Countreys and Cities of this Realm. See <hi>Cowell</hi> in the word <hi>Moniers.</hi> For which priviledge, 'tis likely, they paid some duty to the chief place of the Mint. Thus in <hi>Doom<gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                                 <desc>•</desc>
                              </gap>sday</hi> we read, as <hi>Spelman</hi> quotes it, that in the City <hi>Winecestre</hi> every Monyer paid twenty shillings to <hi>London;</hi> and the reason given, <hi>pro cuneis mo<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>netae accipiendis,</hi> for having Stamps or Coins of Money. For from this <hi>Latin</hi> word <hi>Cuneus</hi> (which our Lawyers have turned into <hi>Cuna,</hi> from
<pb n="119" facs="tcp:108529:78"/>
whence the Verb <hi>Cunare</hi>) comes our <hi>English</hi> word <hi>Coyn.</hi> Now it is more than probable, that the Officers of the Chief Mint might by their exactions upon the inferiour Mints give occasion for the making of this Law.</p>
                        <p>Lin. 42. <hi>Or Children or Parents.</hi>] By <hi>Parent</hi> here we are to under<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>stand not a Father or Mother, but a Cousin, one a-kin; as the word sig<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>nifies in <hi>French,</hi> and as it is used in our Laws. And indeed the <hi>Latin</hi> word it self began to have that sense put upon it in vulgar speech, to<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ward the declension of the Empire, as <hi>Lampridius</hi> informs us.</p>
                        <p>Pag. 62. lin. 21. <hi>A pawn in the scarcity of his money.</hi>] That is, if he were not able to pay his forfeit <hi>in specie, i. e.</hi> to lay down the money, he was to give security by a pawn of some of his Goods or Chattels. See <hi>Cowell</hi> in the word <hi>Gage.</hi> This in <hi>Latin</hi> is called <hi>Vadium,</hi> a pawn or pledge, from <hi>Vas, vadis,</hi> a surety. Hence <hi>Invadiare,</hi> to pawn or in<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>gage a thing by way of security, till a debt be paid.</p>
                        <p>Lin. 23. <hi>Nor shall he make amends.</hi>] From the <hi>French amende,</hi> in our <hi>Law-Latin emenda</hi>: which differs from a Fine (or mulct) in this, that the <hi>Fine</hi> was given to the Judge, but <hi>Amends</hi> was to be made to the Party aggriev'd. Now there were three sorts of this <hi>Amende,</hi> the Greater which was like a full Forfeiture, the Mid-one at reasonable terms, and the Least or Lowest which was like a gentle Amercement. This distinction will help to explain the meaning of this Law.</p>
                        <p>L. 30. <hi>Per fée de Hauberke.</hi>] This in <hi>Latin</hi> is called <hi>Feudum Hau<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>berticum,</hi> i. e. <hi>Loricatum,</hi> sayes <hi>Hotoman,</hi> from the <hi>French</hi> word <hi>Hau<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>bert,</hi> that is, a Coat of Mail, when a Vassal holds Land of the Lord on this condition, that when he is called, he be ready to attend his Lord with a Coat of Mail or compleat Armour on. Now <hi>Haubert,</hi> as <hi>Spel<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>man</hi> tells us, properly signifies a High Lord or Baron, from <hi>Haut</hi> or <hi>hault,</hi> high, and <hi>Ber</hi> (the same as <hi>Baro</hi>) a Man or Baron. And be<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>cause these great Lords were obliged by their place and service to wait upon the King in his Wars on Horse-back with compleat Armour, and particularly with a Coat of Mail on: hence it came, sayes he, that the Coat of Mail it self was also called <hi>Haubert</hi>; though he doth after<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ward acknowledge that the word is extended to all other Vassals, who are under that kind of Tenure. But then at last he inclines to think, that the true ancient writing of the word is <hi>Hauberk</hi> (not <hi>Haubert</hi>) as it were <hi>Hautberg, i. e.</hi> the chief or principal piece of Armour; and <hi>Berg</hi> he will have to signifie Armour, as he makes out in some of its compounds, <hi>Bainberg</hi> Armour for the Legs, and <hi>Halsberg</hi> Armour for the Neck and Breast: and derives it from the <hi>Saxon Beorgan, i. e.</hi> to arm, to defend. Add to this, saith he, that the French themselves (and we from them) call it an <hi>Haubergeon,</hi> as it were <hi>Haubergium.</hi>
                        </p>
                        <p>Lin. 33. <hi>From all Gelds.</hi>] The <hi>Saxon</hi> word <hi>geld</hi> or <hi>gild</hi> signifies a Tribute or Tax, an Amercement, a payment of money, and money it self: whence I doubt not, but the best sort of money was called <hi>Gold.</hi> It is from the Verb <hi>geldan</hi> or <hi>gyldan,</hi> to pay. In <hi>Latin</hi> it is <hi>Geldum,</hi> and not <hi>Gilda,</hi> as <hi>Cowell</hi> writes it. For this signifies quite another thing, a Fraternity or Company of Merchants or the like. Whence a <hi>Gild<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>hall,</hi> that is the Hall of the Gild or Society: such as was once the <hi>Stilyard,</hi> called <hi>Gildhalla Teutonicorum,</hi> the <hi>Gild-hall</hi> for the <hi>Dutch</hi> Merchants from the Hanse-Towns.</p>
                     </div>
                     <div type="subpart">
                        <pb n="120" facs="tcp:108529:79"/>
                        <head>CHAP. VII.</head>
                        <p>Pag. 63. lin. 25. <hi>Iphis</hi> and <hi>Ianthis</hi> and <hi>Ceneus.</hi>] Persons mention'd by <hi>Ovid,</hi> who changed their Sex, from Female to Male. <hi>Iphis</hi> was a Maid of <hi>Creet,</hi> who after her <hi>Metamorphosis</hi> when she turn'd to Man, took <hi>Ianthe</hi> to Wife: and <hi>Caenis</hi> (for that was her Maiden Name) was a <hi>Thessalian</hi> Girl, whom <hi>Neptune</hi> made a Whore of first, and then at her request a Man, who thenceforward went by the Name of <hi>Caeneus.</hi>
                        </p>
                        <p>Lin. 34. <hi>Cheats, whom they commonly call Coyners.</hi>] In <hi>Malmesbury's</hi> Latin, <hi>Trapezitas, quos vulgò Monetarios vocant.</hi> Which bare citation is all the account, that <hi>Spelman</hi> gives of the word <hi>Monetarius.</hi> It doth properly signifie an Officer of the Mint, that makes and coyns the Kings money; a <hi>Monier.</hi> But here by the Historian's implying that such fellows, as this Law was made against, were <hi>falsarii,</hi> Cheats, and by our Author's terming of them <hi>adulteratores monetae,</hi> Counterfeiters of Coyn: we must understand them to be False Coyners, Clippers, Wash<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ers, Imbasers of the Kings Coyn, and the like. And therefore I render'd <hi>trapezitas</hi> (which otherwise is a word of innocent meaning for Money-Changers, Bankers, <hi>&amp;c.</hi>) in the Historian's sense <hi>Cheats.</hi>
                        </p>
                     </div>
                     <div type="subpart">
                        <head>CHAP. VIII.</head>
                        <p>Pag. 65. lin. 24. <hi>Every Hide of Land.</hi>] It is so called from the <hi>Saxon</hi> word <hi>hyden, to cover;</hi> so that thus it would be the same as <hi>Te<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ctum</hi> in <hi>Latin,</hi> a Dwelling-house. And thus I question not, but there are several houses called <hi>The Hide:</hi> for I know one or two my self so called, that is, the Capital Messuage of the Estate. Nor is it so con<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>fined to this sense, but that it takes in all the Lands belonging to the Messuage or Manour-house, which the old <hi>Saxons</hi> called <hi>hidelandes,</hi> and upon some such account no doubt <hi>Hidepark</hi> had its name, as a Park belonging to some great House. Now as to the quantity, how much a <hi>Hide of land</hi> is, it is not well agreed. Some reckon it an hun<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>dred Acres, others thereabouts, by making it contain four Yardlands, every Yardland consisting of twenty four Acres. The general opinion is, that it was as much as could be ploughed with one Plow in a year, <hi>terra unius aratri culturae sufficiens.</hi> And thus it should be much what the same as <hi>Carrucata terrae, i. e.</hi> a Plough-land. From <hi>Bede,</hi> who trans<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>lates it <hi>familia,</hi> they gather it was so much as could maintain a family. There is mention made of these <hi>Hides</hi> in the Laws of King <hi>Ina,</hi> an hun<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>dred years before King <hi>Alfred,</hi> who divided the Countrey into <hi>Counties</hi> or Shires. And Taxes and Assessments were wont to be made according to these <hi>Hides</hi>; up as high as King <hi>Ethelred</hi>'s time in the year of our Lord 1008. Since the Conquest, <hi>William</hi> the First had six shillings for every Hide in <hi>England, Rufus</hi> four, <hi>Henry</hi> the First here three for the marriage of his daughter.</p>
                        <p>Pag. 66. lin. 8. <hi>This right is called Wreck.] i. e.</hi> by which the King claims shipwrack't goods cast on shoar. For though by the Law of Na<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ture such things, as being <hi>nullius in bonis,</hi> having no Owner, every one that finds them may seem to have a right to them; yet by the Law of Nations they are adjudged to the Prince as a special priviledge by reason of his dignity. Now <hi>Wreck</hi> (or as the <hi>French</hi> call it <hi>Varec</hi>) properly signifies any thing that is cast on shoar, as Amber, precious
<pb n="121" facs="tcp:108529:79"/>
Stones, Fishes, <hi>&amp;c.</hi> as well as shipwrack't goods: from the <hi>Saxon wraec, i. e.</hi> any thing that is flung away and left forlorn; though use hath li<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>mited the word to the later sense.</p>
                     </div>
                     <div type="subpart">
                        <head>CHAP. IX.</head>
                        <p>Pag. 68. lin. 6. <hi>The</hi> Roman <hi>Laws were banisht the Realm.</hi>] I sup<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>pose there may be some word missing or mistaken in the <hi>Latin, à regno jussae sunt leges Romanae:</hi> But that which follows, the forbidding of the Books, obliged me to that interpretation: for why should the Books of those Laws be prohibited, if the Laws themselves were (as the <hi>Latin</hi> reading seems to import) ordered and ratified by the Realm. Where<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>fore I suppose some mistake, or omission, and for <hi>à regno jussae,</hi> read <hi>à regno pulsae</hi> or <hi>exulare jussae, &amp;c.</hi> unless you would like to have it thus rendred, <hi>commanded out of the Kingdom</hi>: which I confess would be a very odd unusual construction.</p>
                     </div>
                     <div type="subpart">
                        <head>CHAP. X.</head>
                        <p>Pag. 69. lin. 39. <hi>Three hundred Marks of Gold.</hi>] A <hi>Mark</hi> weigh'd eight ounces, and as <hi>Cowell</hi> states it out of <hi>Stow,</hi> it came to the value of 16 <hi>l.</hi> 13 <hi>s.</hi> 4 <hi>d.</hi> At this rate three hundred Marks of Gold come to five thousand Pound; and to every Bishop five Marks, supposing only ten Bishops, come to 833 <hi>l.</hi> 6 <hi>s.</hi> 8 <hi>d.</hi> which is a very unlikely summ in this business. 'Tis true, the value of it, as of other Coyns and summs, might vary. And so we find in <hi>Spelman,</hi> that an uncertain Author reckons a <hi>Mark of Gold</hi> to be worth fifty Marks of Silver. But then 'tis as uncertain, what <hi>Marks of Silver</hi> he means. For if they be such as ours are (and as they were in King <hi>John</hi>'s time) at 13 <hi>s.</hi> 4 <hi>d.</hi> then a Mark of Gold will be of the value of 33 <hi>l.</hi> 6 <hi>s.</hi> 8 <hi>d.</hi> which is just dou<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ble to the former value of 16 <hi>l.</hi> 13 <hi>s.</hi> 4 <hi>d.</hi> (which being resolved into Marks of Silver, makes but 25.) But in ancient times a <hi>Mark of Silver</hi> was only 2 <hi>s.</hi> 6 <hi>d.</hi> so that fifty of them will make but 6 <hi>l.</hi> 5 <hi>s.</hi> Another instance we meet with, where one <hi>Mark of Gold</hi> is accounted equivalent to ten <hi>Marks of Silver</hi>; which taking a <hi>Mark</hi> for 13 <hi>s.</hi> 4 <hi>d.</hi> comes to 6 <hi>l.</hi> 13 <hi>s.</hi> 4 <hi>d.</hi> Another, where nine Marks of Silver pass for one Mark of Gold, in a payment to the King: which is just six pound. And these <hi>three</hi> last accounts agree pretty well together. Taking the middlemost of the three, <hi>viz.</hi> a Mark of Gold at ten Marks of Silver; thus the above named summ of three hundred <hi>Marks of Gold,</hi> that is, three thousand <hi>Marks of Silver</hi> amounts to two thousand Pound; and the five <hi>Marks</hi> to every Bishop (supposing but ten Bishops) come to 333 <hi>l.</hi> 6 <hi>s.</hi> 8 <hi>d.</hi> But if we take these <hi>Marks of Silver</hi> at 2 <hi>s.</hi> 6 <hi>d.</hi> the account will grow much less. For ten such <hi>Marks</hi> are but 1 <hi>l.</hi> 5 <hi>s.</hi> so that the three hun<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>dred <hi>Marks of Gold</hi> at this rate will come but to 375 <hi>l.</hi> Sterling. But that these <hi>Marks</hi> of the ancient and lower estimate are not here intended, may probably enough be gathered from one passage more we find there, <hi>Centum solidi dentur vel marca auri,</hi> where, if <hi>solidi</hi> stand for shillings (for they may be taken for <hi>soulx</hi> as the <hi>French</hi> call them) a <hi>Mark of Gold</hi> is made of equal value with 5 <hi>l.</hi> Sterling. And thus three hun<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>dred Marks of Gold come to Fifteen hundred pound.</p>
                        <p>
                           <pb n="122" facs="tcp:108529:80"/>I confess after all, most of these accounts of the <hi>Mark, Gold</hi> or <hi>Sil<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ver,</hi> may be admitted of, as having possibly at some time or other been true; since mony, both in its Coyns and Summs, hath in several Ages of the World, risen, and fallen according to its plenty or scarcity.</p>
                        <p>Lin. 42. <hi>Being arighted and accused of any matter.</hi>] Or rather in the Law-spelling <hi>arrested</hi>; in <hi>Latin rectatus,</hi> that is, <hi>ad rectum vocatus,</hi> con<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>vened before a Magistrate and charged with a crime. Thus <hi>ad rectum habere,</hi> is in <hi>Bracton,</hi> to have a man forth coming, so as he may be char<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ged and put upon his tryal. It may be also rendred, <hi>taken upon suspi<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>cion.</hi> It is written sometime <hi>retatus</hi> and <hi>irretitus.</hi>
                        </p>
                        <p>Pag. 70. lin. 33. <hi>To give suretiship for the Remainder.</hi>] I confess I do not well know how to apply to this place that sense, which our Common Law takes the word <hi>Remainder</hi> in, for a power or hope to enjoy Lands, Tenements or Rents after anothers estate or term ex<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>pired; when an estate doth not revert to the Lord or Granter of it, but <hi>remains</hi> to be enjoyed by some third person. What if we say, that as Bishops could not (because their estates are of Alms) grant any part of their Demeans <hi>ad remanentiam,</hi> for ever or to perpetuity, so here Ex<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>communicate persons were not obliged <hi>dare vadium ad remanentiam,</hi> to find sureties for continuance or for perpetuity, that is, for their future good behaviour, but only to stand to the judgement of the Church in that particular case for which they were at present sentenced.</p>
                     </div>
                     <div type="subpart">
                        <head>CHAP. XI.</head>
                        <p>Pag. 72. lin. 24. <hi>If a Claim or Suit shall arise.</hi>] In the <hi>Latin, si ca<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>lumnia emerserit,</hi> a known and frequent word in our Law, which sig<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>nifies a Claim or Challenge, otherwise termed <hi>clameum.</hi>
                        </p>
                        <p>Lin. 37. <hi>Till it shall by Plea be deraigned.</hi>] or <hi>dereyned:</hi> which is in <hi>French dereyné,</hi> in the <hi>Latin, disrationatum,</hi> which as it hath several significations in Law, so here it imports, after a full debate and fair hearing, the determination of the matter by the judgement of the Court.</p>
                     </div>
                     <div type="subpart">
                        <head>CHAP. XII.</head>
                        <p>Pag. 75. lin. 2. <hi>By the name of Yumen.</hi>] The same say some, as the <hi>Danes</hi> call <hi>yong men.</hi> Others derive the word from the <hi>Saxon geman,</hi> or the old <hi>Dutch Gemen,</hi> that is, <hi>common,</hi> and so it signifies a <hi>Commoner.</hi> Sir <hi>Tho. Smith</hi> calls him <hi>Yoman,</hi> whom our Laws term <hi>legalem hominem,</hi> a Free-man born (so <hi>Camden</hi> renders it by <hi>Ingenuus</hi>) who is able to spend of his own free Land in yearly Revenue to the summ of Forty Shillings, such as we now, I suppose, call <hi>Free-holders,</hi> who have a Voice at the Election of Parliament-men. But here the word is taken in a larger sense, so as to include servile Tenure also or Villenage.</p>
                     </div>
                     <div type="subpart">
                        <head>CHAP. XIII.</head>
                        <p>Pag. 77. lin. 5. <hi>Leude-men.</hi>] From the <hi>Saxon Leod,</hi> the common people. It signified in Law a Subject, a Liege man, a Vassal, a Te<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>nant: hence in <hi>High-dutch</hi> a Servant was called <hi>Leute,</hi> in <hi>Old English</hi> a <hi>Lout.</hi> But in common acception <hi>Lewd</hi> was formerly taken for a
<pb n="123" facs="tcp:108529:80"/>
Lay-man, <gap reason="foreign">
                              <desc>〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉</desc>
                           </gap>, one of the people, or for any illiterate person. Now it is used to denote one who is wicked or loose and debauched.</p>
                     </div>
                     <div type="subpart">
                        <head>CHAP. XIV.</head>
                        <p>Pag. 79. lin. 8. <hi>The States of the Kingdom, the Baronage.</hi>] He means the whole Parliament, and not only the House of Lords by the word <hi>Baronage.</hi> For though by <hi>Barons,</hi> now we properly understand the Peers of the Realm; yet anciently all Lords of Manours, those who kept Court-Baron, were styled <hi>Barons</hi>: Nay <hi>Spelman</hi> tells us, that all Free-holders went by that name before the Free-holds were quit let<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ted out into such small pittances, as now they are, while Noble-men kept their Lands in their own hands, and managed them by their Vas<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>sals. <hi>Cowell</hi> gives this further account of those Lords of Manours, that he had heard by men very learned in our Antiquities, that near after the Conquest all such came to Parliament, and sate as Nobles in the Up<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>per House. But, as he goes on, when by experience it appeared, that the Parliament was too much pestered with such multitudes, it grew to a custom, that none should come but such as the King, for their extraordinary wisdom or quality, thought good to call by Writ, which Writ ran <hi>hâc vice tantùm,</hi> that is, only for this turn. So that then it depended wholly upon the Kings pleasure. And then he proceeds to shew, how after that they came to be made Barons by Letters Patents, and the Honour to descend to their posterity.</p>
                        <p>Lin. 27. <hi>By way of safe pledge.</hi>] That is, to oblige them to give security for the parties appearance against the day assigned; who in case of default were to undergo the dammage and peril of it.</p>
                        <p>Pag. 80. lin. 7. <hi>St.</hi> Peter's <hi>pence.</hi>] These <hi>Peter-pence</hi> were also cal<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>led in <hi>Saxon, Romescot</hi> and <hi>Romefeoh</hi> (that is, a Tribute or Fee due to <hi>Rome</hi>) and <hi>Rome-penny</hi> and <hi>Hearth-penny.</hi> It was paid yearly by every Family (a Penny a house) at the Feast of S. <hi>Peter ad Vincula</hi> on the first day of <hi>August.</hi> It was granted first, sayes our Author out of <hi>Malmesbury,</hi> by <hi>Ina</hi> or <hi>Inas</hi> King of the <hi>West-Saxons,</hi> when he went on Pilgrimage to <hi>Rome,</hi> in the year of our Lord 720. But there is a more clear account given by <hi>Spelman</hi> (in the word <hi>Romascot</hi>) that it was done by <hi>Offa</hi> King of the <hi>Mercians,</hi> out of an Author that wrote his Life. And it is this, That <hi>Offa</hi> after thirty six years Reign having vowed to build a Stately Monastery to the memory of St. <hi>Alban</hi> the <hi>British</hi> Pro<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tomartyr, he went on Pilgrimage to <hi>Rome, Adrian</hi> the First then Pope, to beg Indulgences and more than ordinary Priviledges for the intended work. He was kindly received, and got what he came for; and the next day going to see an <hi>English</hi> School, that had been set up at <hi>Rome,</hi> he for the maintenance of the poor <hi>English</hi> in that School, gave a Pen<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ny for every house, to be paid every year throughout his Dominion, (which was no less than three and twenty Shires at that time) only the Lands of S. <hi>Alban</hi> excepted. And this to be paid at the Feast of S. <hi>Pe<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ter,</hi> because he found the body of the Martyr on that day, for which reason it was also called <hi>S. Peter</hi>'s <hi>Penny.</hi> And although at last these <hi>Peter-pence</hi> were claim'd by the Pope as his own due and an Apostolical right, yet we find, that beside the maintenance of a School here men<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tioned, for which they were first given, they have by other Kings been appropriated to other uses. Thus we read that <hi>Athelwolf</hi> Father to King <hi>Alured,</hi> who was the first Monarch of this Isle, granted three hundred
<pb n="124" facs="tcp:108529:81"/>
Marks (the summ total of the <hi>Peter-pence</hi> here, bating only an odd Noble) to be paid yearly at <hi>Rome.</hi> One hundred for the honour of S. <hi>Peter,</hi> to find Lights for his Church: another hundred for the honour of S. <hi>Paul</hi> on the like occasion: and the third hundred for the Pope's use to enlarge his Alms. This was done in the year 858. when <hi>Leo</hi> the Fourth was Pope.</p>
                        <p>Lin. 9. <hi>Thirty pence of live money.</hi>] Possibly the worth or value of thirty pence in Goods and Chattels. King <hi>Offa,</hi> in his Grant thus words it, <hi>quibus sors tantum contulit extra domos in pascuis, ut triginta argenteo<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>rum pretium excederet</hi>; who had an Estate besides Houses in Lands, which might exceed the value of thirty silver pence.</p>
                        <p>Lin. 15. <hi>Out of a Rescript of Pope</hi> Gregory.] We have the whole Letter set down in <hi>Spelman,</hi> which speaks in <hi>English</hi> thus, <hi>GREGORY the Bishop, Servant of the Servants of God, to his Worshipful Brethren the Arch-Bishops of</hi> Canterbury <hi>and</hi> York, <hi>and to their Suffraegans, and to his beloved Sons the Abbots, Priors, Arch-Deacons and their Officials, appointed throughout the Kingdom of</hi> England, <hi>unto whom these Letters shall come, Greeting and Apostolical Benediction. In what manner the Pence of S.</hi> Peter, <hi>which are due or owing to our Chamber, are to be gathered in</hi> England, <hi>and in what Bishopricks and Dioceses they are owing, that there may arise no doubt on this occasion, we have caused it to be set down in this present Writing, according as it is contained in the Register of the Apostolick See. Out of the Diocess of</hi> Canterbury <hi>seven pounds and eighteen shillings ster<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ling: Out of the Diocess of</hi> London <hi>sixteen pounds, ten shillings.</hi> And so of the rest. <hi>Yeoven at the old City,</hi> April 22. <hi>in the second year of our Popedom.</hi> There is some difference though in the account of the Di<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>oceses. For after <hi>Lincoln</hi> he leaves out <hi>Coventry</hi> and puts <hi>Chichester</hi> for <hi>Chester,</hi> 8 <hi>l.</hi> and then after <hi>Bath</hi> he puts in <hi>Salisbury</hi> and <hi>Coventry</hi> (with a mistake 10 <hi>l.</hi> 10 <hi>s.</hi> for 5 <hi>s.</hi>) and leaves <hi>York</hi> last. Besides every body knows there are more Dioceses now than were then. This was <hi>Gre<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>gory</hi> the Fifth that wrote this, and it was (our Author tells us) in the time of King <hi>Edward</hi> the Second. But <hi>Edward</hi> the Third in the year of the Lord 1365. and of his Reign 39. forbad these <hi>Peter-pence</hi> to be paid any more at <hi>Rome,</hi> or to be gathered any longer in <hi>England.</hi>
                        </p>
                     </div>
                     <div type="subpart">
                        <head>CHAP. XV.</head>
                        <p>Pag. 81. lin. 10. <hi>Into six Provinces or Circuits.</hi>] As they are for number still, with two Judges a piece, though at first three. How these differ from what they now are, as to the Counties, the Reader may easily satisfie himself. Here are thirty seven of them, as we now reckon: only with this difference, that <hi>Monmouth</hi> and <hi>Rutland</hi> are left out, and <hi>Richmond</hi> and <hi>Copland</hi> are put in.</p>
                        <p>Pag. 82. lin. 27. <hi>And if he perish,</hi> i. e. <hi>sink, let him lose one foot.</hi>] For that in this tryal by water, was the sign and proof of guilt, if the party thrown in did not swim, which is quite contrary in the tryal of Witches: as you will find in the next Chapter, which treats of <hi>Ordeals.</hi>
                        </p>
                        <p>Lin. 39. <hi>The Kings great Assise.] Assise</hi> is a word, that hath many significations in our Law. It is here in the Title taken for a Statute; <hi>The Assises (i. e.</hi> the Statutes and Ordinances) <hi>of King</hi> Henry <hi>made at Clarendon.</hi> But in this place it is used for a Jury; and it is either the Great or <hi>Grand Assise,</hi> which serv'd for the right of Property, and was to
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consist of twelve Knights; or the <hi>Petty Assise,</hi> which served for the right of Possession only, and was made up of twelve lawful men.</p>
                     </div>
                     <div type="subpart">
                        <head>CHAP. XVI.</head>
                        <p>Pag. 86. lin. 34. <hi>The superstitions and fopperies.</hi>] These you have also in Sir <hi>H. Spelman,</hi> with an <hi>Incipit Missa Judicii,</hi> which shews that the Church of <hi>Rome</hi> did once approve of these Customs, which since she hath condemned, notwithstanding her pretence of being Infallible. I would to God, she would deal as ingenuously in throwing off those other errors and corruptions, we do so justly charge her with.</p>
                     </div>
                     <div type="subpart">
                        <head>CHAP. XVII.</head>
                        <p>Pag. 87. lin. 21. <hi>Hogenhine.</hi>] Or <hi>Agen-hyne,</hi> that is, ones own servant. It is written also <hi>Home-hyne,</hi> that is, a servant of the house.</p>
                        <p>Lin. 33. <hi>Holding in Frank Pledge.</hi>] The <hi>Latin</hi> is <hi>francus tenens.</hi> Wherefore amend the mistake, and read <hi>holding in Frank Fee.</hi> For <hi>Frank Pledg</hi> is a thing of another nature, as belonging to a mans Be<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>haviour and not to his Tenure. Now <hi>Frank Fee</hi> is that which is free from all service, when a man holds an Estate at the Common Law to himself and his heirs, and not by such service as is required in ancient demesne.</p>
                        <p>Pag. 88. lin. 12. <hi>The</hi> Falcidian <hi>Law.</hi>] So named from one <hi>Falci<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>dius,</hi> who being Tribune of the people in <hi>Augustus</hi> his time, was the Maker of this Law.</p>
                        <p>Lin. 33. <hi>Twenty pounds worth of Land in yearly revenue.</hi>] So I render 20. <hi>libratae terrae.</hi> For although <hi>Cowell</hi> in proportion to <hi>Quadrantata,</hi> or Fardingdeal of Land, which he saith is the fourth part of an Acre, seem<gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                              <desc>•</desc>
                           </gap> at first to gather that <hi>Obolata</hi> then must be half an Acre, <hi>Denariata</hi> a whole Acre, and by consequence <hi>Solidata</hi> twelve Acres, and <hi>Librata</hi> twenty times twelve, that is, two hundred and forty Acres: Yet this was but a conceit of his own. For by having found the word used with reference to Rent as well as Land, thus 20. <hi>libratas terrae vel reditûs,</hi> he is forced to acknowledge, that it must signifie so much Land as may yield twenty shillings <hi>per annum.</hi> To which opinion <hi>Spel<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>man</hi> also giv<gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                              <desc>•</desc>
                           </gap> his assent. But what quantity of Land this <hi>Librata terrae</hi> is, cannot so easily be determined. <hi>Cowell</hi> out of <hi>Skene</hi> tells us, it contains four Oxgangs, and every Oxgang thirteen Acres: if so, then it is fifty two Acres, and twenty of them, which make a Knights fee, come to one thousand and forty Acres, which somewhat exceeds the account here set down of six hundred and eighty out of the Red Book of the Exchequer. But there is a great deal of more difference still, as the account of the <hi>Knights fée</hi> is given by others. In one Ma<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>nuscript we read, that <hi>A Yardland contains twenty four Acres, four Yard<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>lands make one Hide,</hi> (that is, ninety six Acres), <hi>and five Hides make a Knights fee,</hi> (that is, four hundred and eighty Acres) <hi>the Relief whereof is a hundred Shillings.</hi> Another Manuscript hath it thus, <hi>Ten Acres according to ancient custom make one Fardel, and four Fardels</hi> (that is, forty Acres) <hi>make a Yardland, and four Yardlands</hi> (that is, one hun<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>dred and sixty Acres) <hi>make one Hide, and four Hides</hi> (that is, six hun<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>dred
<pb n="126" facs="tcp:108529:82"/>
and forty Acres) <hi>make one Knights fee.</hi> A third reckons it otherwise, that <hi>sixteen Yard-lands make a whole Knights fee</hi>; which if we make a Yard-land to be twenty four Acres (according to the first account) com<gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                              <desc>•</desc>
                           </gap>s to three hundred eighty four Acres; but if (according to the second) we take it for forty Acres, it amounts to six hundred and forty Acres. <hi>And,</hi> saith he, <hi>when they are taxed at six Shillings four Pence</hi> (that is, every of the sixteen Yard-lands, which make up the Fee, at so much) <hi>they make the summ of one hundred Shillings</hi> (or five Pound, which was the ancient Relief of a Knights fee.) But this is a mistake either of the Author or the Citation; it is six Shillings three Pence, which makes that just summ; from whence we learn also what proportion was ob<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>served by the Lord in setting and demanding of the Relief upon the next Heir after his Ancestor's decease. Further in the Kings Writ, as <hi>Glan<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>vil</hi> cites it, it is said, that twelve Plough-lands make one Knights fee: which, allowing to a Plough-land one hundred &amp; twenty Acres, amounts to one thousand four hundred and forty Acres. In the main, as to the value of a Knights fee, 'tis enough what <hi>Cowell</hi> tells us, that it was so much inheritance, as was sufficient yearly to maintain a Knight wi<gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                              <desc>•</desc>
                           </gap>h convenient Revenue, which in <hi>Henry</hi> the Thirds dayes, <hi>Camden</hi> sayes, was fifteen Pounds, and Sir <hi>Thomas Smith</hi> rates at forty. But to con<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>firm the account, which our Author here gives us, we find in the Sta<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tute for Knights in the first of <hi>Edward</hi> the Second, that such as had twen<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ty Pounds in Fee, or for term of life <hi>per annum,</hi> might be compelled to be Knights. And as to the various measure of Land (of which we have had a remarkable instance in this business before us) <hi>Spelman</hi> hath given us good reasons for it; since where the Land was good, they might probably reckon the fewer Acres to a Yard-land, a Hide, a Knights fee, <hi>&amp;c.</hi> and where it was barren, they might allow the more. Beside, that some Lords, who lett these Fees, might be more bounti<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ful and profuse, others more parsimonious and severe to their depen<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>dents; and that the services which were imposed upon these Fees, might in some Mannors according to custom be lighter, in others upon agreement and covenant more heavy. All which might strangely di<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>versifie the account, as to the quantity or measure of those Lands, which were to make up a Knights fee.</p>
                     </div>
                     <div type="subpart">
                        <head>CHAP. XVIII.</head>
                        <p>Pag. 91. lin. 4. <hi>A little Habergeon or Coat of <gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 word">
                                 <desc>〈◊〉</desc>
                              </gap>
                           </hi>
                           <g ref="char:punc">▪</g> In <hi>Latin Halbergellum,</hi> a diminutive from the <hi>Saxon Halsberg,</hi> armour for the Neck and Breast. It is written also <hi>Haubergellum</hi> and <hi>Hambergellum.</hi> They mistake themselves, who translate it a <hi>Halbert,</hi> in <hi>French Hale<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>barde,</hi> anoffensive Weapon, for a Coat of Mail, which is armour of de<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>fence, in <hi>French Haubert</hi> or <hi>Hauberk</hi>; whence <hi>Fée de Hauberk,</hi> which we have already explained somewhere before.</p>
                        <p>Lin. 5. <hi>A Capelet of Iron.</hi>] A little Iron or Steel Cap instead of a Head-piece or Helmet, which the better sort wore. For by compa<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ring this with the two fore-going Sections, we find they were to have a difference of Arms according to their different Quality and Estate.</p>
                        <p>Lin. 7. <hi>A Wambais.] Wambasium</hi> or <hi>Wambasia,</hi> so called, I sup<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>pose, because it reached over the belly or <hi>womb,</hi> was a Jacket or Coat
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of defence, used in stead of the Coat of Mail, perhaps like unto our Buff-coats, though probably not of Leather only, but of any other ma<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>terial, as the Wearer should think fit.</p>
                        <p>Pag. 92. lin. 6. <hi>Timber for the building of Ships.</hi>] In <hi>Latin</hi> here, <hi>Mairemia;</hi> written also <hi>Meremia</hi> and <hi>Meremium</hi> and <hi>Maremium</hi> and <hi>Muremium,</hi> from the <hi>French Meresme,</hi> Timber to build with.</p>
                        <p>Lin. 14. <hi>Stercutius.] Saturn</hi> so called, as being the first Inventer of dunging Land.</p>
                        <p>Lin. 28. <hi>Vnder the title of Free-men.</hi>] Here the Author himself hath in the <hi>Latin</hi> added a Marginal Note, which I thought fit to remove to this place. He saith, that among the ancient <hi>Germans</hi> the <hi>Alway free,</hi> the <hi>Middlemost free,</hi> and the <hi>Lowermost free</hi> were, as it were, the <hi>Classes</hi> and several Ranks of the lesser Nobles, <hi>i. e.</hi> of their Gentry. For the title of Nobless (as also in our Vulgar Language) was given only to Princes and Great Men. And for this he quotes <hi>Munster. Cosmog. lib.</hi> 3.</p>
                     </div>
                     <div type="subpart">
                        <head>CHAP. XIX.</head>
                        <p>Pag. 93. l. 32. <hi>In the borders of the</hi> Carnutes.] A people of <hi>France,</hi> whose Countrey is called <hi>Chartrain,</hi> and their chief City <hi>Chartres,</hi> about eighteen Leagues from <hi>Paris</hi> Eastward. That Town eight Miles off, called <hi>Dreux</hi> (in <hi>Latin Drocum</hi>) was so named from the <hi>Druids,</hi> who dwelt there at first, and likely enough afterward often resorted thither.</p>
                        <p>P. 94. l. 37. <hi>Of the three Estates, the King, the Lords, and the Com<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>mons.</hi>] There are indeed three Orders or Estates acknowledged by true Divines and sound Lawyers in the <hi>English</hi> Government; to wit, the <hi>Lords Spiritual,</hi> the <hi>Lords Temporal,</hi> and the <hi>Commons</hi> of <hi>England.</hi> But the fundamental mistake of our Learned Author is, that he hath joyned those two sorts of Lords (whose very character shews them to be of a distinct <hi>species,</hi> though as to the publick Welfare and the Kings Service they ought to be of one and the same interest) into one Estate, and to make up the third Estate, thought himself obliged to bring in the <hi>King</hi> himself for one, who is Lord paramount over all the three; and by this means <hi>ipsam Majestatem in ordinem redigere.</hi> I call this a funda<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>mental mistake, as a most probable ground of Rebellion (as it was in the Barons Wars, and in our late Civil Broils) inasmuch as if the <hi>King</hi> make one of the three Estates, as they fancy he doth, and hath (as they do from thence conclude he hath no more) but a <hi>co-ordinate</hi> power with both or either of the other two Estates; that then it is lawful for both or either of those Estates, in case of publick grievances to quarrel the King (their co-ordinate) if he will not give way to their redress; that is, if he will not consent to do what they would have him to do; and upon his refusal of so doing, to raise War against him, to sequester and murder his Loyal adherents, to destroy his Royal Person; and finally, if he escape the hazards of Battel, when they get him into their hands, to bring him to account for a pretended male ad<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ministration, and the violation of a trust, which God and not the People put into his hands; and having gone so far, that they may, if possible, secure themselves, to put the Monarch to death, and to extirpate Mo<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>narchy it self. This was the ground and method of our late <hi>Republican</hi>
                           <pb n="128" facs="tcp:108529:83"/>
policy and practice. Wherein yet they did not foresee what examples they set against themselves, supposing this Doctrine of the <hi>three Estates</hi> in their sense to be true, and that <hi>King, Lords</hi> and <hi>Commons</hi> had an equality of trust and parity of power, that the same outrage, which the <hi>Rump-Commoners</hi> acted against the King, to the destroying of him, and against the <hi>Lords,</hi> to the outing of them, and voting them useless and dangerous (as to their share of Government) might one time or other be more plausibly promoted, and more effectually put in execu<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tion by one or both of the other two <hi>Estates,</hi> with the help and assistance of great numbers of the <hi>Commoners</hi> (as there ever will be in such Na<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tional divisions) against themselves and all men whatever of such per<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>nicious and destructive principles. No. This false Doctrine, I hope, will never obtain among us; and our <hi>English Government</hi> is so well con<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>stituted, that our <hi>Lords Spiritual</hi> and <hi>Temporal</hi> and our worthy <hi>Com<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>moners,</hi> will find it the interest of themselves and their posterities, that they will ever have that duty and deference to our <hi>Soveraign,</hi> as may secure Him and Us, and discourage the designs, and defeat the attempts of all such as wish ill to his honour and safety, or to the publick peace. Besides, is it rational to imagine, that the <hi>King,</hi> whose abso<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>lute right by Law it is, to convene the <hi>Estates,</hi> when and where he thinks fit, to call and dissolve <hi>Parliaments,</hi> as he pleases: in a word, that He, in whose Name all <hi>Justice</hi> is administred, in whose Hands the <hi>Militia</hi> is, and by whose Authority alone the Subjects can take up <hi>Arms,</hi> should stand only in a <hi>Co-ordination</hi> of power with any other persons whatsoever or however assembled or associated within his Do<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>minions? This flaw I could not but take notice of in our Great Author, and that only with an intention to undeceive the unwary Reader, and not to reflect upon his Memory, who though he kept along a great while with the <hi>Long Parliament,</hi> yet never appeared in action for them, that ever I heard, much less used or owned that virulence and violence, which many others of that ill Body of men judged necessary for their proceedings.</p>
                     </div>
                     <div type="subpart">
                        <head>CHAP. XX.</head>
                        <p>Pag. 96. lin. 15. <hi>Alderman of England.</hi>] The word <hi>Alderman,</hi> in <hi>Saxon, Ealdorman,</hi> hath various acceptions, so as to signifie all sorts almost of Governours and Magistrates. So <hi>Matth.</hi> 20.25. <hi>the Princes of the Gentiles,</hi> in the <hi>Saxon</hi> translation are called <hi>Ealdormen</hi>; and <hi>Holofernes,</hi> I remember, the General of the <hi>Assyrian</hi> Army, is in an <hi>Old English</hi> Translation called the <hi>Alderman of the Army.</hi> So <hi>Aethelstan</hi> (whose younger Son this <hi>Ailwin</hi> was) being Duke or Captain Gene<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ral of the <hi>East-Saxons</hi> is in this Book of <hi>Ramsey</hi> styled <hi>Alderman.</hi> The most proper importance of the word bears up with the <hi>Latin Senator, i. e.</hi> Parliament-man; as the Laws of S. <hi>Edward</hi> make out. <q>In like manner, say they, heretofore among the <hi>Britons,</hi> in the times of the <hi>Romans,</hi> in this Kingdom of <hi>Britanny</hi> they were called <hi>Senators,</hi> who afterwards in the times of the <hi>Saxons</hi> were called <hi>Aldermen;</hi> not so much in respect of their Age, as by reason of their Wisdom and Dignity, in that some of them were but young men, yet were skil<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>led in the Law, and beside that, were experienced persons.</q> Now that <hi>Alderman of England,</hi> as <hi>Ailwin</hi> here was, had to do in affairs of
<pb n="129" facs="tcp:108529:83"/>
Justice, appears by the foresaid Book of <hi>Ramsey,</hi> where it is said, that <hi>Ailwin</hi> the Alderman and <hi>Aedric</hi> the Kings Provost sate Judges in a cer<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tain Court. The <hi>Alderman of the County</hi> our Author makes to be the same as the Earl or Lord of the County, and <hi>Spelman</hi> saith, it is hard to distinguish, but at length placeth him in the middle betwixt the Count and Viscount. He and the Bishop kept Court together, the one for Temporals, the other for Spirituals. The Title goes lower still, to de<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>note a Mayor or Bailiff of a Corporation, a Bailiff of a Hundred, <hi>&amp;c.</hi>
                        </p>
                        <p>Lin. 30. <hi>Healf-koning.</hi>] It was an oversight or slip of memory in our Author, to say, that <hi>Ailwin</hi> was so called; when the Book of <hi>Ramsey</hi> tells us, it was his Father <hi>Aethelstan,</hi> who was of that great power and diligence, that all the business of the Kingdom went through his hands, and was managed as he pleased, that had that Nick name given him therefore.</p>
                        <p>Lin. 36. <hi>The Graves.</hi>] Our Author makes them subordinate to the <hi>Aldermen</hi> of Counties: but in the Laws of the <hi>Confessor</hi> they appear to be much what the same. There we read, <q>And as they are now called <hi>Greves,</hi> who are put in places of Rule over others, so they were anciently among the <hi>English</hi> called <hi>Ealdermen.</hi>
                           </q> Indeed, the word <hi>Greve</hi> or <hi>Reev</hi> (for it is all one) is of as various use, as that other of <hi>Alderman</hi> is. In <hi>Saxon</hi> it is <hi>gerefa,</hi> from <hi>gerefen</hi> and <hi>reafen,</hi> to take or carry away, to exact or gather. Whence this Officer (<hi>Graphio</hi> or <hi>Gravius</hi> from the <hi>Saxon</hi>) is in other <hi>Latin</hi> called <hi>Exactor regius</hi>; and by reason that the <hi>Sheriff</hi> gathered the Kings Fines and other Duties, and returned them to the Exchequer, he was called the <hi>Shire-greve</hi> or <hi>Shire-reev,</hi> that is, the Gatherer of the County. But the truth is, that <hi>Greve</hi> or <hi>Reev</hi> came at last in general to signifie any Ruler or Governour set over any place almost whatever; as the same word <hi>Grave</hi> doth among the <hi>Dutch.</hi> So a <hi>Shire-greve,</hi> or <hi>hihgerefa,</hi> the High Sheriff of a County; a <hi>Port-greve,</hi> the Governour of a City or Port. So the Lord Mayor of <hi>London</hi> was called formerly. <hi>Tun-greve,</hi> the Bailiff of a Town or Mannor. Sometime <hi>Greve</hi> is taken for a Count or Earl, as <hi>Alderman</hi> is.</p>
                     </div>
                     <div type="subpart">
                        <head>CHAP. XXI.</head>
                        <p>Pag. 98. lin. 22. <hi>For Toll and Gabell.</hi>] In the <hi>Latin pro theolonio &amp; gablo.</hi> Now <hi>telonium,</hi> from the <hi>Greek</hi> 
                           <gap reason="foreign">
                              <desc>〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉</desc>
                           </gap>, properly signifies the place where the Officers of the Customs receive the Kings duties; but is used also for a duty paid for the maintenance of Bridges and River-Banks. So <hi>Hotoman.</hi> But in our Law it is taken for the <hi>Toll</hi> of a Mar<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ket or Fair. And <hi>Gablum</hi> or <hi>Gabellum,</hi> a <hi>Gabell,</hi> from the <hi>Saxon gafol</hi> or <hi>gafel,</hi> signifies any Impost upon Goods; as that in <hi>France,</hi> upon Salt, <hi>&amp;c.</hi> also Tribute, Custom, any kind of Tax or Payment, <hi>&amp;c.</hi>
                        </p>
                        <p>Lin. 32. <hi>Through the Streets of</hi> Coventry.] There is a famous Tra<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>dition among the people of that Town concerning this matter, that the Lady being to ride naked, only covered all over with her hair, had given order for the more decent performance of her Procession, that all the Inhabitants should that day keep their Shops and Doors and Windows shut. But that two men tempted by their Curiosity to do what fools are wont to do, had some such penalty, I know not what it was, inflicted upon them, as <hi>Actaeon</hi> had for the like offence.
<pb n="130" facs="tcp:108529:84"/>
And they now stand in some publick place cut out of Wood or Stone, to be shewn to any stranger that comes thither, like the Sign of the <hi>Two Logger-heads,</hi> with the same Motto belike, <hi>Nous sommes trois.</hi>
                        </p>
                        <p>Pag. 99. lin. 7. <hi>Brought in my Court a certain Toper.</hi>] In the <hi>Latin, attulit in curiâ meâ quandam Toper.</hi> I know what the adverb <hi>Toper</hi> signifies among the ancient <hi>Latines</hi>; but what the word means here, I confess, I am in the dark. It doth certainly stand for some thing (I was thinking a <hi>Taper</hi>) which he brought with him into Court, and sware upon it, as he should have done upon the holy Gospels. I can<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>not imagine, that by <hi>quandam Toper,</hi> should be intended some Woman or Girl, whose Name was <hi>Toper,</hi> whom he brought along with him, and in defiance to the Court, laying his hand upon her, took his Oath as formally, as if he had done it upon the holy Evangelists.</p>
                     </div>
                  </div>
               </div>
               <div type="to_the_reader">
                  <pb n="131" facs="tcp:108529:84"/>
                  <opener>
                     <salute>Reader,</salute>
                  </opener>
                  <p>ONe thing I forgot to acquaint thee with in the <hi>Preface,</hi> that, whereas the Author himself had divided each <hi>Book</hi> into se<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>veral <hi>Sections,</hi> which were very unequal and incommodious, I thought it much more convenient for thy ease and profit, to distribute them into <hi>Chapters;</hi> together with the Argument or Contents of each <hi>Chapter</hi> at the beginning; and withal, that no one may complain, that I have injured the <hi>Author,</hi> by altering his Method, I have left his <hi>Sections</hi> also marked with a Numeral Note 1, 2, 3, <hi>&amp;c.</hi> on the side of the inner or outer Margin.</p>
                  <trailer>FINIS.</trailer>
               </div>
               <div type="errata">
                  <pb facs="tcp:108529:85"/>
                  <head>ERRATA.</head>
                  <p>IN the <hi>Translator</hi>'s Preface, p. 4. l. 15. r. (<hi>and hath that of crabbed in it beside) and as to the method is so intricate.</hi>
                  </p>
                  <p>Pag. 11. l. 2. r. <hi>and strifes:</hi> p. 14. l. 50. r. <hi>Pieces</hi>: p. 17. l. 41. r. <hi>Borderers</hi>: p. 20. l. 16. for <hi>facts,</hi> r. <hi>toils:</hi> p. 21. l. 24. r. <hi>and Money:</hi> p. 30. l. 16, r. <hi>Lazzes:</hi> p. 31. l. 28. r. <hi>and Breeding:</hi> p. 34. l. 14. r. <hi>peccatum:</hi> l. 40. r. <hi>or his eyes:</hi> p. 35. l. 2. r. <hi>Quid:</hi> p. 43. l. 7. r. <hi>sorry old Verse:</hi> p. 49. l. 48. r. <hi>too truly:</hi> p. 56. l. 6. r. <hi>Warden:</hi> p. 61. l. 13. r. <hi>Vulgar</hi>: l. 21. r. <hi>bestowing her:</hi> p. 62. l. 25. r. <hi>misdemeanour:</hi> p. 65. l. 11. r. <hi>add:</hi> p. 72. l. 43. r. <hi>seasonably:</hi> p. 74. l. 5. r. <hi>Glocester. Whom:</hi> p. 85. l. 14. r. <hi>strict:</hi> p. 86. l. 26. r. <hi>that in the:</hi> p. 87. l. 5. r. <hi>What. Of him:</hi> p. 91. l. 17. r. <hi>him:</hi> p. 92. l. 32. r. <hi>Cattle:</hi> p. 96. l. 34. r. <hi>turned:</hi> p. 108. l. 33. r. <hi>retired:</hi> p. 110. l. 8. r. <hi>Nep<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tune, as:</hi> p. 112. l. 34. r. <hi>unknown:</hi> p. 113. l. 34. r. <hi>Inlagh:</hi> p. 116. l. 18. r. <hi>three things:</hi> p. 117. l. 47. r. <hi>found:</hi> p. 122. l. 6. r. <hi>arrested:</hi> p. 123. l. 9. r. <hi>quilleted.</hi>
                  </p>
                  <trailer>FINIS.</trailer>
               </div>
            </back>
         </text>
         <text xml:lang="eng">
            <front>
               <div type="title_page">
                  <pb facs="tcp:108529:85"/>
                  <p>ENGLAND'S EPINOMIS.</p>
                  <p>BY JOHN SELDEN, Esquire.</p>
                  <p>LONDON, Printed for <hi>Thomas Basset</hi> at the <hi>George</hi> in <hi>Fleetstreet,</hi> and <hi>Richard Chiswell</hi> at the <hi>Rose</hi> and <hi>Crown</hi> in S. <hi>Paul</hi>'s Church-Yard. <abbr>MDCLXXXIII.</abbr>
                  </p>
               </div>
               <div type="to_the_reader">
                  <pb facs="tcp:108529:86"/>
                  <pb facs="tcp:108529:86"/>
                  <head>TO THE READER.</head>
                  <p>
                     <seg rend="decorInit">T</seg>HIS <hi>Appendix</hi> or Addition to what had been formerly col<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>lected by others, of our ancient Constitutions, needs no farther Recommendation, than the great Name and Learning of the Author: lt was an Essay of his younger years, and one of the fruits of his first and earliest Inquiries. The Reader will here meet with the true Original (as well under the <hi>Roman,</hi> as the <hi>Saxon</hi> and <hi>Norman</hi> Governments) of seve<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ral of our Laws which are now in force, and the Mistakes in <hi>Polydore</hi> and others, discovered: The famous Constitutions of <hi>Clarendon</hi> (so much oppo<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>sed by <hi>Becket</hi>) faithfully recited, and purged from the Errors which had crept into those Copies for<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>merly published: An account of the <hi>Magna Charta</hi> of King <hi>John,</hi> and the differences between <hi>it</hi> and <hi>that</hi> granted by his Son <hi>H.</hi> 3. which we
<pb facs="tcp:108529:87"/>
have in the Fore-front of our Printed Statutes: A Correction of our printed <hi>Charta de Foresta</hi>; with other Curious and Judicious Remarks upon these Subjects, not heretofore extant; which it is not doubted will for their own sake, as well as their Authors, find a welcome Reception from all know<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ing Persons, especially from the Learned Profes<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>sors of our <hi>English</hi> Laws.</p>
               </div>
               <div type="contents">
                  <pb facs="tcp:108529:87"/>
                  <head>THE CONTENTS.</head>
                  <list>
                     <item>CHAP. I. FRom the first supposed Inhabitants and <hi>Britains,</hi> until <hi>Julius Caesar, Page 1.</hi>
                     </item>
                     <item>CHAP. II. Out of <hi>Roman</hi> Histories from <hi>Julius Caesar,</hi> to the period of <hi>Rome's</hi> Empire in this Land,<hi>p. 4</hi>
                     </item>
                     <item>CHAP. III.The <hi>Saxons</hi> Customs and Laws (except what is in <hi>Lambard</hi>'s <hi>Archae<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>onomy)</hi> during their Government, until the <hi>Normans, p. 8</hi>
                     </item>
                     <item>CHAP. IV. <hi>William</hi> the First: But none of that which under Title of his Laws, is in <hi>Lambard, p. 12</hi>
                     </item>
                     <pb facs="tcp:108529:88"/>
                     <item>CHAP. V. What was received under <hi>William le Rous, p. 15</hi>
                     </item>
                     <item>CHAP. IV. <hi>Henry Beauclerc</hi> restored, and invented common Liberties, <hi>p. 16</hi>
                     </item>
                     <item>CHAP. VII. Stephen <hi>of</hi> Blois, p. 19</item>
                     <item>CHAP. VIII. <hi>Henry Fitz-L'empres,</hi> and his <hi>Clarendon</hi> Constitutions restored to themselves, and purged from the faults wherewith they have been published, <hi>p. 20</hi>
                     </item>
                     <item>Assisae Henrici Regis factae apud Clarendon &amp; renovatae apud Nor<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>thamtune,<hi>p. 26</hi>
                     </item>
                     <item>CHAP. IX. Richard Ceur de Lion, p. 29</item>
                     <item>Forma Procedendi in Placitis Coronae Regis, <hi>ibid.</hi>
                     </item>
                     <item>Capitula Placitorum Coronae Regis, <hi>ibid.</hi>
                     </item>
                     <item>Capitula Placitorum Coronae D. Regis, <hi>p. 32</hi>
                     </item>
                     <item>
                        <pb facs="tcp:108529:88"/>Haec est assisa D. Regis, &amp; haec sunt praecepta de Forestis suis in Anglia facta per assensum &amp; concilium Archiepisc. Episc. &amp; Ab<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>bat. Comit. &amp; Bar. &amp; Militum totius Regni, <hi>p. 33</hi>
                     </item>
                     <item>CHAP. X. King <hi>John</hi> and his Grand Charter, <hi>p. 35</hi>
                     </item>
                     <item>Consuetudines Scaccarii super Debitis Domini Regis inquirendis, <hi>ibid.</hi>
                     </item>
                  </list>
               </div>
            </front>
            <body>
               <div n="1" type="chapter">
                  <pb facs="tcp:108529:89"/>
                  <pb n="1" facs="tcp:108529:89"/>
                  <head>England's Epinomis.</head>
                  <head>CHAP. I.</head>
                  <argument>
                     <p> From the first supposed Inhabitants and <hi>Britains</hi> until Julius Caesar.</p>
                  </argument>
                  <p>
                     <seg rend="decorInit">I</seg>F all published Authority were a legitimate Brother to Truth's certainty, then could I affirm, that their com<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>mon Father, old Time, once saw a <hi>Samothean</hi> race in this Isle of <hi>Britany.</hi>
                     <note place="margin">V. Sr. <hi>W. Ra<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>leigh fol.</hi> 118.</note> The <hi>Italian</hi>-bred-<hi>Chaldee Berosus</hi> men<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tions one <hi>Samothes,</hi> Brother to <hi>Gomer</hi> and <hi>Tubal,</hi> of <hi>Ja<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>phet</hi>'s line, to be Author of the <hi>Celtes,</hi> which inhabited (with other parts of <hi>Europe</hi>) that of <hi>Gaule,</hi>
                     <note place="margin">Beros. antiq. Chald. lib. 5. &amp; ad cum Annius de Viterbo.</note> which we now call <hi>la France</hi>: and his Commentator <hi>Annius de Viterbo</hi> thus addeth, <hi>Samothes fuit frater Gomeri atque Tubulis ex Japete patre, à quo primùm Britones, inde Galli, Samothei dicti fuerunt: &amp; praecipuè Philosophi &amp; Theologi Sectu<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tores ejus.</hi> These <hi>Samotheans,</hi> by the testimony of <hi>Aristotle</hi> and <hi>Secion,</hi>
                     <note place="margin">
                        <p>Diog. Laert. in vita Philo<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>sop. lib. 1. &amp; vide Basing<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>stocke hist. lib. 1.</p>
                        <p>Flor. hist. aetat. 3. hist. pag. 18.</p>
                     </note> 
                     <hi>divini atque humani juris peritissimi, &amp; ob id religioni deditissimi, &amp; pro<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ptereà Samothei</hi> (rather <hi>Semnothei) appellati,</hi> under the providence of these and their race was the Law-government of the State, until that <hi>Trojan</hi> celebrated branch, <hi>Brute,</hi> entred the Isle: who composed a Book intituled <hi>Leges Britonum,</hi> collected out of the <hi>Trojan</hi> Laws. But to ru<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>minate a little upon that <hi>Saturnian</hi> Age, and omit all Shadow-fights touching controverted <hi>Brute</hi> (his supposed existence and fortunes) it may be not without good reason doubted, whether any such Laws of <hi>Troy</hi> were, out of which others might be extracted. Nor will they peradventure upon examination (excepted only some Customs of Re<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ligious Rites) appear more certain in particular, or more true in ge<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>neral, than those of <hi>Aristophanes</hi> his <hi>Nephelococcygia.</hi> Times so near the Golden Age (when as
<q>
                        <pb n="2" facs="tcp:108529:90"/>
                        <note place="margin">
                           <hi>Georgic.</hi> 1.</note>Nec signare quidem, aut partiri limite campum—</q>
                     <hi>Nec cuiquam</hi> (as <hi>Seneca</hi> hath it) <hi>aut animus aut injuria aut causa</hi>) have left few notes of expresly binding Laws,<note place="margin">Senec. Epist. 91.</note> the main Government consisting in the arbitrary disposition of those, in whom being chosen as Princes for their eminency in Justice, and consequently in all other Vertues (as <hi>Deioces</hi> was of the <hi>Medes</hi>) it was rather an Office, th<gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                        <desc>•</desc>
                     </gap>n a Title of Dignity,<note place="margin">Herodot. l. 1. Officium erat imperar<gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                           <desc>•</desc>
                        </gap>, non Regnum, Seneca. Plat. in Minoc.</note> to undergo the style of Monarch. And although it be reported in <hi>Plato,</hi> That <hi>Talus</hi> ('twixt whom and <hi>Rhadamanth,</hi> the <hi>Cretique</hi> Justice was by <hi>Minos, Jupiters</hi> own Son, then King of <hi>Crete,</hi> di<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>vided) thrice every year did make his Circuit, for maintenance of such Laws, as were established, and in Brazen Tables registred; one of which (somewhat to particularize) was an Edict against Drunkenness in mer<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ry meetings; so that Constitutions in written Tables may thus derive their pedigree from the most ancient remembrance of <hi>Grecian</hi> dis<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>coveries (<hi>Ceres</hi> and her <hi>Thesmophoria,</hi> with all such like omitted) yet upon that common Epithet of <hi>Agamemnon</hi> in <hi>Homer,</hi> which saluteth him <gap reason="foreign">
                        <desc>〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉</desc>
                     </gap>, <hi>i. e.</hi> Shepherd of the people, where the phrase of <hi>Jove</hi>'s free gift to Princes and Judges of
<q>
                        <note place="margin">Iliad <gap reason="foreign">
                              <desc>〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉</desc>
                           </gap> &amp; sae<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>pius alibi.</note>—<gap reason="foreign">
                           <desc>〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉</desc>
                        </gap>.</q>
is very frequent,<note place="margin">
                        <p>Joseph. contra Appion. lib. 2. Plutarch. in lib. de Ho<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>mero.</p>
                        <p>
                           <gap reason="foreign">
                              <desc>〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉</desc>
                           </gap>. &amp; Hesiod. in Theolog. Aeneid. 5. &amp; 7.</p>
                     </note> the word <gap reason="foreign">
                        <desc>〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉</desc>
                     </gap>, <hi>lex,</hi> being long since observed not on<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ly to be not found in any of his works, but also to have been of later birth than his Age permitted, (unless the contingency, which <gap reason="foreign">
                        <desc>〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉</desc>
                     </gap>, coming from the same Theme, both by him and <hi>Hesiod</hi> remembred, hath with it, perswade the contrary, and upon the ordinary phrases in <hi>Virgil</hi> of <hi>Jura vocatis dare populis,</hi> and such like, applied to <hi>Trojan</hi> Princes) we may with probability enough conjecture that their Laws, being, as the <hi>Platonists</hi> term it, <hi>secundae Veneris,</hi> were alwayes closely folded, rather within the treasury of his breast, which was only therefore greater than other,<note place="margin">Summa foeli<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>citas erat gen<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tium in qui<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>bus non pote<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>rat potentior esse nisi me<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>lior. Senec. Epist. 91. L. 2. ff. orig. juris.</note> because he seemed best of them all, than published in enduring Tables, to be observed as dumb Magistrates; <hi>Et quidem initio Civitatis</hi> (saith <hi>Pompinus) populus sine certâ lege, sine certo jure agere instituit, omniaque manu Regis gubernabantur.</hi> But from this d<gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                        <desc>•</desc>
                     </gap>gression into the way again.</p>
                  <p>One of this Succession <hi>Dunvallo Molmutius,</hi> instituted (as they write) <hi>ut aratra, templa viaeque ad Civitates ducentes immunitate confu<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>gii gauderent.</hi>
                     <note place="margin">Ranulph. Cestren. in polychronico. Galfred. Mo<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>numeth. lib. 1. cap. 16. &amp; Matth. West<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>monast. fo. 52. Camden in Rom. in Brit.</note> 
                     <hi>Verum quia succedente tempore de viis (cum non essent certis limitibus distinctae) orta esset dissensio, Belinus Rex filius praedicti Molmutii, ad subducendum omne ambiguum, Quatuor regales vias, omni privilegio munitas, per Insulam sterni fecit: Fossam scilicet, Watling streete, Erming-streete &amp; Ikenild-streete;</hi> which rather (by <hi>Camden</hi>'s Judge<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ment) were the <hi>Romans</hi> works, as out of <hi>Tacitus, Beda,</hi> and other Te<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>stimony he collecteth. <hi>Hic leges</hi> (meaning <hi>Dunvallo</hi>) saith <hi>Jeoffrey</hi> of <hi>Monmouth) quae Molmutinae dicebantur, inter Britones statuit, quae usque ad hoc tempus inter Anglos celebrantur. Statuit siquidem inter cae<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tera, quae multo post tempore beatus</hi> 
                     <note n="*" place="margin">V. Spelmans Gloss. del ley Molmutii, tit. Lex. 441.</note> 
                     <hi>Gildas scripsit, ut templa Deorum &amp; Civitates talem dignitatem haberent, ut quicunque Fugitivus sive reus, ad ea confugeret, veniam coram inimico suo haberet. Statuit etiam ut viae, quae ad praedicta templa &amp; Civitates ducebant, necnon &amp; aratra colonorum,
<pb n="3" facs="tcp:108529:90"/>
eadem lege confirmarentur.</hi> Of the Gynaecocracy of <hi>Martia,</hi>
                     <note place="margin">Galfred. Mo<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>numeth. lib. 1. cap. 20. &amp; Flor. histor. pag. 56.</note> Wife to King <hi>Guinthelin,</hi> a Woman very learned, thus speaks the same Author; <hi>Inter multa &amp; inaudita, quae proprio ingenio invenerat, invenit legem, quam Britones Martianam vocaverunt. Hanc etiam Rex Aluredus inter caeteras transtulit, quam Saxonicâ linguâ Marchenlage vocavit;</hi> which name by our great <hi>English</hi> Antiquary, is rather deduced from the <hi>Mercii,</hi>
                     <note place="margin">Camden in append. ad. Cornavios.</note> whose limits (meaepc in <hi>Saxon</hi> signifying a limit) adjoyned in some part to all the other Kingdoms of the <hi>Germans</hi> here established; and they thence so denominated. I could wish for a sight of <hi>Jupiter</hi>'s <hi>Diphtere,</hi> or an Oracle from <hi>Apollo,</hi> that so, resolution might be had touching the certainty of these reports, whether fabulous, or sealed with the stamp of a true History. The main Authors are that <hi>Chaldee</hi> Priest and the <hi>Arthurian Jeoffrey;</hi> both exceedingly suspected, but especially the first, by the penetrating Judgements of most learned men. But admitting them, as your Mercurial Spirit shall move you, you have a fair passage from these Mythick reports, selected out of Bardish Hymns, unto most allowed truths of authentick Historians.</p>
               </div>
               <div n="2" type="chapter">
                  <pb n="4" facs="tcp:108529:91"/>
                  <head>CHAP. II. </head>
                  <argument>
                     <p>Out of <hi>Roman</hi> Histories from <hi>Julius Caesar</hi> to the pe<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>riod of <hi>Rome</hi>'s Empire in this Land.</p>
                  </argument>
                  <p>
                     <hi>JVLIVS CAESAR</hi> (who first of the <hi>Romans</hi> set foot in this little World divided from the greater) discovered among the <hi>Gauls</hi> their order of Government, and form of deciding controversies by Law: which was wholly the office of the <hi>Druides,</hi> then being (as it seems) the <hi>Togata Militiae</hi> of the State. Their Discipline, he affirms, was first found in this Isle, and hence transferred to the old <hi>Gauls</hi>: They hither always sent their youth, as to a Seminary of that Learning.</p>
                  <p n="1">
                     <note place="margin">Caes. de bello Gall. lib. 6. &amp; Strabo, lib. 4. Geograph.</note>I. <hi>Illi rebus divinis (Caesar</hi>'s words) <hi>intersunt, sacrificia publica ac privata procurant, religiones interpretantur.</hi>
                  </p>
                  <p n="2">II. <hi>De omnibus controversiis publicis privatisque constituunt,</hi> (the pon<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tifical Colledge of old <hi>Rome,</hi> after the Twelve Tables received, did as much) <hi>&amp; si quod est admissum facinus,</hi>
                     <note place="margin">L. 2. ff. de Orig. juris.</note> 
                     <hi>si caedes facta, si de haereditate, de finibus controversia est, iidem decernunt, praemia poenasque constituunt.</hi>
                  </p>
                  <p n="3">III. <hi>Si quis privatus, aut populus, eorum decreto non stetit, sacrificiis inter<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>dicunt: haec poena</hi> (yet it was but like the <hi>minor excommunicatio</hi> used in the Christian Church) <hi>apud eos est gravissima.</hi>
                  </p>
                  <p n="4">IV. <hi>Quibus ita est interdictum, ii numero impiorum ac sceleratorum ha<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>bentur; ab iis omnes decedunt, aditum eorum sermonemque defugiunt</hi> (these consequents make it as the greater Excommunication) <hi>ne quid ex con<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tagione incommodi accipiant:</hi>
                     <note place="margin">Juxta item lex civilis &amp; Canonica. Ex<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tra de except. c. except (de sacrosanct. Ec<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>cles.) li. placet.</note> 
                     <hi>neque iis petentibus jus redditur</hi> (the self same in proportion remains yet with us in practice) <hi>neque honos ullus com<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>municatur.</hi>
                  </p>
                  <p n="5">V. <hi>Druidibus praeest unus, qui summam inter eos habet authoritatem.</hi>
                  </p>
                  <p n="6">VI. <hi>Hoc mortuo, si quis ex reliquis excellit dignitate, succedit; ac si sint pares plures, suffragio adlegitur.</hi>
                  </p>
                  <p n="7">VII. <hi>Druides à bello abesse consueverunt, neque tributa una cum reliquis p<gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                           <desc>•</desc>
                        </gap>ndunt</hi> (our Clergy in effect hath retained as much) <hi>Militiae vacationem omniumque rerum habent immunitatem.</hi>
                  </p>
                  <p n="8">VIII. Such large Priviledges occasioned increase of their Scholars, <hi>Qui magnum</hi> (saith he) <hi>numerum versuum ediscere dicuntur. Itaque non<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>nulli annos vicenos in disciplinâ permanent, neque fas esse existimant ea literis mandare, cum in reliquis ferè rebus publicis privatisque rationibus, Graecis literis utantur.</hi> Hence some infer that the Tongue of the old <hi>Gauls</hi> was <hi>Greek,</hi> but clearly that the <hi>Druides</hi> wrote in it: I am not per<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>swaded to either. <hi>Graecae literae</hi> is not always <hi>Latine</hi> for the <hi>Greek</hi> Tongue; So might we say, that the <hi>Syriack</hi> Testament were perfect <hi>Hebrew,</hi> be<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>cause <hi>Literis Hebraicis exaratur.</hi> As for instruments of commerce writ<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ten at <hi>Marsile,</hi>
                     <note place="margin">Strabo, lib. 4. Geograph.</note> 
                     <gap reason="foreign">
                        <desc>〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉</desc>
                     </gap> (as <hi>Strabo</hi> reporteth) it proves only that a <hi>Greek</hi> Colony (for it was from the <hi>Phocians</hi>) used <hi>Greek.</hi> But <hi>Caesar</hi> also speaks of Tables found in the <hi>Helvetians</hi> Tents, <hi>Graecis literis exaratas.</hi> We may interpret both for the Character only,<note place="margin">Caesar de bell. Gall. lib. 1.</note> which perhaps even the <hi>Graecians</hi> thence borrowed. Of this place of the <hi>Druides</hi> it is the cen<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>sure
<pb n="5" facs="tcp:108529:91"/>
of a great Doctor, the Learned <hi>Hotoman,</hi>
                     <note rend="inter">
                        <p>
                           <hi>Hotoman</hi> in <hi>Francog.</hi> cap. 2.</p>
                        <p>Absolvent te Lectori si consulas, Aldus Manu<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tius ad lib. 6. Caesaris, Hotomannus in Francio<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>galía, Paulus Merula in Cosmogr. part. 2. lib. 3. cap. 15. &amp; de caeteris, quae hic ad Caesarem, Juffus Lipsius in Comm. ad Tacit. Hist. lib. 1. sect. 100. &amp; in quaest. Epistolic. lib. 2. cap. Elect. lib. 2 cap. 7.</p>
                     </note> that <hi>Graecis</hi> hath crept in through fault of Transcribers; <hi>Humeris</hi> did in another place in the same <hi>Caesar</hi> so thrust it self unto <hi>Dextris,</hi> as <hi>Lipsius</hi> makes apparent; who is clear of opinion that the whole context of his Com<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>mentaries hath suffered much alteration and spoil by <hi>Julius Caesar</hi> his interpolation; Nay some think they were never since the first Copy his own. But to prove with a forcible Argument, think you that Greek was so familiar with the <hi>Druides?</hi> Why then did <hi>Caesar</hi> write in Greek to <hi>Cicero,</hi> to this end, that neither the Carrier, being a Gaulenor,<note place="margin">Caesar de Bell. Gall. lib. 5.</note> nor other of the State, if they were intercepted, might understand them? to whose hands in time of War should they have come sooner, than to the Councils, where the <hi>Druides</hi> were chief? So much not amiss, be<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>cause it touches the tongue of the Lawyers, used in those times.</p>
                  <p>To the former <hi>Druidian</hi> Orders and Constitutions are added in <hi>Pliny, Strabo, Marcellinus, Lucan, Tacitus,</hi> and others, divers Rites of Religion and Philosophy, which taste much of <hi>Pythagorean</hi> doctrine, worthy of observation, and applicable as well to this Isle, as any part of <hi>Gaul.</hi> For as much as not only the Infancy of that Sect had here its nurture, but also an identity of Common-wealth, Order, Language and Religion, between the old <hi>Gauls,</hi> and our <hi>Britains,</hi> is by learned <hi>Camden</hi> with suf<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ficient reasons of strong proof,<note place="margin">In Prim. Incol.</note> in his excellent Chorography of this Country, declared. Fit enough therefore is it to conjoyn also the Mu<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>nicipals of the <hi>Gauls,</hi> which by the same authority were scarce diffe<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>rent from the <hi>British.</hi>
                  </p>
                  <p n="9">IX. <hi>Suos liberos nisi cum adoleverint, ut manus militiae sustinere possint, palàm ad se adire non patiuntur.</hi>
                  </p>
                  <p n="10">X. <hi>Viri quantas pecunias ab uxoribus dotis nomine acceperunt, tantas ex suis bonis, aestimatione factâ, cum dotibus communicant; hujus omnis pecunia conjunctim ratio habetur, fructusque servantur; uter eorum vitâ superaverit, ad eum pars utriusque cum fructibus superiorum temporum pervenit.</hi>
                  </p>
                  <p n="11">XI. <hi>Viri in uxores, sicuti in liberos, vitae necisque habent potestatem;</hi>
                     <note place="margin">
                        <hi>Bodin.</hi> lib. 1 de rep. ca. 4. Just. instit. tit. de patriâ pote<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>state.</note> Here <hi>John Bodin</hi> blames <hi>Justinian</hi> for confining this power only to the <hi>Romans.</hi>
                  </p>
                  <p n="12">XII. <hi>Cum paterfamilias illustriore loco natus decessit, ejus propingui conveniunt, &amp; de morte, si res in suspicionem venit, de uxoribus in ser<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>vilem modum quaestionem habent; &amp; si compertum est, igni</hi> (for a Wo<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>man to kill her Husband is now petit-Treason<g ref="char:punc">▪</g> and she suffers pains of death by fire) <hi>atque omnibus tormentis extruciatas interficiunt.</hi>
                  </p>
                  <p n="13">XIII. <hi>Servi &amp; Clientes quos ab iis dilectos esse constabat, justis funeri<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>bus confectis, unà cremabantur.</hi>
                  </p>
                  <p n="14">XIV. <hi>Sancitum si quis quid de rep. à finitimis rumore aut famâ accepe<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>rit, uti ad magistratum deferat, neve cum quo alio communicet.</hi>
                  </p>
                  <p n="15">XV. <hi>Magistratus, quae visa sunt, occultant, quaeque esse ex usu judica<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>verint, multitudini produnt.</hi>
                  </p>
                  <p n="16">XVI. <hi>De repub. nisi per Concilium loqui non conceditur.</hi>
                  </p>
                  <p n="17">XVII. <hi>Plerique cum aut are alieno, aut magnitudine Tributorum, aut injuriâ potentiorum premuntur, sese in servitutem dicant Nobilibus: In hos eadem sunt jura, quae dominis in servos.</hi>
                     <note place="margin">
                        <p>Inde <hi>Wapen<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tach.</hi>
                        </p>
                        <p>Liv. lib. 31.</p>
                     </note>
                  </p>
                  <p n="18">XVIII. <hi>Armati, ita mos gentis erat,</hi> saith <hi>Livy, in Concilium venerunt.</hi>
                  </p>
                  <p n="19">
                     <pb n="6" facs="tcp:108529:92"/>XIX. In respect of quiet composition of seditious tumults among themselves,<note place="margin">Plutarch. lib. de virtut. Mul. <hi>Women's rule.</hi> Tacit. in vitâ Jul. Agricolae &amp; vide Aristot. Polit. lib. 2. cap. 7.</note> made by intercession of their weaker Sex, a custome grew among them (<hi>Plutarch</hi> is my Author) that Women also had preroga<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tive in deliberative Sessions, touching either Peace-government or Mar<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tial affairs, and <hi>Sexum</hi> (saith <hi>Tacitus</hi> of the <hi>Britains) in imperiis non discernunt.</hi>
                  </p>
                  <p>But <hi>Caesar</hi> is not without something, which expresly is attributed to our ancient <hi>Britains.</hi>
                  </p>
                  <p n="20">
                     <note place="margin">Caesar, lib. 5. de bell. gall. <hi>Money.</hi>
                     </note>XX. <hi>Vtuntur numero aereo aut annulis</hi> (some read <hi>laminis) ferreis, ad certum pondus examinatis.</hi>
                  </p>
                  <p n="21">XXI. <hi>Leporem &amp; Gallinam &amp; Anserem gustare fas non putant; haec ta<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>men alunt animi voluptatisque causâ.</hi>
                     <note place="margin">Cambd. 29.</note>
                  </p>
                  <p n="22">XXII. <hi>Vxores habent Deni</hi> (no more disparagement be it to them, than the indistinct and open carnal Congresse reported of the <hi>Thuscans,</hi> the best part of the old <hi>Italians,</hi>
                     <note place="margin">Timon apud Athen. lib. 12. &amp; 13. Dipno<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>sophist.</note> or that of the <hi>Athenians</hi> before the Cecropian alteration) <hi>duodenique inter se communes, &amp; maximè fratres cum fratribus, &amp; parentes cum liberis; sed si qui sunt ex his nati, eorum habentur liberi, à quibus primùm virgines quaeque ductae sunt.</hi>
                  </p>
                  <p>Howsoever <hi>Julius</hi> his imposed Tributes did in some degree diminish their publick liberty; yet that under him, <hi>Octavian, Tiberius,</hi> and <hi>Ca<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ligula,</hi> they were, in respect of any State-innovation, ATTONOMOI, i. e. using their own Laws, is collected out of <hi>Dio</hi>'s <hi>Roman</hi> History. He speaking of <hi>Plautius</hi> (Lieutenant here to the Emperour <hi>Claudius</hi>) his victorious success against <hi>Togodunus</hi> and <hi>Caractacus,</hi> affirms their anci<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ent Aristocracy, without subjection to strangers, as yet continuing: <gap reason="foreign">
                        <desc>〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉</desc>
                     </gap> (saith he) <gap reason="foreign">
                        <desc>〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉</desc>
                     </gap>. <hi>i. e.</hi> They were not free to live at pleasure of the multitude (not free from superiour Government) but subject to divers Kings,<note place="margin">Dio Cass. hist. Rom. lib. 60.</note> so that until that time con<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tinuing their plurality of narrow territoried Princes, they were truly free from all foreign imposition of Laws; which is expresly affirmed in that of <hi>Seneca</hi> the Tragedian, speaking thus of <hi>Claudius,</hi> in the Per<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>son of <hi>Octavia</hi> his Daughter.</p>
                  <q>
                     <l>
                        <note place="margin">
                           <hi>Se<gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                                 <desc>•</desc>
                              </gap>ec. in Octa. act.</hi> 1.</note>Cuique Britanni terga dedere</l>
                     <l>Ducibus nostris ante ignoti</l>
                     <l>Jurisque sui.</l>
                  </q>
                  <p>But in his time their times changed, a good part of the Isle con<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>quered, and into a presidial Province reduced. <hi>Colonia</hi> (so speaks <hi>Ta<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>citus) Camalodanum</hi> (which was <hi>Cunobelinus</hi>'s Palace or Town-royal, now <hi>Malden</hi> in <hi>Essex) valida veteranorum m<gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                           <desc>•</desc>
                        </gap>nu deducitur,</hi>
                     <note rend="inter">
                        <p>Tacit. annal. lib. 12. Dio Cass. lib. 60.</p>
                        <p>Colonia haec Victircensis dicta in antiqua In<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>script. apud Lip. &amp; Camdenum.</p>
                        <p>Spens. in ruinis Temporum.</p>
                        <p>Tacit. annal. lib. 14.</p>
                        <p>Camden in Cornaviis, Dovunis, Brigantibus.</p>
                     </note> 
                     <hi>in agros captivos subsidium adversus rebelles, &amp; imbu<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>endis sociis ad officia legum;</hi> The Verulanian Municipy, celebrated by our noble <hi>Spenser,</hi> and remembred by <hi>Tacitus,</hi> the chief seat of <hi>Cassibellan,</hi> near S. <hi>Albans</hi> in <hi>Hartfordshire.</hi> The <hi>Roman</hi> Colonies at <hi>York,</hi> at <hi>Chester,</hi> (as by an Inscription of an old Coin <hi>Camden</hi> testifieth) at <hi>Glocester</hi> (proved out of an old stone in <hi>Bath</hi>-Walls by the North-gate there thus charged, DEC. COLONIAE GLEV. VIXIT LXXXVI) compared with <hi>Claudius</hi> his former re<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>cited, are great Testimonies of a great alteration. For although <hi>Mu<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>nicipes</hi>
                     <pb n="7" facs="tcp:108529:92"/>
(as <hi>Agellius</hi> hath it) <hi>sunt Cives Romani ex Municipiis,</hi>
                     <note place="margin">Agell. Noct. Attic. lib. 16. cap. 13.</note> 
                     <hi>suo jure &amp; legibus utentes, muneris tantùm cum Pop. Rom. honorarii participes,</hi> yet <hi>Coloniarum alia,</hi> saith he, <hi>necessitudo est ex Civitate quasi propagatae sunt, &amp; jura institutaque omnia Pop. Rom. non sui arbitrii habent.</hi> Both, as well Municipies as Colonies, had their <hi>Decuriones, Duumviros, Aediles, Equites,</hi> and such like Orders, and Offices different from all Places where the <hi>Romans</hi> as yet had not seated their Empire. Under some of the succeeding Emperors, <hi>Vespasian, Titus</hi> and <hi>Domitian,</hi> was <hi>Julius Agricola,</hi> Father-in-Law to <hi>Tacitus,</hi> here <hi>Roman</hi> Lieutenant: through whose perswasion to civility, <hi>Habitus</hi> (writeth the same <hi>Tacitus</hi> among the <hi>Britains) nostri honor, &amp; frequens toga.</hi> The somewhat younger times also saw <hi>Papinian,</hi> that Oracle of the <hi>Roman</hi> Laws, discussing at <hi>York,</hi> as, out of <hi>Forcatulus, Camden</hi> hath noted.<note place="margin">Camden in Brigantibus.</note>
                  </p>
                  <p>When <hi>Commodus</hi> had the Empire, then was <hi>Britain</hi>'s King <hi>Lucius</hi> (of Kings the first Christian) who after the receipt of that holy token of regeneration, from <hi>Eleutherius</hi> Bishop of <hi>Rome,</hi>
                     <note place="margin">Lambard in Archaenom.</note> made a second de<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>mand, which by the Pope's returned answer you shall the better under<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>stand: <hi>Petistis</hi> (so was his rescript, and,
<q>Juraque ab hâc terrâ, caetera terra petet,<note place="margin">
                           <hi>Ovid.</hi> 1. <hi>Fast.</hi>
                        </note>
                     </q>
was <hi>Ovid</hi>'s prophecy) <hi>à nobis leges Romanas &amp; Caesaris, vobis transmitti, quibus in regno Britanniae uti voluistis. Leges Romanas &amp; Caesaris enim nuper miseratione Divinâ in regno Britanniae, &amp; fidem Christi habetis penes vos in regno, utramque paginam: Ex illis Dei gratiâ, per concilium regni vestri sume legem, &amp; per illam Dei patientiâ vestrum reges Britanniae regnum; vicarius verò Dei estis in regno.</hi> What the sequel hereof was,<note place="margin">Galfred. Mo<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>numeth. lib. 2. cap. 2.</note> thus only appears: that after he had in lieu of the Archflamens at <hi>London, York</hi> and <hi>Caer-leon,</hi> constituted three Archbishops, with twenty-eight Bishops in other places, making large Gifts of Possessions to their Churches, <hi>Ecclesias (Matthew</hi> the Monk of <hi>Westminster</hi> speaks it) <hi>cum suis coemeteriis</hi> (if we may believe that then there were with us Church-Yards for Burials) <hi>ita constituit esse liberas, ut quicunque malefactor ad illa confugeret, illaesus ab omnibus remaneret,</hi> with which the <hi>British</hi> Constitutions and Customs have here their last limit.</p>
               </div>
               <div n="3" type="chapter">
                  <pb n="8" facs="tcp:108529:93"/>
                  <head>CHAP. III. </head>
                  <argument>
                     <p>The <hi>Saxon</hi> Customes and Laws (except what is in <hi>Lambard</hi>'s Archaeonomy) during their Govern<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ment, until the <hi>Normans.</hi>
                     </p>
                  </argument>
                  <p>
                     <hi>ITALY</hi> had at length so much to do in defence of her self, that she could hardly afford help to others. <hi>Gothick</hi> incursions grew so vio<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>lent and dangerous, the <hi>Picts</hi> and <hi>Scots</hi> were as troublesome to the <hi>Bri<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tains,</hi> who desiring aid of the <hi>Romans,</hi> were in their expectations fru<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>strate: To provide therefore some other way (<hi>Vortigern</hi> being then King) Martial Succour against the Neighbour violence of the Northern People of this Island was requested, and obtained from <hi>Germany.</hi> Thence hither issued <hi>Saxons, Jutes</hi> (some will have the old name <hi>Vites</hi>) and <hi>Angles</hi>: which differed more in name, than Nation, and are in good Authors but Synonymies of the same Countrey-people. These in pro<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>cess of time, contrary than the <hi>Britains</hi> first hoped, established to them<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>selves in divers parts of that we now call <hi>England,</hi> several Kingdomes, extruding <hi>Vortigern</hi>'s posterity, and their subjects, into the Western parts, where to this day they remain. And how can we but conje<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>cture that of particular Customes of Law-government in their own Countrey, they made requisite use in this their part of the Island? What those were,<note place="margin">De Germanis vid. plura a<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>pu<gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                           <desc>•</desc>
                        </gap> Ca<gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                           <desc>•</desc>
                        </gap>sarem lib. 6. d<gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                           <desc>•</desc>
                        </gap> Bell. Gall. quae ve<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>rò huc non proximè spe<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ctant.</note> until Christianity made some abolition, may best be observed out of <hi>Tacitus de moribus Germanorum;</hi> who relates divers of their Customes, and Rites Religious. But at inquisition of their Superstition we aim not; their profane Laws being chiefly proposed for Collection.</p>
                  <p n="1">I. <hi>Rex vel Princeps</hi> (saith <hi>Tacitus,</hi> speaking of some of them, whose antique Reliques seem yet to continue in our Municipals) <hi>prout aetas cui<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>que,<note place="margin">Tacit. lib. de morib Germ.</note> prout nobilitas, prout decus bellorum, prout facundia est, audiuntur authoritate suadendi magis quam jubendi potestate: si displicuit sententia, fremitu aspernantur; sin placuit, frameas</hi> (of necessity you must here re<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>member our <hi>Wapentakes) concutiunt.</hi>
                     <note place="margin">Vide leges Ed. Confess. ap. Lamb.</note> 
                     <hi>Honoratissimum assensûs genus est armis laudare.</hi>
                  </p>
                  <p n="2">II. <hi>Licet apud Concilium accusare quoque; &amp; discrimen capitis inten<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>dere. Distinctio poenarum ex delicto, proditores &amp; transfugas arboribus suspendunt, ignavos &amp; imbelles &amp; corpore (Lipsius</hi> will have it <hi>torpore,</hi> and shews great reason for it,<note place="margin">Lips. in not. ad Tacit. ibid.</note> in love towards his own Countrey) <hi>infames coeno ac palude, injecta insuper crate mergunt. Diversitas suppli<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>cii illuc respicit, tanquam scelera ostendi oporteat dum puniuntur, flagitia abscondi.</hi>
                  </p>
                  <p n="3">III. <hi>Levioribus delictis pro modo poenarune, equorum, pecorumque nu<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>mero convicti multantur. Pars mulctae Regi vel civitati, pars ipsi qui vindicatur, vel propinquis ejus exolvitur.</hi>
                  </p>
                  <p n="4">IV. <hi>Eliguntur in iis Conciliis &amp; Princeps, qui jura per pagos vicos<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>que reddunt. Centeni singulis ex plebe Comites</hi> (which observe to sym<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>bolize with our Hundreds) <hi>consilium simul &amp; authoritas adsunt.</hi>
                  </p>
                  <p n="5">
                     <pb n="9" facs="tcp:108529:93"/>V. <hi>Nihil neque publicae neque privatae rei nisi armati agunt, sed arma sumere non ante cuiquam moris, quam civitas suffecturum probaverit. Tum in ipso Concilio vel principum aliquis, vel pater, vel propinquus, scuto fra<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>meäque Juvenem ornant. Haec apud illos Toga, hic primus</hi> (here have you resemblance of our Knighting) <hi>juventae honos: ante hoc domus pars videntur, mox Reipublicae.</hi>
                     <note place="margin">Haec debemus virtutibus, ut non praesentes solum illas, sed etiam ablatas è conspectu colamus. <hi>Se<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>nec.</hi> lib. 4. de benefic. <hi>ca.</hi> 30.</note>
                  </p>
                  <p n="6">VI. <hi>Insignis nobilitas aut magna patrum merita, principis dignationem etiam adolescentulis assignant.</hi> Note there the <hi>propagation of Gentry</hi> through true honour deserving vertue, to whose memory is dedica<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ted that worship, which is oft-times bestowed on unworthy Po<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>sterity.</p>
                  <p n="7">VII. <hi>Dotem non uxor marito, sed uxori maritus</hi> (I might compare this to our most ancient and then common <hi>Dower al huis d'esglise) offert.</hi>
                  </p>
                  <p n="8">VIII. To their religious Rites in Marriage-knots he adjoyns the punishment of her which violates her chosen bed.<note place="margin">Vide Episto<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>lam Bonifacii ad Aethelbald.</note> 
                     <hi>Accisis crinibus nudatam coram propinquis expellit domo maritus, ac per omnem vicum verbere agit.</hi>
                  </p>
                  <p n="9">IX. <hi>Publicatae pudicitiae</hi> (understand it of unmarried Wenches) <hi>nul<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>la venia, non formâ, non aetate, non opibus maritum invenerit.</hi>
                  </p>
                  <p n="10">X. <hi>Sororum filiis idem apud avunculum, qui apud patrem honor.</hi>
                  </p>
                  <p n="11">XI. <hi>Haeredes, successoresque sui cuique liberi, &amp; nullum testamentum</hi>:<note place="margin">Terre nient devisable.</note> 
                     <hi>si liberi non sunt, proximus gradus in possessione fratres, patrui, avunculi</hi>; neither until 32 H. 8. had we any Lands devisable, except by special custome binding the Common-law.</p>
                  <p n="12">XII. <hi>Suscipere tam inimicitias seu patris seu propinqui</hi> (our Northern <hi>deadly-feud</hi> offers it self here to be thought on) <hi>quam amicitias ne<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>cesse est; Nec implacabiles durant. Luitur enim etiam homicidium certo armentorum ac pecorum numero</hi> (this interprets the <hi>were</hi> in the <hi>Saxon</hi> Laws of <hi>William Lambard) recipitque satisfactionem universa Domus.</hi>
                  </p>
                  <p n="13">XIII. <hi>Suam quisque Servus sedem, suos penateis regit. Frumenti mo<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>dum dominus aut pecoris aut vestis ut colono injungit; &amp; servus hacte<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>nus paret.</hi>
                  </p>
                  <p>Divers others of their Manners and Customes hath the same Au<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>thor; but not any, which except these recited, I think may be fitly styled Law, or constituted Order of that Nation. But to be more par<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ticular,<note place="margin">Einhard ap. Adam. Bre<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>mens. in histo. Eccles. cap. 5, &amp; 6.</note> 
                     <hi>Adam</hi> of <hi>Breme</hi> will tell us out of <hi>Einhard</hi> of the <hi>Saxons</hi> (which gave chief denomination to such <hi>Germans</hi> as floated hither) thus;</p>
                  <p n="14">XIV. <hi>Quatuor differentiis gens illa consistit, Nobilium scilicet &amp; libe<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>rorum, libertorumque atque servorum.</hi>
                  </p>
                  <p n="15">XV. <hi>Legibus firmatum ut nulla pars copulandis conjugiis propriae sortis terminos transferat; sed Nobilis nobilem ducat uxorem, &amp; liber liberam, libertus conjungatur libertae, &amp; servus Ancillae. Si vero quispiam horum sibi non congruentem, &amp; genere praestantiorem duxerit uxorem, cum vitae suae damno componat.</hi>
                  </p>
                  <p n="16">XVI. <hi>Ejus gentis cum quâ bellandum fuit</hi> (this is by <hi>Tacitus</hi> in the same words repeated of the <hi>Germans) quoquo modo interceptum; cum ele<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>cto popularium suorum patriis quemque armis committunt, &amp; victoria hujus vel illius pro praejudicio accipitur.</hi>
                  </p>
                  <p n="17">XVII. Unto the times before Christianity among them was received, this is to be referred; The first Christian King <hi>Ethelbert</hi> of <hi>Kent, Inter
<pb n="10" facs="tcp:108529:94"/>
caetera</hi> (as Venerable <hi>Bede</hi> reporteth) <hi>bona,</hi>
                     <note place="margin">Bed. Eccles. hist. lib. 2. cap. 5.</note> 
                     <hi>quae genti suae consulendo confe<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>rebat, etiam decreta illi judiciorum juxta exempla Romanorum, cum consi<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>lio sapientum instituit. Quae conscripta Anglorum sermone, hactenus,</hi> saith he, <hi>habentur &amp; observantur ab eâ.</hi>
                  </p>
                  <p>And very many Constitutions yet extant, written in the <hi>Saxon</hi> Tongue, are attributed to <hi>Ine, Alfred, Edward, Athelstan, Edmund, Edgar, Ethelred</hi> and <hi>Canutus</hi> or <hi>Knute,</hi> translated into <hi>Latine,</hi> and publi<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>shed long since by <hi>William Lambard,</hi> a learned Gentleman, with the Laws of <hi>Edw.</hi> the Confessor,<note place="margin">Malmesb. de gest. Reg. lib. 2. cap. 11.</note> so called, <hi>non quod ille statuerit,</hi> saith one, <hi>sed quod observaverit;</hi> whereunto are joyned divers, with title of <hi>Wil<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>liam</hi> the Conqueror, which being so there already, according to seve<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ral times in one Volume for that only purpose compiled, they only shall here be inserted, which as yet lie dispersed in the old Monuments of our Historians.</p>
                  <p n="18">XVIII. <hi>Totius Angliae</hi> (of King <hi>Alured</hi> so writeth <hi>Ingulphus</hi> Abbot of <hi>Croyland) pagos &amp; provincias in Comitatus primus omnium commu<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tavit, Comitatus in Centurias,</hi> i. e. <hi>Hundredas, &amp; in decimas</hi> (as if he imitated <hi>Jethro Moses</hi> Father-in-law) <hi>id est,</hi>
                     <note place="margin">Gen. cap. 31.</note> 
                     <hi>tythingas, divisit, ut om<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>nis indigena legalis in aliquâ centuriâ &amp; decimâ existeret.</hi>
                     <note place="margin">Rotulus Win<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>toniae.</note> 
                     <hi>Et si quis suspectus de aliquo latrocinio, per suam Centuriam vel decuriam, vel con<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>demnatus, vel</hi> 
                     <note n="*" place="margin">al. absolutus.</note> 
                     <hi>invadiatus, poenam demeritam vel incurreret, vel vitaret. Praefectos verò provinciarum (qui antea Vicedomini) in duo officia divisit,</hi> i. e. <hi>in Judices, quos nunc Justiciarios vocamus, &amp; in Vicecomites, qui ad<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>huc idem nomen retinent.</hi>
                  </p>
                  <p n="19">
                     <note place="margin">Malmesb. lib. 2. de gest. reg. c. 8.</note>XIX. Of King <hi>Edgar,</hi> the Monk of <hi>Malmesbury</hi> writeth thus; <hi>Quia Compatriotae in tabernis convenientes, jamque temulenti pro modo bibendi contenderent, ipse clavos argenteos vasis affigi jussit, &amp; dum metam suam quisque cognosceret, non plus subserviente verecundiâ, vel ipse appeteret, vel alium appetere cogeret.</hi> Constraint of such as were too indulgent to the desires of their sensual appetite by ingurgitation of brain-smoaking Liquors, was by the Greek <hi>Zaleucus</hi> (and so received a<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>mong the <hi>Locrians</hi>) no less than capital.<note place="margin">Athen. lib. 10. Deipnoloph.</note> But which hath been al<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ways so far from this State, that until the third Session of the pre<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>sent Parliament,<note place="margin">Stat. 4 Jac. cap. 5.</note> not so much as any pecuniary mulct endeavoured to refrain that temporary and altogether voluntary madness.</p>
                  <p n="20">
                     <note place="margin">Ingulph. hist. pag. 512. &amp; 508.</note>XX. <hi>Nulla</hi> (saith <hi>Ingulphus) electio Praelatorum erat merè libera &amp; Canonica, sed omnes dignitates, tam Episcoporum quam Abbatum, per an<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>nulum &amp; baculum Regis Curia pro suâ complacentiâ conferebat.</hi>
                  </p>
                  <p n="21">XXI. <hi>Chirographa,</hi> until the Confessor's time, <hi>fidelium praesentium subscriptionibus, cùm crucibus aureis, aliisque sacris signaculis firma fu<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>erunt.</hi>
                  </p>
                  <p n="22">XXII. <hi>Conferebantur primò</hi> (saith he, but I understand it of the Infancy of the <hi>Norman</hi> state) <hi>multa praedia nudo verbo absque scripto, vel chartâ; tantum cum Domini gladio, vel galea, vel cornu, vel cratere, &amp; plurima tenementa cum calcari, cum strigili, cum arcu, &amp; nonnulla cum sagittâ.</hi> This somewhat savours of <hi>Obertus Orto</hi>'s form of investi<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ture in his Feudals,<note place="margin">
                        <p>Feud. lib. 2. tit.</p>
                        <p>Chart. Archi<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ep. Cant. vide etiam Cam<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>den. in Cantio pag. 240. &amp; Chartam Ae<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>thelulphi su<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>per altare ob<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>latam apud Ingulph. pag. 491.</p>
                     </note> or his of this, and differs much from our strict Livery of Seisin, which regularly ought to be made with part of and upon the Land, by gift transferred. Not unworthy (in this place) of observation is that Charter of <hi>Cedwalla</hi> King of <hi>Sussex,</hi> (as among old Monuments of evidence belonging to the Arch-bishop of <hi>Canter<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>bury</hi> I have seen) in the Year DCLXXXVII. made to <hi>Theodore</hi>
                     <pb n="11" facs="tcp:108529:94"/>
then Archbishop of certain Lands, with this subscription; <hi>Ad cumu<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>lum autem Confirmationis, ego Cedwalla cespitem terrae praedictae super san<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ctum altare Salvatoris posui, &amp; propriâ manu, pro ignorantia literarum, signum sanctae Crucis expressi, &amp; subscripsi.</hi> The like hath <hi>Camden</hi> out of a Patent made by <hi>Withered</hi> King of <hi>Kent,</hi> to a Nunnery in the Isle of <hi>Thanet.</hi> But to that form of conveyance which <hi>Ingulphus</hi> speaks of, is thus added; <hi>Sed haec initio regni sui: posterioribus annis immutatus est iste modus.</hi>
                  </p>
                  <p>The antiquity of deeming the Queen, both as Covert, and also a sole person, with such respective admittance, as is commonly a<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>greed upon, and the Custome of Land-forfeiture upon Felony com<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>mitted, are both referred to these times.<note place="margin">In Praefat. ad lib. 6. Resp.</note> The first proved by that learned Chief Justice Sir <hi>Edw. Coke,</hi> out of a Gift made by <hi>Aethel<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>swith,</hi> Wife to King <hi>Burghred,</hi> to one <hi>Cuthwulfe</hi> her Servant DCCCLXVIII. The other from an Example by him published of one <hi>Ethesig,</hi> whose Lands were forfeited to King <hi>Ethelred,</hi> for felo<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>niously stealing one <hi>Ethelwine</hi>'s Swine.</p>
               </div>
               <div n="4" type="chapter">
                  <pb n="12" facs="tcp:108529:95"/>
                  <head>CHAP. IV. </head>
                  <argument>
                     <p>
                        <hi>William</hi> the First: But none of that which under title of his Laws, is in <hi>Lambard.</hi>
                     </p>
                  </argument>
                  <p>NO sooner was the <hi>Norman William</hi> circled with the Crown of his Victory, but</p>
                  <p n="1">
                     <note place="margin">Gervas. Ti<gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                           <desc>•</desc>
                        </gap>b. de Scac. ca. 32. conferas quae è Guil. Roville Alenconiens. in Tract. de Duello tran<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>script. cap 6. Camden in Divis. Brit.</note>I. <hi>Decrevit subjectum sibi populum</hi> (my Author is <hi>Gervase</hi> of <hi>Tilbury) juri scripto legibusque subjicere. Propositis igitur legibus Anglicanis secun<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>dùm tripartitam earundem distinctionem, hoc est Merchenlage</hi> (this govern'd the Shires of <hi>Glocester, Worcester, Hereford, Warwick, Oxford, Chester, Shropshire,</hi> and <hi>Stafford) Westsaxenlage</hi> (hereby were ordered <hi>Kent, Sussex, Surry, Barkshire, Hamshire, Wiltshire, Somerset, Dorset</hi> and <hi>De<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>vonshire</hi>) and <hi>Danelage</hi> (by it <hi>York, Darby, Nottingham, Leicester, Lin<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>coln, Northampton, Bedford, Buckingham, Hartford, Essex, Middlesex, Norfolk, Suffolk, Cambridge,</hi> and <hi>Huntingdon) quasdam reprobavit, quas<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>dam autem approbans illis transmarinas Neustriae</hi> (that is <hi>Normandy</hi> cor<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ruptly for <hi>Westriae,</hi> the opposite to that other part of the division of <hi>France, Eustrasia) leges, quae ad regni pacem tuendam efficacissimè vide<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>bantur:</hi> which was not performed without earnest and most humble request of the <hi>English.</hi>
                     <note place="margin">Hoveden. pag. 343.</note> For, as honouring with respect the Northern stock, whence his blood was derived, the Danelage he preferred, as worthier and better for Government than the mere <hi>English.</hi> But seeming at first inexorable, the perswasive remembrance of <hi>his</hi> Soul, which bequeathed him the Kingdom, and whose Laws they desired, being, as the best supposed motive, inserted in the Petitions of the conquered, he granted so much, that from that time <hi>veneratae per uni<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>versam Angliam, corroboratae &amp; observatae sunt, prae caeteris patriae legibus, leges Edwardi Regis,<note place="margin">Roger Hove<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>den. in Vit. H. 2. fo. 347.</note> quae priùs inventae</hi> (it is <hi>Roger</hi> of <hi>Hoveden</hi>'s Re<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>port) <hi>&amp; constitutae erant in tempore Edgari avi sui.</hi>
                  </p>
                  <p n="2">II. <hi>Fecit describi omnem Angliam,</hi> (the substance hereof is in most of the Monkish histories, but <hi>Florence</hi> of <hi>Worcester</hi> is the Author I now use) <hi>quantum terrae quisque Baronum suorum possidebat,</hi>
                     <note place="margin">Florent. Wigorn.</note> 
                     <hi>quot feudatos milites, quot carucas, quot villanos, quot animalia; imò, quantum vivae pecuniae quisque possidebat in omni regno suo,</hi>
                     <note place="margin">Domesday 18. Will. 1.</note> 
                     <hi>à maximo usque ad minimum, &amp; quantum redditûs quaeque possessio reddere poterat.</hi>
                  </p>
                  <p>This Inquisition was returned into his Exchequer, and is a Book at this day there remaining, <hi>Pro sua generalitate omnia tenementa to<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tius terrae integrè continente</hi>: it is called Domesday, <hi>i. e.</hi> the Day of Judgment, as the Abbot of <hi>Crowland,</hi> and <hi>Gervase</hi> of <hi>Tilbury</hi> have left written,<note place="margin">Gervas. Tilb. cap. 32.</note> 
                     <hi>Ob hoc</hi> (saith <hi>Gervase) nos eundem librum Judiciarium nomina<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>mus, non quòd in eo de propositis aliquibus dubiis feratur sententia, sed quod à praedicto judicio non liceat ullâ ratione discedere.</hi> A description of it in an old <hi>English</hi> Historical Poet, is thus clad in Rhythmes.</p>
                  <q>
                     <pb n="13" facs="tcp:108529:95"/>
                     <l>The K. William vor to wite the worth of his londe<note place="margin">Rob. Glocest. in hist. Poet.</note>
                     </l>
                     <l>Let enqueri streitliche thoru al Engelonde,</l>
                     <l>Hou moni plou lond, and hou moni hiden also</l>
                     <l>Were in euerich sire, and wat hii were wurth yereto:</l>
                     <l>And the rents of each toun, and of the waters echone,</l>
                     <l>That wurth, and of woods eke, that there ne bileued none,</l>
                     <l>But that he wist wat hii were wurth of al Engelonde,</l>
                     <l>And wite al clene that wurth thereof ich understond</l>
                     <l>And let it write clene inou, and that scrit dude iwis</l>
                     <l>In the Cresorie at Westminster there it yut is.</l>
                     <l>So that vre Kings suth, when hii ransome toke</l>
                     <l>And redy wat folc might giue, hii fond there in yor boke.</l>
                  </q>
                  <p>Nor a much unlike description in later times under <hi>Hen.</hi> 8. (as a preparatory to the levying of that intolerable demanded Subsidy of DCCCL) was either finished or attempted: as by a Warrant from the Commissioners directed to a Constable of a Hundred, with charge of information, reported by <hi>J. Stow,</hi> is more largely declared.</p>
                  <p n="3">III. Of Church-livings and Ecclesiastical fees <hi>Matthew Paris</hi> hath thus recorded; <hi>Episcopatus &amp; Abbatias omnes, quae Baronias tenebant,</hi>
                     <note place="margin">Matth. Paris in Guil. 1. pag. 8.</note> 
                     <hi>&amp; eatenus ab omni Seculari libertatem habuerant, sub servitute statuit mi<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>litare, in rotulans singulos Episcopatus &amp; Abbatias, pro voluntate suâ, quot milites sibi &amp; successoribus suis, hostilitatis tempore, voluit à singu<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>lis exhiberi.</hi>
                  </p>
                  <p n="4">IV. <hi>Exclusis haereditate avita Anglis, agros</hi> (learned <hi>Camden</hi> hath de<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>livered it) <hi>&amp; praedia militibus suis assignavit,</hi>
                     <note place="margin">Camden. in Norm. astipu<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>latur Matth. West. Flor. Hist. lib. 2.</note> 
                     <hi>ità tamen ut dominium directum sibi reservaret, obsequiumque clientelari jure sibi &amp; successorib<gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                           <desc>•</desc>
                        </gap>s devinciret: id est ut omnes in feodo, sive fide teneret, &amp; nulli praeter Regem essent veri domini, sed potius fiduciarii domini, &amp; possessores.</hi>
                  </p>
                  <p n="5">V. <hi>Gervase</hi> of <hi>Tilbury</hi> in a Discourse of the Trial of the purity of Silver paid in ancient time into the Exchequer by weight,<note place="margin">Gervas. Tilb. de Scac. ca. 23.</note> affirmeth that by Tradition it was received for truth, that <hi>in primitivo regni statu, post conquisitionem,</hi> no Rents were paid to the Crown in Mo<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ney: <hi>Sed sola</hi> (saith he) <hi>victualia solvebantur, ex quibus in usus quoti<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>dianos domus regiae necessaria ministrabantur:</hi> and somewhat after, <hi>Tot<gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                           <desc>•</desc>
                        </gap> igitur Willielmi primi tempore perseveravit haec institutio usque ad tem<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>pora Regis Henrici filii ejus</hi> (which was <hi>Henry</hi> the first) <hi>adeò ut vi<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>derim ego ipse</hi> (he lived under <hi>Henry</hi> the second) <hi>quosdam, qui victu<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>alia, statutis temporibus, de fundis regiis, ad Curiam deferebant. Certum quoque habebant Officiales domus regiae, à quibus comitatibus triticum, à quibus diversae species carnium, &amp; equorum pabula debebantur. His verò solutis secundum constitutum modum cujusque rei, regii officiales computa<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>bant Vicecomitibus, redigentes in summam denariorum, pro mensurâ vide<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>licet tritici ad panem centum hominum, solidum unum, pro corpore bovis pascualis solidum unum, pro ariete vel ove IV. denarios, pro prebendâ XX. equorum similiter IV. denarios;</hi> But through the grievous com<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>plaints of Country Husbandmen, <hi>oblatis vomeribus in signum deficien<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tis agriculturae,</hi> respective calculation was made under <hi>Henry Beau<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>clerc,</hi> and every particular Tenants services reduced to a certainty of Silver, <hi>De Summa vero Summarum quae ex omnibus fundis surgebat in unoquoque comitatu, constituerunt Vicecomitem illius Comitatus ad
<pb n="14" facs="tcp:108529:96"/>
Scaccarium teneri, addentes ut ad Scalam solveret.</hi> More special form whereof the same Author hath largely reported.</p>
                  <p n="6">
                     <note place="margin">Ingulph. hist. fo. 512.</note>VI. <hi>Chirographa chartas vocabant, &amp; chartarum firmitatem cum cereâ impressione per uniuscujusque speciale sigillum sub instillatione trium vel IV. astantium, conficere constituebant.</hi>
                  </p>
                  <p n="7">VII. <hi>Anglicum idioma tantum abhorrebant, quod leges terrae statutaque Anglicorum Regum Gallicâ linguâ tractarentur</hi> (Pleadings until refor<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>mation in time of <hi>E.</hi> 3. remaining in the same Tongue) <hi>&amp; pueris etiam in Scholis principia literarum Grammatica Gallicè ac non Anglicè tra<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>derentur.<note place="margin">S<gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                              <desc>•</desc>
                           </gap>. 26 E. 3. cap. 15.</note> Modus etiam scribendi Anglicus omitteretur, &amp; modus Gallicus in Chartis &amp; in libris omnibus admitteretur:</hi> Thus to be Frenchified grew so common, and before all <hi>English</hi> Titles so respectfully alone honoured, that <hi>Vlstan</hi> Prelate of <hi>Worcester</hi> in the red King's time, was for his ignorance in that Tongue chiefly deposed from his Bi<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>shoprick.</p>
                  <p n="8">
                     <note place="margin">Matth. Paris.</note>VIII. <hi>Cervum vel Capreolum capienti oculi eruebantur.</hi>
                  </p>
                  <p n="9">IX. The Law of <hi>Coverfeu</hi> (the name yet remaineth) that by ringing a Bell at Night,<note place="margin">Polydor. Virg. hist. lib. 9.</note> all Lights and Fire in every House should retire from our appearance, acknowledgeth him as first Institutor.</p>
                  <p n="10">
                     <note place="margin">
                        <p>Hen. Hunting. lib. 6. hist. fol. 21.</p>
                        <p>Bract. lib. 3. tract. de Co<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ron. cap. 2<gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                              <desc>•</desc>
                           </gap>.</p>
                     </note>X. <hi>Si aliquis quempiam</hi> (it is in <hi>Henry</hi> of <hi>Huntingdon) quâcunque de causâ peremisset, capitali subjacebat sententiae.</hi>
                  </p>
                  <p n="11">XI. <hi>Si aliquem</hi> (I would read it <hi>aliquam,</hi> perswaded by what I find in <hi>Bracton</hi>'s Treatise of rape) <hi>vi oppressisset, genitalibus privabatur armis.</hi>
                  </p>
                  <p n="12">
                     <note place="margin">Polydor. hist. lib. <gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                           <desc>•</desc>
                        </gap>. Lamb. explicat. verb. Camden in Norman D. Ed. Coke in P<gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                           <desc>•</desc>
                        </gap>aefat. ad lib. 5.</note>XII. If we durst believe the <hi>Italian Polydore,</hi> here should succeed an Institution of Sheriffs, and Trial by <hi>Jury</hi> of XII. Touching the last, <hi>Camden</hi> and <hi>Lambard</hi> out of the <hi>Saxon</hi> Laws of <hi>Etheldred,</hi> have convinced him of an error too fairly flourished with braving terms. For the first, and both since them the right H. the L. <hi>Coke.</hi> But what else he hath of any probability you thus receive.</p>
                  <p n="13">XIII. <hi>Constituit ut quater quotannis in multos dies conventus celebra<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>rentur eo loci quo ipse fieri juberet, quibus in conventibus Judices sedibus dis<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>creti forum agerent, jusque populo dicerent.</hi>
                  </p>
                  <p n="14">XIV. <hi>Alios instituit Judices, qui sine provocatione jurisdictionem ac ju<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>dicia exercerent, à quibus, uti à sinu Principis, cuncti Litigatores eò con<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>fluentes jura peterent, &amp; ad eos suas controversias referrent.</hi>
                  </p>
                  <p n="15">XV. <hi>Praefectos alios constituit, qui maleficia vindicanda curarent. Hos Justiciarios pacis nuncupavit.</hi> Yet I cannot so soon think that name to be literally so ancient under his favour, with whom too curious in a strange state, the kind Laws of religious hospitality may with<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>out injustice dispense.</p>
               </div>
               <div n="5" type="chapter">
                  <pb n="15" facs="tcp:108529:96"/>
                  <head>CHAP. V. </head>
                  <argument>
                     <p>What was received under <hi>William le Rous.</hi>
                     </p>
                  </argument>
                  <p>VAin it were to expect any good Constitutions of <hi>William</hi> the Second, <hi>Omnis legum siluit justitia, causisque</hi> (saith <hi>Florence</hi> of <hi>Worcester) sub justitio positis; sola in principibus imperabat pecunia.</hi>
                  </p>
                  <p n="1">I. <hi>Polydore</hi> attributeth to him the original of that custome,<note place="margin">Polydor. lib. 10. hist.</note> where<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>by his Successors claim profits or First-fruits of vacant Bishopricks and Monasteries of the Patronage of the Crown.<note place="margin">Matth. Paris.</note> Indeed it is true and apparent, that he had a special gift of delaying new Elections for prorogation of his gains. And at his Death were in his hands the Temporalties of <hi>Canterbury, Winchester</hi> and <hi>Salisbury,</hi> and of Abbies that number quadrupled.</p>
                  <p n="2">II. <hi>Publico</hi> (writeth he) <hi>edicto vetuit unumquemque sine commeatu suo ex Angliâ egredi.</hi> That Archbishop <hi>Anselme</hi> was enjoyned under no small pain, that he should not pass the Seas, to visit Pope <hi>Vrban</hi> under this Prince, is true and plain enough; but for any such gene<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ral Edict, I know no better authority, his being in this, as in other things, suspicious: as yet my belief is, that the constitution of <hi>non Aler ouster le Mere,</hi> is of some later birth.</p>
                  <p n="3">III. <hi>Venationes quas Rex primo</hi> (the words are <hi>Malmesburies,</hi> but read <hi>primus) adeò prohibuit, ut capitale esset supplicium prendisse Cervum.</hi>
                     <note place="margin">Malmesb. lib. 4. de gest. reg.</note>
                  </p>
               </div>
               <div n="6" type="chapter">
                  <pb n="16" facs="tcp:108529:97"/>
                  <head>CHAP. VI. </head>
                  <argument>
                     <p>
                        <hi>Henry Beauclerc</hi> restored and invented Common Li<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>berties.</p>
                  </argument>
                  <p>REformation was needful by the succeeding <hi>Beauclerc,</hi> of the common injustice practised throughout the Kingdom, especially by a de<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>legation of exacting authority made to one <hi>Ranulph,</hi> afterwards Bishop of <hi>Durham,</hi> by <hi>le Rous:</hi> and was thus endeavoured. Immediately after his Coronation Charters of State-amendment were by publick authority sent into every County with particular Customs expressed, allowed, abrogated or altered in them. That which was directed to <hi>Hugh</hi> of <hi>Bockland,</hi> Sheriff of <hi>Hereford,</hi> reported by <hi>Matthew Paris,</hi> after Church-li<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>berty confirmed, <hi>Ita quod nec eam vendam, nec ad firmam ponam, nec mortuo Archiepiscopo,<note place="margin">Matth. Paris, pag. 74.</note> vel Episcopo, vel Abbate, aliquid accipiam de domino Ecclesiae, vel de hominibus, donec successor in eam ingrediatur,</hi> thus pro<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>vides for the Subject;</p>
                  <p>
                     <hi>Omnes malas consuetudines, quibus regnum Angliae injuste opprimebatur, inde aufero: Quas malas consuetudines in parte hic pono.</hi>
                  </p>
                  <p n="1">I. <hi>Si quis Baronum meorum, Comitum, vel aliorum qui de me tenent, mortuus fuerit, Haeres suus non redimet terram suam sicut facere consueve<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>rat tempore patris mei, sed justâ &amp; legitimâ relevatione relevabit eam.</hi>
                  </p>
                  <p n="2">II. <hi>Homines Baronum meorum legitimâ &amp; justa relevatione relevabunt terras de dominis suis.</hi>
                  </p>
                  <p n="3">III. <hi>Si quis Baronum, vel aliorum hominum meorum, filiam suam tra<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>dere voluerit, sive sororem, sive neptem, sive cognatam, mecum inde loqua<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tur; sed neque ego aliquid de suo pro hac licentia accipiam, neque desendam quin eam det, excepto si eam dare voluerit inimico meo.</hi>
                  </p>
                  <p n="4">IV. <hi>Si mortuo Barone vel alio homine meo filia haeres remanserit, dabo illam cum consilio Baronum meorum cum terra suâ.</hi>
                  </p>
                  <p n="5">V. <hi>Si mortuo marito uxor ejus remanserit, &amp; sine liberis fuerit, dotem suam &amp; maritagium habebit, dum corpus suum legitimè servabit.: &amp; eam non dabo nisi per secundum velle suum, &amp; terrae liberorum Custos erit sive uxor, sive alius propinquior, qui justus esse debet.</hi>
                  </p>
                  <p n="6">VI. <hi>Praecipio ut homines mei similiter se contineant erga filios &amp; filias &amp; uxores hominum suorum.</hi>
                  </p>
                  <p n="7">VII. <hi>Monetagium commune quod capiebatur per Civitates vel Comitatus, quod non fuit tempore Ed. R. hoc ne amodò fiat, omninò defendo.</hi>
                  </p>
                  <p n="8">VIII. <hi>Si quis captus fuerit, sive monetarius sive alius, cum falsâ mo<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>netâ, justitia recta inde fiat.</hi>
                  </p>
                  <p n="9">IX. <hi>Si quis Baronum vel hominum meorum infirmabitur, sicut ipse da<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>bit, vel dare jusserit pecuniam suam, ita datam esse concedo; quod si ipse, praeventus vel armis vel infirmitate, pecuniam suam nec dederit, nec dare disposuerit, uxor sua sive liberi, aut parentes, &amp; legitimi homines sui pro animâ ejus eam dividant, sicut eis melius visum fuerit.</hi> Somewhat later times admitted the disposition of Intestates Goods,<note place="margin">V. <hi>Glanvil,</hi> lib. 7. cap. 8.</note> and Probate of
<pb n="17" facs="tcp:108529:97"/>
Testaments, to be in Episcopal Jurisdiction. <hi>John Stratford</hi> in one of his Provincial Con<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>stitutions of Church-liberty,<note rend="inter">Lind. provinc. constit. de immunit. Eccles. lib. 3. &amp; de testament. Statutum § Ecclesiast. 2 Rich. 3. Testam. 4. v. inf. in Stephan. 1. C. tit. de testament. l. consulta divalia v. in Johann. art. 15.</note> and <hi>Fairefax</hi> a Common Lawyer under <hi>Richard</hi> the Third, affirm that Power in Ecclesiastick Courts to have been in ancient time (for the Civil Law it self in express Text refers it to the Lay Magistrate) by Act of Parliament ordained.</p>
                  <p n="10">X. <hi>Si quis Baronum, vel hominum meorum, forisfecerit, non dabit va<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>dium in misericordiâ pecuniae suae, sicut faciebat tempore patris vel fratris mei</hi> (they were the two precedent <hi>Williams) sed secundum forisfacturae modum, nec ita emendabit sicut emendasset retro tempore patris mei vel fratris.</hi>
                  </p>
                  <p n="11">XI. <hi>Si perfidiae vel sceleris convictus fuerit, sicut culpa sic emendet.</hi>
                  </p>
                  <p n="12">XII. <hi>Forestas communi consilio Baronum meorum in manu mea ita reti<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>nus, sicut pater meus eas habuit.</hi>
                  </p>
                  <p n="13">XIII. <hi>Militibus, qui per loricas terras suas defendunt</hi> (i. e. which hold their Lands <hi>per fee de Hauberke,</hi>
                     <note place="margin">V. Hotoman. verb. feudal. Hauberticum feudum.</note> to be ready in a Coat of Mail for Martial Service) <hi>terras dominicarum carucarum suarum quietas ab omnibus Geldis &amp; omni proprio Dominio meo concedo, ut, sicut tam magno grava<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>mine alleviati sunt, ita equis &amp; armis benè se instruant, ut apti &amp; parati sint ad servitium meum, &amp; ad defensionem regni mei.</hi>
                  </p>
                  <p n="14">XIV. <hi>Lagam Regis Edwardi vobis reddo, cum illis emendationibus quibus pater meus eam emendavit</hi> (you have them in <hi>Lambard) consilio Baronum suorum.</hi> Thus far out of that transcribed Charter.</p>
                  <p n="15">XV. <hi>Rapinas Curialium, furta, stupra, edicto compescuit, deprehensis oculos cum testiculis evelli praecipiens. William</hi> of <hi>Malmsbury</hi> is hereof Author;<note rend="inter">
                        <p>Malmesb. lib. 5. de gest. reg.</p>
                        <p>Atque alibi antiquitus quod docent Isocrates in oratione contra Lochic. Sen. Epist. 7. Lam<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>prid. in Alex. Severo &amp; alii, caeterum an in bonos Motes, Remque publicam. conducat, di<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>sputant: quin &amp; ausi sunt negasle, Frisius in lib. de Rep. Tho. Morus, in Utopiâ, <hi>&amp;c.</hi>
                        </p>
                        <p>Ex lib. Monarch. Cant. de M<gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                              <desc>•</desc>
                           </gap>rac. B. Tho. apud Foxum. in hist. Eccles. lib. 4. fo. 228.</p>
                     </note> but <hi>Florence</hi> of <hi>Worcester,</hi> and <hi>Roger</hi> of <hi>Hoveden,</hi> that for Theft his punishment was, as now by Hang<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ing, Death; but for maintenance of <hi>Malmes<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>bury</hi>'s report, I remember a miracle reported out of a Manuscript in <hi>Fox</hi> his Ecclesiastical History, of one <hi>Edward</hi> of King's <hi>Weston</hi> in <hi>Bedfordshire,</hi> attainted in time of <hi>Henry Fitz l' Empres,</hi> for stealing a pair of Hedging Gloves, and a Whetstone, and having by execution lost his Eyes and Genitals, had through devout prayer at <hi>Tho. Becket</hi>'s Shrine in <hi>Canterbury,</hi> restitution (I fear the Monk that wrote it, might have had a Whetstone without stealing) of whatsoever Members and Faculties were by that inflicted punishment, taken from him.</p>
                  <p n="16">XVI. <hi>Contra Trapezitas (quos vulgò monetarios vocant) praecipuam sui diligentiam exhibuit</hi>;<note place="margin">Malmesbur.</note> 
                     <hi>nullum falsarium quin pugnum perderet impune abire permittens, qui fuit intellectus falsitatis suae commercio fatuos irri<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>sisse:</hi> This falsifying of money by <hi>Hoveden,</hi> was loss of our Eyes and Genitals:<note place="margin">Guil. Gemiti<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>cens. de Du<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>cibus Norm. lib. 7. ca. 23. &amp; Contin. ad Florent. Wi<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>gorn. pag. 498.</note> 
                     <hi>Gemiticensis</hi> and the Monk which made the continuance to <hi>Florence</hi> of <hi>Worcester,</hi> agreeing to <hi>Malmesbury</hi> in this, that the offenders lost their right hands; but further adding that, which the first God of the Gentiles was compelled to endure, deprivation of his external parts of humane propagation.</p>
                  <p n="17">XVII. <hi>Statuit ut nullus obolus</hi> (the Author is <hi>Roger</hi> of <hi>Hoveden) quos &amp; rotundos esse jussit, aut etiam quadrans, si integer esset,<note place="margin">Roger de Ho<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ved. annal. 2. fo. 270.</note> respu<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>eretur.</hi>
                  </p>
                  <p n="18">
                     <pb n="18" facs="tcp:108529:98"/>
                     <note place="margin">Malmesb. l. 5.</note>XVIII. <hi>Mercatorum falsam ulnam (Malmesbury</hi> speaks) <hi>castigavit brachii sui mensurâ adhibitâ, omnibusque per Angliam propositâ.</hi>
                  </p>
                  <p n="19">XIX. <hi>Curialibus suis ubicunque villarum esset, quantum à Rusticis gra<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tis accipere, quantum &amp; quoto pretio emere debuissent, edixit, transgressores vel gravi pecuniarum mulctâ, vel vitae dispendio afficiens.</hi>
                  </p>
                  <p n="20">XX. Much stir both at <hi>Rome</hi> and in <hi>England</hi> was touching Investi<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ture of Bishops and Abbots by Lay hands: <hi>Anselme,</hi> Arch-Prelate of <hi>Canterbury</hi> mainly opposing himself against it; whose perswasion so at length wrought with the King, that it was permitted <hi>ut ab eo tempore in reliquum (Matthew</hi> of <hi>Westminster</hi> after others reports it) <hi>nunquam per donationem Baculi pastoralis vel annuli quisquam de Episcopatu vel Ab<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>batiâ,</hi>
                     <note place="margin">Math. Westm. lib. 2. Flor. hist.</note> 
                     <hi>per Regem, vel quamlibet laicam personam, investiretur in Anglia; Retento tamen electionis &amp; regalium privilegio</hi>;<note place="margin">Malmesb. l. 5. de gest. reg. Mat. Paris pag. 87.</note> Notwithstanding this in the year M.C.VII. <hi>per annulum &amp; baculum</hi> (as <hi>Matthew Paris</hi> tells us) was by the same <hi>Henry</hi> one <hi>Rodolph</hi> made Arch-Bishop of <hi>Canterbury.</hi>
                  </p>
                  <p n="21">
                     <note place="margin">Stovaeus an<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>nal. p. 190.</note>XXI. He restored (<hi>John Stow</hi> now speaks to you) to his Subjects the use of Lights in the night, which lights, and also fire, had been for<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>bidden by his Father to be used, after the ringing of a Bell at eight of the Clock at night.</p>
                  <p n="22">XXII. <hi>Fecit omnes Milites Angliae crines suos ad justum modum ab<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>scindere,<note place="margin">Flor. hist. l. 2.</note> qui priùs longitudine capillorum</hi> (out of <hi>Flores Historiarum) cum foeminis certabant.</hi>
                  </p>
                  <p n="23">XXIII. A Tribute of 3 <hi>s.</hi> of every Hide was exacted for augmenta<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tion of a Dowry for the Kings Daughter <hi>Mawde</hi>', to be married to the Emperour <hi>Henry</hi> the Fourth:<note place="margin">Polyd. hist. lib. 11.</note> whereupon, saith <hi>Polydore, Secuti sunt istud institutum quaerendarum dotum ad collationem filiarum, caeteri deinde Reges, adeo posteritas suorum commodorum tenax semper fuit;</hi> referring that known Service of <hi>ayde à file marrier,</hi>
                     <note place="margin">
                        <p>Halicarnass. 2. antiq. Rom. &amp; v. Sueton. in Caligula cap. 42.</p>
                        <p>Zas. in comm. ad lib. 2. F. de orig. Turr.</p>
                     </note> to this as the <hi>first example</hi> thereof; though the antiquity of that custom can reckon as many years as since <hi>Romulus</hi> his first institution of Patrons and Clients (whence Feuds and Courts-Baron, as <hi>Udalricus Zasius</hi> conjectureth, by way of imitation, proceeded in following times) and no less the whole title thereof. And the other <hi>à faire Fitz Chevaler, &amp; de rançome,</hi> are in the old <hi>Graund Cu<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>stumier</hi> of <hi>Normandy.</hi>
                  </p>
                  <p n="24">XXIV. Imminent peril was then, lest <hi>French</hi> Conspiracies should get violent possession of the Dutchy of <hi>Normandy</hi>; to prevent it with a Sinewy Army, <hi>primùm omnium populo imponit</hi> (take it upon <hi>Polydore</hi>'s credit) <hi>grave tributum causâ novi belli gerendi,</hi>
                     <note place="margin">Polyb. lib. 11. hist. Ang.</note> 
                     <hi>id quod apud posteriores Reges in consuetudinem venit.</hi> Of the <hi>Norman</hi> Line Masculine he was the last; and this the last, I make of his Laws.</p>
               </div>
               <div n="7" type="chapter">
                  <pb n="19" facs="tcp:108529:98"/>
                  <head>CHAP. VII. </head>
                  <argument>
                     <p>
                        <hi>Stephen</hi> of <hi>Blois.</hi>
                     </p>
                  </argument>
                  <p>CRashing of Armour and pronouncing of Laws, have such antipa<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>thy, that his injurious Successor, <hi>Stephen of Blois</hi> will put us to the charge of small room. At his Inauguration, by Oath he confirmed divers generalities for liberties, from ancient time used, of the Church, but so religiously, that, as one saith of him, He seemed to have there<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>fore only sworn, that he might be forsworn. But of them one was especially thus:</p>
                  <p n="1">I. <hi>Si quis Episcopus vel Abbas vel alia Ecclesiastica persona,</hi>
                     <note place="margin">Malmesb. l. 1. hist. novell.</note> 
                     <hi>ante mortem suam rationabiliter sua distribuerit, vel distribuenda statuerit, firmum ma<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>nere concedo: si vero morte praeoccupatus fuerit, pro salute animae ejus Eccle<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>siae consilio</hi> (see before in the ninth of <hi>Henry Beauclerc) eadem fiat distri<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>butio.</hi>
                  </p>
                  <p n="2">II. <hi>Castella per singulas provincias</hi> (saith <hi>William</hi> of <hi>Newborough) stu<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>dio partium crebro surrexerant; erantque in Angliâ quodammodo tot Reges,</hi>
                     <note place="margin">Guil. Neubri<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>gens. lib. 1. rer. Anglic. cap. 22.</note> 
                     <hi>vel potius Tyranni, quot Domini Castellorum, habentes singuli percussuram proprii numismatis, &amp; potestatem subditis regio more dicendi juris.</hi>
                  </p>
                  <p n="3">III. <hi>Danegeldum</hi> (which how it was first rated and imposed,<note place="margin">Huntingd. l. 8. hist. Hoveden part. 1. f. 276.</note> you may find in the <hi>Confessor</hi>'s Laws) <hi>quod antecessores sui accipere solebant singu<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>lis annis, in aeternum condonabat. Henry</hi> of <hi>Huntingdon</hi> and <hi>Roger</hi> of <hi>Ho<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>veden</hi> affirm it.</p>
                  <p n="4">IV. An Ecclesiastical Synod was held at <hi>London</hi> under <hi>Theobald</hi> of <hi>Canterbury,</hi> the King and Noblemen being also present, <hi>totumque illud concilium novis appellationibus infrenduit. In Angliâ namque appellationes in usu non erant, donec eas Henr. Wintoniensis Episcopus,</hi>
                     <note place="margin">Ibid.</note> 
                     <hi>dum Legatus esset</hi> (which was about this time) <hi>malo suo crudeliter intrusit.</hi>
                  </p>
                  <p n="5">V. <hi>Tempore Regis Stephani</hi> (as I read in <hi>John</hi> of <hi>Salisbury's Polycrati<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>con) à regno jussae sunt Leges Romanae,</hi>
                     <note place="margin">Jo. Salisburi<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ens. Polycrat. lib. 8. cap. 22. v. disceptati<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>onem de ca<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>stellis Episco<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>porum apud Malmesbur. lib. 1. hist. novel.</note> 
                     <hi>quas in Britanniam Domus venerabilis Patris Theobaldi, Britanniarum Primatis asciverat; Ne quis libro etiam retineret edicto regio prohibitum est.</hi> What the <hi>Roman Laws</hi> (if you un<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>derstand the <hi>Imperials</hi>) had ever to do with this State as a rule for squa<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ring our Judgements, is not only by this relation made manifest, but by an express assertion of the High Court of Parliament (which wrought wonders) under <hi>Richard</hi> of <hi>Burdeaux</hi>; whenas <hi>Thomas</hi> of <hi>Woodstock,</hi> Duke of <hi>Glocester, Richard</hi> Earl of <hi>Arundel, Thomas Beauchamp</hi> Earl of <hi>Derby,</hi> and <hi>Thomas</hi> Earl of <hi>Nottingham,</hi> appealed <hi>Alexander Nevill</hi> Arch-Bishop of <hi>York, Robert de Vere</hi> Duke of <hi>Ireland, Michael de la Poole</hi> Earl of <hi>Suffolke,</hi> with others, of seducing the Kings facile humour to their own desires, the particulars whereof appear in the Thirty Eight Articles comprehended in the Parliament Rolls of the Eleventh of his Reign;<note place="margin">11 R. 2. Rot. Parliam.</note> ad<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>vice being demanded touching the formality of the Appeal both of Common Lawyers and Civilians, they all agreed, —That it was insuf<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ficient in both Laws; but answer was given by the Baronage, that they would adjudge it by <hi>Parliamentary authority;</hi> neither would they be di<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>rected by the Civil Law, <hi>pur ceque la royalme d' Angleterre n'estoit devant ces heures, ny à l' entent de nostre dit Seigneur Roy, &amp; Seigneures du Parliament unq' ne serra rules ne governes per la ley civil</hi>: and by Judgement of Exile with effect they proceeded: But this is somewhat out of the lists.</p>
               </div>
               <div n="8" type="chapter">
                  <pb n="20" facs="tcp:108529:99"/>
                  <head>CHAP. VIII. </head>
                  <argument>
                     <p>
                        <hi>Henry Fitz-L'Empres,</hi> and his <hi>Clarendon</hi> Constituti<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ons restored to themselves, and purged from the faults wherewith they have been published.</p>
                  </argument>
                  <p>
                     <hi>ADoption and right of Bloud gave, after</hi> Stephen<hi>'s Death, the Crown to</hi> Henry Plantagenet Fitz l'Empres; <hi>His first care tending wholly to the good of the State, was to have the nume<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>rous increase of Castles and Forts (which in his Predecessors time through multitude of Province-Tyrants,</hi>
                     <note place="margin">
                        <hi>Guil. de novo burgo lib.</hi> 1. <hi>rer. Anglic. cap.</hi> 22.</note> 
                     <hi>whom they nourished, were swollen to the number of M.C.XV.) abated; so was it by ex<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>press command performed, and the Laws of his Grand-father</hi> Beau<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>clerc <hi>likewise confirmed. A recognition also was made at</hi> Clarendon, Praesidente Joanne de Oxoniâ,<note place="margin">
                        <hi>Matth. Paris fol.</hi> 134.</note> de mandato ipsius Regis, praesentibus etiam Archiepiscopis, Episcopis, Abbatibus, Prioribus, Comitibus, Baronibus &amp; Pro<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ceribus regni, <hi>of divers Customes and Rites of Government for deci<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>sion of no small controversies between the King, guarded with stout Maintainers of his Crown, and the Prelates, who in their ambitious aims laboured for exemption of their Persons, habits and possessions, from secular Jurisdiction.</hi>
                  </p>
                  <p n="1">
                     <hi>I.</hi> De advocatione &amp; praesentatione Ecclesiarum; si controversia emerse<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>rit inter Laicos, vel inter Laicos &amp; Clericos, vel inter Clericos, in Curiâ D. R. tractetur &amp; terminetur.</p>
                  <p n="2">
                     <hi>II.</hi> Ecclesiae de feudo D. Regis non possunt imperpetuum dari absque as<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>sensu &amp; concessione ipsius.</p>
                  <p n="3">
                     <hi>III.</hi> Clerici rectati &amp; accusati de quâcunque re, summoniti à Justitiâ Regis, venient in Curiam ipsius responsuri ibidem de hoc, unde videbitur Curiae Regis quod ibi sit respondendum, &amp; in Curiâ Eccles. unde videbi<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tur quod ibi sit respondendum, ita quod Justitia Regis mittet in Curiam S. E. ad videndum quâ ratione ibi res tractabitur.</p>
                  <p n="4">
                     <hi>IV.</hi> Si Clericus convictus vel confessus fuerit, non debet eum de cae<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tero Ecclesia tueri.</p>
                  <p n="5">
                     <hi>V.</hi> Archiepiscopis, Episcopis &amp; personis regni non licet exire regnum absque licentiâ D. Regis:<note place="margin">
                        <hi>V. in Johan. art.</hi> 16.</note> &amp; si exierit <hi>(here is the true root of the old restraint from passing the Seas without Licence)</hi> si Regi placuerit, as<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>securabunt eum quòd nec in eundo nec in redeundo, vel moram faciendo, perquirent malum sive damnum D. Regi.</p>
                  <p n="6">
                     <hi>VI.</hi> Excommunicati non debent dare vadium ad remanentiam, nec prae<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>stare Juramentum, sed tantum vadium &amp; plegium standi judicio Ecclesiae, ut absolvantur.</p>
                  <p n="7">
                     <hi>VII.</hi> Laici non debent accusari nisi per certos &amp; legales accusatores &amp; testes in praesentiâ Archiepiscopi, vel Episcopi; ita quod Archidiaconus non perdat jus suum nec quicquam quod inde habere debeat.</p>
                  <p n="8">
                     <hi>VIII.</hi> Si tales fuerint qui culpantur quod non velit vel non audeat ali<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>quis eos accusare, Vicecomes requisitus ab eo faciat jurare XII. legales ho<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>mines
<pb n="21" facs="tcp:108529:99"/>
de vicineto, seu de villâ coram Episcopo, quod inde veritatem secun<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>dum conscientiam suam manifestabunt.</p>
                  <p n="9">
                     <hi>IX.</hi> Nullus qui de Rege tenet in Capite nec aliquis dominicorum mini<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>strorum, sub interdicto <hi>(that is a censure Ecclesiastical, whereby the Administration of Sacraments is prohibited in some particular place, or among some certain Persons)</hi> ponatur; nisi prius Dominus Rex, si in terrâ fuerit, conveniatur, vel Justitia ejus, si fuerit extra regnum: &amp; rectum de ipso faciat, &amp; ita ut quod pertinebit ad regiam Curiam, ibidem terminetur, &amp; de eo quod spectabit ad Ecclesiasticam Curiam, ad eandem mittatur, ut ibidem tractetur.</p>
                  <p n="10">
                     <hi>X.</hi> De appellationibus, sicubi emerserint,<note place="margin">
                        <hi>Vide verò Rogerum Hovedenum pag.</hi> 303.</note> ab Archidiacono debent ad E<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>piscopum, &amp; ab Episcopo ad Archiepiscopum, &amp; si Archiepiscopus defuerit in justitiâ exhibendâ, ad D. Regem perveniendum est postremo, ut prae<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>cepto ipsius in Curiâ Archiepiscopi terminetur controversia: Ita quod non debet ulterius procedere absque assensu D. Regis.</p>
                  <p n="11">
                     <hi>XI.</hi> Si Calumnia emerserit inter Clericum &amp; Laicum, vel inter Laicum &amp; Clericum, de ullo tenemento quod Clericus velit ad eleemosynam trahe<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>re, laicus verò ad laicum feudum, recognitione XII. legalium hominum per Ca<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>pitalis Justitiae Regis considerationem terminabitur, utrum tenementum sit pertinens ad Eleemosynam sive ad feudum laicum, coram ipsa Justitia Re<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>gis; Et si recognitum fuerit ad Eleemosynam pertinere, placitum erit in Curiâ Ecclesiasticâ; si vero ad laicum feudum, nisi ambo tenementum de eodem Episcopo vel Barone advocaverint, erit placitum in Curiâ regiâ; sed si uterque advocaverit de feudo illo eundem Episcopum vel Baronem, erit placitum in Curiâ ipsius, ità quod propter factam recognitionem seisi<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>nam non amittat qui prius seisitus fuerat, donec per placitum disrationa<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tum sit.</p>
                  <p n="12">
                     <hi>XII.</hi> Qui de Civitate vel castello vel Burgo vel Dominico Manerio D. Regis fuerit, si ab Archidiacono vel Episcopo super aliquo delicto ci<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tatus fuerit, unde debeat eis respondere, &amp; ad citationes eorum satisfa<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>cere noluerit, bene liceat eum sub interdicto ponere; sed non debet excom<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>municari, priusquam Capitalis Justitia D. Regis villae illius conveniatur, ut justiciet eum ad satisfactionem venire; Et si Justitia R. inde defecerit, ipse erit in misericordiâ D. R. &amp; exinde poterit Episcopus eum accusa<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tum Ecclesiasticâ justitiâ coercere.</p>
                  <p n="13">
                     <hi>XIII.</hi> Archiepiscopi, Episcopi, &amp; universae personae regni qui de rege tenent in Capite, &amp; habent possessiones suas de D. Rege, sicut Baroniam, &amp; inde respondent Justiciis &amp; Ministris Regis, &amp; faciunt omnes recti<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tudines &amp; consuetudines regias, sicut Barones caeteri, debent interesse judi<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ciis Curiae D. Regis cum Baronibus suis, usque perveniatur ad diminutio<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>nem membrorum vel ad mortem.</p>
                  <p n="14">
                     <hi>XIV.</hi> Cum vacaverit Archiepiscopatus vel Episcopatus vel Abbatia, vel Pri<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>oratus de Dominio Regis, debet esse in manu ipsius, &amp; inde percipiet omnes red<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ditus &amp; exitus, sicut dominicos; Et cum ventum fuerit ad consulendum Ecclesiae, debet D. Rex mandare potiores personas Ecclesiae; &amp; in capellâ ipsius Regis debet fieri electio, assensu D. Regis, &amp; consilio personarum regni quas ad hoc faciendum vocaverit, &amp; ibidem faciet electus homagi<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>um &amp; fidelitatem D. Regi, sicut ligio Domino, de vitâ suâ, &amp; membris, &amp; de honore suo terreno, salvo ordine suo, priusquam sit consecratus.</p>
                  <p n="15">
                     <hi>XV.</hi> Si quisquam de proceribus deforciaverit Archiepiscopo, Episcopo vel Archidiacono, de se vel de suis Justitiam exhibere, Rex debet justitiare.</p>
                  <p n="16">
                     <pb n="22" facs="tcp:108529:100"/>
                     <hi>XVI.</hi> Si forte aliquis deforciaverit D. Regi rectitudinem suam, Archi<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>episcopus, Episcopus, &amp; Archidiaconus debent eum justitiare, ut Regi satisfaciat.</p>
                  <p n="17">
                     <hi>XVII.</hi> Catalla eorum qui sunt in Regis forisfacto, non detineat Ec<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>clesia, vel coemeterium contra justitiam Regis, quia ipsius Regis sunt, sive in Ecclesiis, sive extra fuerint inventa.</p>
                  <p n="18">
                     <hi>XVIII.</hi> Placita de debitis quae fide interposita debentur, vel absque in<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>terpositione fidei, sint in Curia Regis.</p>
                  <p n="19">
                     <hi>XIX.</hi> Filii Rusticorum non debent ordinari absque assensu Domini, de cujus terrâ nati dignoscuntur.</p>
                  <p>
                     <hi>Different in particulars of no slight moment are the reported</hi> Claren<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>don <hi>Constitutions in the greater History of</hi> Matthew Paris, <hi>first pub<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>lished (as I think) by that Reverend Father</hi> Matthew Parker, <hi>Arch-Bishop of</hi> Canterbury, <hi>whose Archetype, as it was transcribed by a Coun<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>trey Vicar, and delivered to the Printer's hands (I have part of that Transcript to witness it, in mine own hands) is but equal in every</hi> Iota <hi>to the published Copy: But as they are here written I have seen them added,</hi>
                     <note place="margin">
                        <hi>Ex MS. vita Thom. Can<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tuar.</hi>
                     </note> 
                     <hi>without discrepancy of a syllable, at the end of the Life and Death of St.</hi> Thomas <hi>of</hi> Canterbury, <hi>drawn in ancient hand, and out of a quaternity of former Authors,</hi> Herbert <hi>of</hi> Doseham, William <hi>a Monk of</hi> Canterbury, John <hi>of</hi> Salisbury <hi>and</hi> Alan <hi>Abbot of</hi> Teukesbury, <hi>into a just Volume collected:</hi> Huic libello nostro <hi>(saith the Author, that you may know what work they make here)</hi> inserere studuimus funestum illud &amp; famosum Decreti Chirographum, consuetudines (viz.) illas regias apud Clarendonam promulgatas, quas ideò hic interseruimus, ut legant secula post futura, &amp; hinc cognoscant quàm justa, quàm perspicua fuerit gloriosi Neomartyris Thomae, primò Exilii &amp; pòst Martyrii causa. <hi>What con<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tention (after confirmation by Oath of the whole Baronage) grew hereupon 'twixt the King and that Canonized Arch-Bishop, is in every Chronologer of those times enough declared. But it cannot be un<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>gratefully received, if both for respect to an old</hi> English <hi>endeavouring Wit, and also for matter, form and phrase of relation, out of</hi> Robert <hi>of</hi> Glocester, <hi>be made this superaddition.</hi>
                  </p>
                  <q>
                     <l>
                        <note place="margin">
                           <hi>Robert Glo<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>cest. hist. Poet.</hi>
                        </note>No man ne might thenche the love that there was</l>
                     <l>Bitwene the K. H. and the gode man S. Thomas;</l>
                     <l>The diuel had enui therto, and set bitwen them feu,</l>
                     <l>Alas, alas thulke stond, vor all to well it greu.</l>
                     <l>Uor there had ere ibe kings of Luther dede</l>
                     <l>As W. Bastard, and his son W. the rede.</l>
                     <l>That Luther Laws made inou, and held in al the lond</l>
                     <l>The K. uold not beleue the lawes that he fond,</l>
                     <l>Ne that his elderne bulde, ne the godeman S. Thomas</l>
                     <l>Thought that thing age right neuer law uas.</l>
                     <l>Ne sothnes and custom mid strength up ihold,</l>
                     <l>And he wist that vre dere Lourd in the Gospel told</l>
                     <l>That he himselfe was sothnes, and custum nought,</l>
                     <l>Theruore Luther custumes he uould graent nought.</l>
                     <l>Ne the K. uould bileue that is elderne ad ihold,</l>
                     <l>So that conteke sprung bituene them manifold.</l>
                     <l>The K. drou to right law mani Luther custume,</l>
                     <l>S. Thomas thom withsed, and granted some.</l>
                     <l>
                        <pb n="23" facs="tcp:108529:100"/>The Lawes that icholle now tell he granted vawe.</l>
                     <l>Zuf a yuman hath a sone to clergi idraw</l>
                     <l>He ne sall without is lourdes icrouned nought be,</l>
                     <l>Uor yuman ne mai nought be made agen is lourds will free.</l>
                  </q>
                  <p>
                     <hi>In the eighteenth of</hi> Clarendon <hi>Customs is the substance of this parti<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>cular; where</hi> Rusticorum <hi>interpreted Yumen in this Poet, is menti<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>oned: To both, as a Synonymy,</hi>
                     <note place="margin">
                        <hi>Reg. Indic. fol. 7.</hi>
                     </note> 
                     <hi>is</hi> homines <hi>used as well in the Law-Annals of later times, and in Writs of</hi> Ven. fac. xii tam milites quam alios liberos &amp; legales homines de vicineto, &amp;c. <hi>as in older Constitutions before expressed. <hi>Gemen</hi> is the common allowed</hi> Saxon <hi>root, whence our now usual name of Yeoman had his beginning: but my conceit with a painted imposture deceives me, if the ancient</hi> Latin <hi>be not Father of both, but in a Dialect different. Nor let it be a fault</hi> ad Appios &amp; Co<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>runcas redire, <hi>some taste in Yeomen is of</hi> Homines, <hi>but more of</hi> Hemones;<note place="margin">
                        <hi>Fest. in verb. Hemones. Paul. Merul. ad lib.</hi> 1. <hi>annal. Ennli.</hi>
                     </note> 
                     <hi>which in</hi> Ennius <hi>and</hi> Festus, <hi>is not otherwise significant, than</hi> Themen <hi>in</hi> English, <hi>altered only in Character in <hi>gemen</hi> the</hi> Saxon <hi>word. But to my Law-rhythms again;</hi>
                     <q>
                        <lg>
                           <l>Another thing he granted eke as ye mow nouise;</l>
                           <l>Yuf a man of holi Chirch hath eni lay fee;</l>
                           <l>Parson, other what he be, he ssal do therevore</l>
                           <l>Kings service that there ualth, that is right ne be vorlore,</l>
                           <l>In plaiding and in assise be and in judgement also.</l>
                           <l>Bote war man ssal be bilemed, other to deth ido.</l>
                           <l>He granted eke yuf eni man the Kings traitor were,</l>
                           <l>And eni man is chateux to holi chirch bere</l>
                           <l>That holi chirch ne solde nought the chateux there let</l>
                           <l>That the K. there other is as is owne is ne wette.</l>
                           <l>Uor all that the felon hath the Kings it is</l>
                           <l>And eche man mai in holi church is owne take iwis.</l>
                           <l>He granted eke that a chirche of the Kings fe</l>
                           <l>In none stede ene and ever ne ssold igiue be</l>
                           <l>As to hous of religion, without the Kings leve,</l>
                           <l>And that he other the patron the gift first gave.</l>
                           <l>S. Thomas granted well these and other mo,</l>
                           <l>And these other he withsede that did him well woe.</l>
                        </lg> 
                        <lg n="1">
                           <l>I. Yuf bituene twei leud men were eni striving,</l>
                           <l>Other bituene a leud and a clerc, for holi chirch thing,</l>
                           <l>As vor vouson of chirch whether shold the chirch give,</l>
                           <l>The K. wold that in his court the ple ssold be driue;</l>
                           <l>Uor as much as a leud man that the o parti was</l>
                           <l>Chanliche was under the K. &amp; under no bishop nas.</l>
                        </lg>
                     </q>
                  </p>
                  <p>
                     <hi>What he styles</hi> Lewedmen, <hi>is by our common phrase Lay-men,</hi> Leudes <hi>in the old</hi> Teutonique <hi>and</hi> Saxon (<hi>as</hi> 
                     <gap reason="foreign">
                        <desc>〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉</desc>
                     </gap> 
                     <hi>in</hi> Greek <hi>from</hi> 
                     <gap reason="foreign">
                        <desc>〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉</desc>
                     </gap>,<note place="margin">
                        <p>
                           <hi>Pind. Olymp.</hi> 9.</p>
                        <p>
                           <hi>Lipsius lib.</hi> 5. <hi>Poliorceticon</hi>
                        </p>
                     </note> i. e. <hi>a Stone, referred, as</hi> Pindar <hi>hath it, to that mythick instauration of hard mankind by</hi> Deucalion <hi>and</hi> Pyrrha) <hi>is equivalent to the</hi> Multitude <hi>or</hi> common people, <hi>in the present</hi> English.</p>
                  <q>
                     <pb n="24" facs="tcp:108529:101"/>
                     <l>
                        <note place="margin">
                           <hi>Chauc in Pro<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>log. and</hi> in the <hi>Somners</hi> talc.</note>For yef a Priest be foule, on whome we trust,</l>
                     <l>No wonder is a leude man to rust.</l>
                  </q>
                  <p>
                     <hi>But then the ignorant are by it noted, rather than who are not Clerks; For the same</hi> Jeoffrey <hi>in another place saith,</hi>
                     <q>This every leud Uicar and Parson can say.</q>
                  </p>
                  <p>Robert <hi>of</hi> Glocester <hi>speaks again:</hi>
                     <q>
                        <lg n="2">
                           <l>II. Another was no bishop, ne clerc nathe mo,</l>
                           <l>Ne ssolde without Kings leue out of this lond go.</l>
                           <l>And than hii ssolde suere upe the boke ywis.</l>
                           <l>That hii ne sold purchas no uvel the K. ne none of is.</l>
                        </lg> 
                        <lg n="3">
                           <l>III. The thrid was yuf eni man in mausing were ibrought,</l>
                           <l>And suth come to amendment, ne age were nought,</l>
                           <l>That he ne suore up the boc, ac borowes find solde</l>
                           <l>To stand to that holy Chirch there of him toky wold.</l>
                        </lg> 
                        <lg n="4">
                           <l>IV. The verth was that no man that of the K. huld ought</l>
                           <l>In cheife or in eni servise in mausing were ibrought,</l>
                           <l>Bote the wardeins of holy chirch that brought him thereto,</l>
                           <l>The K. sede or is bailifes wat be ad misdo,</l>
                           <l>And loked verst were thei to amendment it bring,</l>
                           <l>And vote hii wolde by their leue do the mausing.</l>
                        </lg> 
                        <lg n="5">
                           <l>V. The vist was, that Bishoprikes and Abbeis also</l>
                           <l>That vacans were of prelas in the K. hand were ido,</l>
                           <l>And that the K. sold all the land as is owne take,</l>
                           <l>Uort at last that him lust eni prelat there make.</l>
                           <l>And than thulke prelat sould in is chapel ichose be.</l>
                           <l>Of is clarks which he wuld to such prelate bise.</l>
                           <l>And than wan he were ichose in is chapel right there,</l>
                           <l>Homage he solde him do ar he confirmed were.</l>
                        </lg> 
                        <lg n="6">
                           <l>VI. The sixt was yuf eni play to chapitle were idraw,</l>
                           <l>And eni man made is appele, yuf me dude him unlaw,</l>
                           <l>That to the Bishop from Ercedeken is appele sold make,</l>
                           <l>And from Bishop to Arcebissop and suth none other take,</l>
                           <l>And but the Ercebissops court to right him wold bring,</l>
                           <l>That he sold from him be cluthe bivore the King.</l>
                           <l>And from the K. non other mo so that attan end</l>
                           <l>Plaining of holi chirch to the K. shold wend.</l>
                           <l>And the K. amend solde the Ercebissops dede,</l>
                           <l>And be as in the Popes stede, and S. Thomas it withsede.</l>
                        </lg> 
                        <lg n="7">
                           <l>VII. The seuenthe was that plaiding that of det were</l>
                           <l>To yeld wel thoru truth iplight, and nought ihold nere</l>
                           <l>Althei thoru truth it were, that ple sold be ibrought</l>
                           <l>Bivore the K. and is bailies and to holy chirch nought.</l>
                        </lg> 
                        <lg n="8">
                           <pb n="25" facs="tcp:108529:101"/>
                           <l>VIII. The eighth was that in the lond citation none nere</l>
                           <l>Thoru bull of the Pope of Rome, and clene bileued were.</l>
                        </lg> 
                        <lg n="9">
                           <l>IX. The nithe was that Peters pence that me gadereth manion</l>
                           <l>The Pope nere nought on isend, ac the K. echone.</l>
                        </lg> 
                        <lg n="10">
                           <l>X. The tethe was yuf eni Clarke as felon were itake,</l>
                           <l>And vor felon iproved and ne might it not forsake,</l>
                           <l>That me sold him verst disordein and suth thoru there law,</l>
                           <l>And thoru judgement of the land hong him other to draw.</l>
                           <l>Uor these and vor other mo the Godeman S. Thomas</l>
                           <l>Fleu verst out of Englond and eke imartred was,</l>
                           <l>Uor he sei there uas bote o way, other he must stiffe be,</l>
                           <l>Other holy chirch was isent, that of right was so fre.</l>
                        </lg>
                     </q>
                  </p>
                  <p>
                     <hi>Absolution of the Prelates Oath, which among others confirmed what he soon made retractation of, was obtained from</hi> Alexander <hi>the Third, Bishop of</hi> Rome; <hi>who gave an insolent repulse to the Kings Ambassa<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>dors, sent for his ratification of that which the Baronage had thus con<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>cluded. The King herewith exceedingly provoked, made present di<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>spatch of Letters to every Sheriff in the Kingdom, thus pronouncing</hi>;</p>
                  <p n="19">
                     <hi>XIX.</hi> Praecipio tibi, quod si aliquis Clericus, vel Laicus in ballivâ tuâ,<note place="margin">
                        <hi>Matth. Paris pag.</hi> 137.</note> Romanam Curiam appellaverit, eum capias &amp; firmiter teneas, donec volun<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tatem meam praecipiam; &amp; omnes redditus Clericorum Archiepis<gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                        <desc>•</desc>
                     </gap>opi, &amp; pos<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>sessiones seisias in manum meam, &amp; omnium Clericorum qui cum Archiepiscopo sunt, patres, matres, fratres, sorores, Nepotes, &amp; Neptes pones per salvos plegios, &amp; catalla eorum, donec voluntatem meam inde praecipiam. Et hoc breve tecum afferas cùm summonitus fueris.</p>
                  <p n="20">
                     <hi>XX.</hi> Si quis inventus fuerit ferens literas D. Papae <hi>(this is spoken of before in my Poet)</hi> vel mandatum, aut Thomae Archiepiscopi, continens interdictum Christianitatis in Angliâ, capiatur &amp; retineatur, donec inde vo<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>luntatem meam praecipiam. <hi>But in the Annals of</hi> Roger <hi>of</hi> Hoveden,<note place="margin">
                        <hi>Roger de Ho<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ved. annal.</hi> 2. <hi>fo.</hi> 284.</note> Dedo sicut de Regis traditore &amp; regni, sine dilatione justitia fiat.</p>
                  <p n="21">
                     <hi>XXI. Promulgation also, by way of prohibition, was made of most of the former diminutions of Papal or Episcopal authority: The Cler<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>gy-men, that were beyond Sea, under forfeiture of their Livings, were charged, by Summons in their places of</hi> due residence, <hi>to return.</hi>
                  </p>
                  <p n="22">
                     <hi>XXII.</hi> Londoniensis &amp; Norwicensis Episcopi summoneantur,<note place="margin">
                        <hi>Matth. Paris.</hi>
                     </note> &amp; sint coram Justitiariis Regis ad rectum faciendum, quod contra Statuta regni interdi<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>xerunt terram Comitis Hugonis, &amp; in ipsum sententiam anathematis in<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tulerunt.</p>
                  <p n="23">
                     <hi>XXIII.</hi> Denarii S. <hi>Petri</hi> colligantur &amp; custodiantur.</p>
                  <p n="24">
                     <hi>XXIV. In the</hi> 22th <hi>of his Reign at</hi> Nottingham, celebravit <hi>(saith</hi> Hoveden) magnum Concilium de Statutis regni sui, &amp; coram Rege filio suo, &amp; coram Archiepiscopis, Episcopis,<note place="margin">
                        <hi>Hoveden part.</hi> 2. <hi>p.</hi> 313.</note> Comitibus &amp; Baronibus regni sui communi omnium consilio divisit regnum suum in VI. partes, per quarum singulas tres Justitiarios Itinerantes constituit;<note place="margin">
                        <hi>Quadriparti<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tam etiam regni ad hunc modum sub eodem prin<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>cipe habes divisionem apud eun<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>dem, fo.</hi> 337.</note> 
                     <hi>Here was the infancy of that form of Circuits by Justices in Eyre, whose names and described limits my Author in a Sexpartite division hath remembred.</hi> Et postea <hi>(you hear him again)</hi> fecit D. Rex omnes praedictos Justiciarios jurare super Sacrosancta Evangelia, quod ipsi bonâ fide &amp; sine malo ingenio, has
<pb n="26" facs="tcp:108529:102"/>
subscriptas assisas custodirent, &amp; inviolabiliter ab hominibus regni facerent custodiri; <hi>The subscribed Articles with this Title thus he hath Re<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>corded:</hi>
                  </p>
                  <q>
                     <floatingText xml:lang="eng">
                        <body>
                           <div type="articles">
                              <head>Assisae <hi>Henrici Regis</hi> factae apud <hi>Clarendon</hi> &amp; renovatae apud Northamtune.</head>
                              <p n="25">
                                 <hi>XXV.</hi> SI quis rectatus fuerit coram Justiciis D. Regis de murdro, vel la<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>trocinio,<note place="margin">
                                    <hi>V. Camden in Ord. Angl. pag.</hi> 123. <hi>qui<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>cum conferas Feud. lib.</hi> 2. <hi>tit.</hi> 10. <hi>&amp;</hi> 21. <hi>quin &amp; Mal<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>mesb. hist. Nov. lib.</hi> 2. <hi>fol.</hi> 103. <hi>l.</hi> 25. <hi>so<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>lidatus,</hi> &amp;c. <hi>Reg. Brev. Judic. fo.</hi> 1. <hi>in Hab. fac. vis.</hi>
                                 </note> vel roberia, vel receptatione hominum tale facientium, vel de falsoneria, vel iniquâ combustione, per Sacramentum XII. militum de Hundredo, &amp; si milites non adfuerint <hi>(I here understand by</hi> Milites <hi>no other than such as were</hi> fendatorii, <hi>or held of some Superior by Knight's service, thereby distinguished from</hi> milites solidarii <hi>or</hi> Servi<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>entes, <hi>i. e. hired Soldiers, and both from the name of dignity used in ceremonious Chivalry far separated)</hi> per Sacramentum XII. libero<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>rum &amp; legalium hominum, &amp; per Sacramentum IV. hominum de una<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>quâque villa Hundredi, eat ad Judicium Aquae (i. e. <hi>to the watry Or<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>deal, described with the fiery in</hi> Lambard<hi>'s exposition of words before his</hi> Saxon <hi>Laws, and in the Antiquities of the Church of</hi> Britany, <hi>published, as I suppose, by</hi> Matthew Parker <hi>Archbishop of</hi> Canterbury) &amp; si perierit, alterum pedem amittat; <hi>And</hi> apud NORTHAMTVNE additum est pro rigore Justitiae, quod dexterum similiter pugnum cum pe<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>de amittat, &amp; regnum abjuret &amp; infra XL. dies à regno exulet; Et si ad a<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>quam mundus fuerit, inveniat plegios, &amp; remaneat in regno, nisi <gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                                    <desc>•</desc>
                                 </gap>ecta<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tus fuerit de murdro vel aliquâ turpi feloniâ per commune Comitatus &amp; le<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>galium militum patriae: de quo, si praedicto modo rectatus fuerit, quamvis ad aquam mundus fuerit, nihilominus infra XL. dies à regno exeat, &amp; catalla sua secum asportet, salvo jure Dominorum suorum, &amp; regnum ab<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>juret in misericordia D. Regis.</p>
                              <p n="26">
                                 <hi>XXVI.</hi> Nulli liceat, neque in burgo, neque in villa, hospitari aliquem extraneum ultra unam noctem in domo sua, quem ad rectum habere nolu<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>erit, nisi hospitatus ille essonium rationabile habuerit, quod hospes domus monstret vicinis suis, &amp; cum recesserit, coram vicinis recedat &amp; per Diem.</p>
                              <p n="27">
                                 <hi>XXVII.</hi> Si quis seisitus fuerit de murdro, vel de latrocinio, vel ro<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>beria, vel falsoneria, &amp; inde sit cognoscens, vel de aliqua alia felonia, quam fecerit, coram praeposito Hundredi, vel Burgi, &amp; coram legalibus hominibus, id posteà coram Justitiis negare non poterit. Et si idem sine seisina coram eis aliquid hujusmodi recognoverit, hoc simul coram Justitiis negare non poterit.</p>
                              <p n="28">
                                 <hi>XXVIII.</hi> Si quis obierit Francus tenens, haeredes ipsius remaneant in tali seisina, qualem pater suus habuit die qua fuit vivus &amp; mortuus, de Feodo suo, &amp; catalla sua habeant unde faciant divisam defuncti, &amp; do<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>minum suum posteà requirant, &amp; ei faciant de relevio &amp; aliis, quae eis facere debent de feodo suo.</p>
                              <p n="29">
                                 <hi>XXIX.</hi> Si haeres fuerit infra aetatem, Dominus feodi recipiat Homagi<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>um suum, &amp; habeat in custodiâ illum quamdiu debuerit; alii Domini, si plures fuerint, homagium ejus recipiant, &amp; ipse faciat eis quod facere debuerit.</p>
                              <p n="30">
                                 <pb n="27" facs="tcp:108529:102"/>
                                 <hi>XXX.</hi> Vxor defuncti habeat dotem suam,<note place="margin">
                                    <hi>Ranulph de Glanv. lib.</hi> 
                                    <gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                                       <desc>•</desc>
                                    </gap>. <hi>ca.</hi> 5. <hi>Bract. lib.</hi> 2. <hi>de acq. rer. dom. cap.</hi> 26. <hi>sect.</hi> 2.</note> &amp; partem de catallis ejus quae eam contingit, <hi>which by the Law in those days was a third part, if the dead had left issue, but a moity, if he were</hi> 
                                 <gap reason="foreign">
                                    <desc>〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉</desc>
                                 </gap>.</p>
                              <p n="31">
                                 <hi>XXXI.</hi> Si Dominus feodi negat haeredibus defuncti seisinam ejusdem Jeodi quam exigunt, sustitiarii D. Regis faciant inde fieri recognitionem per XII. legales homines, quatem seisinam defunctus inde habuit die qua ficit vivus &amp; mortuus; <hi>This is the very</hi> Mortdancester; Et sicut re<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>cognitum fuerit, ita haeredibus ejus restituant; &amp; si quis contrà hoc fe<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>cerit &amp; inde attaintus fuerit, remaneat in misericordiâ Regis.</p>
                              <p n="32">
                                 <hi>XXXII.</hi> Justitiae Domini Regis faciant fieri recognitionem de disseisi<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>nis factis super assisam, à tempore quo D. Rex venit in Angliam proxi<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>mo post pacem factam inter ipsum &amp; Regem filium suum.</p>
                              <p n="33">
                                 <hi>XXXIII.</hi> Justitiae capiant fidelitates D. Regis infra Claus. Pasch. &amp; ad ultimum infrà Claus. Pentecost. ab omnibus videlicet Comitibus; Baroni<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>bus, Militibus &amp; liberè tenentibus, &amp; etiam rusticis qui in regno manere voluerint; &amp; qui facere <gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                                    <desc>•</desc>
                                 </gap>oluerit fidelitatem, tanquam inimicus D. Regis capiatur.</p>
                              <p n="34">
                                 <hi>XXXIV.</hi> Habent etiam Justitiae praecipere quod omnes illi qui nondum fecerunt homagium &amp; ligeantiam D. Regi, quod ad diem, quem eis nomina<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>bunt, veniant &amp; faciant Regi Homagium, &amp; ligeantiam, sicut ligeo Do<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>mino.</p>
                              <p n="35">
                                 <hi>XXXV.</hi> Justitiae faciant omnes Justitias &amp; rectitudines spectantes ad D. Regem, &amp; ad coronam suam, per breve Domini Regis, vel illorum qui in loco ejus erunt, de feodo dimi<gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                                    <desc>•</desc>
                                 </gap>û milit.<note place="margin">
                                    <hi>V. Camden in Ordin. Angl. Casum item Nevillae in libr.</hi> 7. <hi>Relat. D. E. Coke huc refer.</hi>
                                 </note> &amp; infrà <hi>(If the account of a</hi> Knights fee <hi>be by the annual value, then confidently according to the quadruple proportion of the known Relief, you may affirm it, by</hi> xx l. <hi>Lands; and so likewise by comparison with Soccage payment upon the Stat. of</hi> West. 1. <hi>for aid, A fair Fitz chivalier, or a File marryer; but by a calculation prefixed to the red Book of the Exchequer, DCLXXX. Acres make exactly the Summe)</hi> nisi tam grandis sit querela, quod non possit deduci sine D. Rege, vel talis quam Justitiae ei reponent pro dubitatione suâ, vel ad illos qui in loco ejus erunt; intendant tamen pro posse suo ad commodum D. Regis faci<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>endum.</p>
                              <p n="36">
                                 <hi>XXXVI.</hi> Faciant assisam de latronibus iniquis, &amp; malefactoribus ter<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>rae quae assisa est, per concilium Regis, filii sui, &amp; hominum suorum; per quos ituri sunt Comitatus.</p>
                              <p n="37">
                                 <hi>XXXVII.</hi> Justitiae provideant quod castella diruta prorsus diruantur, &amp; diruenda benè prosternantur; Et nisi hoc fecerint, D. Rex Judicium Curiae suae de eis habere voluerit, sicut de contemptoribus praecepti sui.</p>
                              <p n="38">
                                 <hi>XXXVIII.</hi> Justitiae inquirant de Escaetis, de Ecclesiis, de terris, de foeminis quae sunt de donatione D. Regis.</p>
                              <p n="39">
                                 <hi>XXXIX.</hi> Ballivi D. Regis respondeant ad Scaccarium, tam de assiso redditu, quam de omnibus perquisitionibus suis, quas faciunt in balliviis suis, exceptis illis quae pertinent ad vicecomitatum.</p>
                              <p n="40">
                                 <hi>XL.</hi> Justitiae inquirant de custodiis castellorum, &amp; qui, &amp; quantum, &amp; ubi eas debeant, &amp; postea mandent D. Regi.</p>
                              <p n="41">
                                 <hi>XLI.</hi> Latro, ex quo capitur, Vicecomiti tradatur ad custodiendum, &amp;, si Vicecomes absens fuerit, ducatur ad proximum Castellanum, &amp; ipse il<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>lum custodiat donec illum liberet Vicecomiti.</p>
                              <p n="42">
                                 <hi>XLII.</hi> Justitiae faciant quaerere per consuetudinem terrae, illos qui à regno recesserunt, &amp; nisi redire voluerint infra terminum nominatum, &amp;
<pb n="28" facs="tcp:108529:103"/>
stare ad rectum in Curiâ Regis, postea ut lagentur, &amp; nomina ut lagorum afferantur ad Pascha, &amp; ad Fest. S. <hi>Mich.</hi> ad Scaccarium, &amp; exinde mittantur D. Regi.</p>
                              <p>
                                 <hi>While thus the King made provident Order for Lay-business,</hi> Hu<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>go à Petra Leonis, <hi>the Pope's Legate in</hi> England, <hi>laboured for dila<gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                                       <desc>•</desc>
                                    </gap>a<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tion of Church; to whom was granted by the King:</hi>
                              </p>
                              <p n="43">
                                 <hi>XLIII.</hi> Quod de caetero Clericus (Matthew Paris <hi>his report)</hi> non tra<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>hatur ante Judicem secularem personaliter,<note place="margin">
                                    <hi>Matth. Paris pag.</hi> 177.</note> pro aliquo crimine vel trans<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>gressione, nisi pro forestâ &amp; laico feudo, unde Regi vel alii D. Seculari laicum debetur servitium.</p>
                              <p n="44">
                                 <hi>XLIV.</hi> Vt Archiepiscopatus, Episcopatus, vel Abbatiae, non teneantur in manu Regis ultra annum, nisi pro causâ evidente, vel necessitate ur<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>gente.</p>
                              <p n="45">
                                 <hi>XLV.</hi> Vt interfectores Clericorum convicti vel confessi, coram Justici<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ario regni, praesente Episcopo puniantur.</p>
                              <p n="46">
                                 <note place="margin">
                                    <hi>Rog. de Ho<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ved. part.</hi> 2. <hi>f.</hi> 446.</note>
                                 <hi>XLVI.</hi> Quod Clerici duellum facere non cogantur.</p>
                              <p n="47">
                                 <hi>XLVII.</hi> Statuit apud WOODSTOCK, quod quicunque forisfecerit ei de forestâ suâ, semel de venatione suâ, de ipso salvi plegii capiantur; &amp; si iterum forisfecerit, similitèr capiantur de ipso salvi plegii; si autem ter<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tiò idem forisfecerit, nulli plegii capiantur, sed proprium corpus forisfacto<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ris: <hi>which concludes what of his Laws common Histories afford.</hi>
                              </p>
                           </div>
                        </body>
                     </floatingText>
                  </q>
               </div>
               <div n="9" type="chapter">
                  <pb n="29" facs="tcp:108529:103"/>
                  <head>CHAP. IX.</head>
                  <argument>
                     <p> Richard Ceur de Lion.</p>
                  </argument>
                  <p>THIS <hi>Henry</hi>'s Successor was the stout <hi>Richard Ceur de Lion:</hi> Himself in Person attending the Eastern Wars. Division by his Commission was made <hi>for maintaining the Laws and Customes of the Kingdom,</hi> of the whole Government, 'twixt <hi>Hugh</hi> of <hi>Pusar,</hi> Bi<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>shop of <hi>Durham,</hi> and <hi>William</hi> Bishop of <hi>Ely,</hi> Lord Chancellor. The stream of all, howsoever there was an association of <hi>Hugh Bardulph</hi> and <hi>William Briwere,</hi> was carried as the Prelates pleased, until their ambitious insolency made a period to their too great authority. After his return Justices in Eyre were sent into every County, <hi>&amp; secundùm subscriptorum formam capitulorum</hi> (saith <hi>Hoveden) processerunt in justiciis exequendis.</hi>
                     <note place="margin">Roger de Hoveden, par. 2. fo. 423.</note>
                  </p>
                  <div type="part">
                     <head>Forma Procedendi in Placitis Coronae Regis.</head>
                     <p n="1">
                        <hi>I.</hi> INprimis eligendi sunt IV. milites de toto Comitatu; qui per Sacra<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>mentum suum eligant II. legales milites de quolibet hundredo, vel Wapentacco. Et illi II. eligant super sacramentum suum X. milites de sin<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>gulis Hundredis, vel Wapentaccis<gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                           <desc>•</desc>
                        </gap>; vel si milites defuerint, legales &amp; li<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>beros homines, ità quòd illi XII. insimul respondeant de omnibus capitu<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>lis de toto Hundredo vel Wapentacco.</p>
                  </div>
                  <div type="part">
                     <head>Capitula Placitorum Coronae Regis.</head>
                     <p n="2">
                        <hi>II.</hi> DE placitis Coronae novis &amp; veteribus, &amp; omnibus quae nondum sin<gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                           <desc>•</desc>
                        </gap> finita, coram Justiciariis D. Regis:</p>
                     <p n="3">
                        <hi>III.</hi> Item de omnibus recognitionibus &amp; omnibus placitis, quae summo<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>nita sunt coram Justiciariis per breve Regis, vel capitalis Justitiae, vel à capitali Curiâ Regis coram eis missa.</p>
                     <p n="4">
                        <hi>IV.</hi> Item de Escaëtis, quae sunt &amp; quae fuerunt postquam Rex arri<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>puit iter versus terram Jerusalem, &amp; quae fuerunt tunc in manu Regis, &amp; sunt modò in manu ejus, vel non; &amp; de omnibus Escaëtis Domini Regis, si à manu sua sint remotae, quomodò, &amp; per quem, &amp; in cujus manus devenerunt, &amp; qualitèr &amp; qui exitus inde habuerit, &amp; quos, &amp; quid valuerint, &amp; quid modò valeant, &amp; si aliqua eschaëta sit, quae ad D. R. pertineat, quae in manu ejus non sit.</p>
                     <p n="5">
                        <hi>V.</hi> Item de Ecclesiis quae sunt de Donatione D. Regis.</p>
                     <p n="6">
                        <hi>VI.</hi> Item de custodiis puerorum quae ad D. Regem pertinent.</p>
                     <p n="7">
                        <hi>VII.</hi> Item de malefactoribus &amp; eorum receptoribus &amp; eis consentientibus.</p>
                     <p n="8">VIII. Item de maritagiis puellarum vel viduarum, quae ad D. Regem per<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tinent.</p>
                     <p n="9">
                        <hi>IX.</hi> Item de falsonariis.</p>
                     <p n="10">
                        <hi>X.</hi> Item de Interfectoribus Judaeorum, qui sint, &amp; qui vadii Judaeorum
<pb n="30" facs="tcp:108529:104"/>
interfectorum, &amp; catallis, &amp; terris, &amp; debitis, &amp; chartis, &amp; quis ea habuerit, &amp; quantum eis debuerit, &amp; quae vadia habuerint, &amp; quis ea teneat, &amp; quantum valeant, &amp; quis exitus inde habuerit, &amp; quos: &amp; omnia vadia &amp; debita Judaeorum interfectorum capiantur in manum Reg. &amp; qui ad occisionem Judaeorum fuerant, &amp; non fecerunt sinem cum D. R. vel Justitiariis suis, capiantur, &amp; non deliberentur nisi per D. R. vel Justitiarios suos.</p>
                     <p n="11">
                        <hi>XI.</hi> Item de omnibus auxiliis datis ad redemptionem Domini Regis <hi>(which were for his ransome out of the hands of the Emperour</hi> Henry ......... <hi>to whom</hi> Limpold <hi>Duke of</hi> Austri<gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                           <desc>•</desc>
                        </gap>, <hi>who took him Prisoner, had sold him and amounted to CXL. Marks of Silver)</hi> quis quantum promiserit, &amp; quantum reddiderit, &amp; quantum aretro sit.</p>
                     <p n="12">
                        <hi>XII.</hi> Item de Fautoribus Comitis Johannis <hi>(it was his Brother who affected the</hi> English <hi>Diadem, in the time of</hi> Richard<hi>'s Captivity)</hi> qui finem fecerunt cum D. Rege &amp; qui non.</p>
                     <p n="13">
                        <hi>XIII.</hi> Item de Catallis Comitis Johannis, vel fautorum ejus, quae ad usum D. Regis non sunt conversa, &amp; quantum Vicecomites receperunt, vel ballivi sui, &amp; quis aliquid contra antiquas consuetudines regni de<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>derit.</p>
                     <p n="14">
                        <hi>XIV.</hi> Item de omnibus terris Comitis Johannis, de Dominicis &amp; War<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>dis, &amp; Escaetis, &amp; de donis suis; &amp; quâ de causâ data sunt ei illa dona, &amp; omnia dona Comitis Johannis capiantur in manum Regis, praeterquam illa quae per Regem confirmata sunt.</p>
                     <p n="15">
                        <hi>XV.</hi> Item de debitis &amp; fi<gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                           <desc>•</desc>
                        </gap>ibus quae debentur Comiti Johanni &amp; quâ de causâ, &amp; omnia exigantur ad opus D. Regis.</p>
                     <p n="16">
                        <hi>XVI.</hi> Item de foeneratoribus &amp; eorum catallis, qui mortui sunt. <hi>For by an old Law of the Confessor,</hi>
                        <note place="margin">
                           <hi>Leg. Ed. Con<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>fess. cap.</hi> 37.</note> 
                        <hi>Usury under pain of loss of the Offender's substance, is forbidden.</hi>
                     </p>
                     <p n="17">
                        <hi>XVII.</hi> Item, de vinis venditis contrà assisam, &amp; de falsis mensuris, tam vini quam aliarum rerum.</p>
                     <p n="18">
                        <note place="margin">
                           <hi>Vide Guil. de novo Burgo Rer. Angl. lib</hi> 3. <hi>cap.</hi> 22.</note>
                        <hi>XVIII.</hi> Item de cruciatis mortuis ante iter suum arreptum versus Jeru<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>salem, &amp; quis eorum catalla habuerit, &amp; quae, &amp; quanta.</p>
                     <p n="19">
                        <hi>XIX.</hi> Item de magnis assisis, quae sunt de centum solidatis terrae, &amp; infrà.</p>
                     <p n="20">
                        <hi>XX.</hi> Item de defaltis.</p>
                     <p n="21">
                        <hi>XXI.</hi> Praetereà in quolibet Comitatu eligantur 4. Milites, &amp; unus Cle<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ricus, Custodes placitorum Coronae, &amp; nullus Vicecomes sit Justitiarius in vicecomitatu suo, nec in Comitatu, quem tenuerit post primam Coronatio<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>nem D. Regis.</p>
                     <p>
                        <hi>Annexed is to all these an intricate kind of Inquisition, appropri<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ated to that time, of the Kings profits in Wards, and Escaets, with Farms, and other Country-Commodities, which would receive lar<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ger place here, than the inconveniency demands.</hi>
                     </p>
                     <p n="22">
                        <hi>XXII.</hi> Omnia debita &amp; vadia Judaeorum imbrevientur, terrae, domus, redditus &amp; possessiones.<note place="margin">
                           <hi>Guil. Neubrig. lib.</hi> 5. <hi>cap.</hi> 4. <hi>Matth. Paris</hi> 237. <hi>post Hovedenum pag.</hi> 424.</note> Judaeus vero, qui aliquid horum celaverit, sit in forisfacturâ D. Regis de corpore suo, &amp; concelamento, &amp; de omnibus possessionibus suis, &amp; omnibus catallis suis, nec unquam concelamentum Judaeo recuperare licebit: <hi>With particular form of Place and Persons, where, and before whom this imposition might be performed.</hi>
                     </p>
                     <p n="23">
                        <hi>XXIII. For especial exercise in Chivalry, that practice might breed skill, and both alacrity to Arms, he instituted by grant,</hi> Tor<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>neaments, <hi>but not without certain restraints; as by his Charter
<pb n="31" facs="tcp:108529:104" rendition="simple:additions"/>
thereof made to</hi> Hubert <hi>Archbishop of</hi> Canterbury, <hi>and reported in the red Book of the Exchequer, is thus apparent</hi>;<note place="margin">
                           <hi>Lib. Rub. Scace.</hi>
                        </note> Sciatis nos con<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>cessisse, quod Torneamenta sint in Angliâ, in quinque plateis inter Sarum &amp; Wilton, inter Warwick &amp; Kelingworth, inter Stamford &amp; Waling<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ford, inter Brakeley &amp; Mixeber, inter Bly &amp; Tikehill: Ita quod pax terrae meae non infringatur, nec de forestis nostris damnum inferatur. Et Comes, qui ibi torniare voluerit, dabit nobis XX. Marcas <hi>(understand it of Silver)</hi> &amp; Baro X. Marcas; &amp; Miles, qui terram habuerit, IV. Marcas, &amp; qui non habuerit, II. Marcas. Nullus autem extraneus ibi torniabit; unde vobis mandamus quod ad diem Torneamenti habeatis ibi II. Clericos, &amp; II. Milites vestros, ad capiendum sacramentum de Comite &amp; Barone, quod vobis de praedictâ pecuniâ ante Torneamentum satisfaci<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ent; &amp; quod nullum torniare permittant, antequam super hoc satisfece<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>rit; Et X. Marcas pro cartâ ad opus nostrum capiatis, unde Comes Sa<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>rum &amp; Comes de Clara &amp; Comes de Warrena plegii sunt. Teste meipso apud villam Episcopi, xxii. die Augusti. <hi>First use of these Torneaments was (as</hi> William <hi>of</hi> Newborough <hi>delivereth) in the time of</hi> Stephen, <hi>prohibited under</hi> Henry Fitz-L'Empres, <hi>and by this Lyon-hearted Prince, to Martial Honor, restored.</hi>
                     </p>
                     <p n="24">
                        <hi>XXIV.</hi> Praecepit, quod omnes, qui chartas habebant, venirent ad no<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>vu<gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                           <desc>•</desc>
                        </gap> sigillum suum <hi>(this new Seal was, after the old lost,<note place="margin">
                              <hi>Roger de Hoveden, pag.</hi> 424, <hi>&amp;</hi> 440.</note> with one</hi> Roger, <hi>the King's Vice-Chancellor, drowned in the</hi> Cyprian <hi>Sea)</hi> ad chartas suas r<gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                           <desc>•</desc>
                        </gap>novandas.</p>
                     <p n="25">
                        <hi>XXV.</hi> Constitutum est, quod omnes mensurae totius Angliae sint ejus<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>dem quantitatis, tam de bladis, quam de leguminibus &amp; de rebus consi<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>mil<gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                           <desc>•</desc>
                        </gap>bus; scilicet una bona summa aequi: &amp; haec mensura sit rata, tam in Civitatibus &amp; Burgis quam extra; Mensura etiam vini &amp; Cerevisiae, &amp; cunctorum liquorum, sit ejusdem quantitatis, secundum diversitatem li<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>quorum; Pondera etiam &amp; librae, &amp; caeterae Pesiae, sint ejusdem quantita<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tis in toto regno, secundum diversitatem mercaturarum.</p>
                     <p n="26">
                        <hi>XXVI.</hi> Mensuris Bladorum &amp; liquorum, vini &amp; Cerevisiae, inclaven<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tur claves, ne per dolum possint falsari.</p>
                     <p n="27">
                        <hi>XXVII.</hi> Lanei Panni, ubicunque fiunt, fiant de eâdem latitudine, scilicet de duabus ulnis infra lisuras, &amp; ejusdem bonitatis in medio &amp; in lateribus.</p>
                     <p n="28">
                        <hi>XXVIII.</hi> Eadem ulna sit in toto regno, &amp; ejusdem quantitatis, &amp; ulna sit ferrea.</p>
                     <p n="29">
                        <hi>XXIX.</hi> Ne quis Mercator praetendat Seldae suae rubros pannos, vel ni<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>gros, vel scuta, vel aliqua alia, per quae visus emptorum saepe decipiuntur, ad bonum pannum eligendum.</p>
                     <p n="30">
                        <hi>XXX.</hi> Nulla tinctura vendenda, nisi solummodò nigra, nec fiat <hi>(so I di<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>stinguish the words)</hi> alicubi in regno, nisi in capitalibus civitatibus, aut Burgis IV. aut VI. legales homines de ipsâ villâ secundùm quantitatem villae; similiter, in vicecomitatu; aut cum praepositis Civitatis aut Burgi, si in manu Vicecomitis non fuerint, assignentur ad assisam custodiendam; scilicet sub hâc formâ, ut ipsi videant &amp; certi sint quod omnia vendan<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tur, &amp; emantur per eandem mensuram, &amp; omnes mensurae sint ejusdem quantitatis, secundùm diversitatem mercium.</p>
                     <p n="32">
                        <hi>XXXII. The punishment of the offenders, was</hi> corpora eorum capi<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>antur, in carcerem detrudantur, &amp; omnia quae ipsius sunt,<note place="margin">
                           <hi>Matth. Paris, pag.</hi> 257.</note> ad fisci commo<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>dum, seisiantur.</p>
                     <p n="33">
                        <hi>XXXIII. If the instituted Comptrollers fail in that trust committed to them,</hi> de catallis suis in misericordia Regis remaneant.</p>
                     <p n="34">
                        <pb n="32" facs="tcp:108529:105"/>
                        <hi>XXXIV. An Aid of</hi> 5 s. <hi>the</hi> hide, <hi>was taken through the Kingdom: for collection were Commissions granted,</hi>
                        <note place="margin">
                           <hi>Hoveden part</hi> 2. <hi>f.</hi> 443.</note> 
                        <hi>and power of conventing the Land tenants, and charging them by Oath to make true report of Hides in every Mannor</hi>; Ad poenam verò Juratorum, qui aliquid con<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tra Juramentum suum celaverint in hoc negotio, statutum erat, quod qui<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>cunque Rusticus convictus fuisset de perjurio, daret domino meliorem bo<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>vem de carucâ suâ, &amp; insuper responderet de proprio ad opus D. Regis, tantum pecuniae, quantum fuisset declaratum per suam perjuriam fuisse ce<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>latum.<note place="margin">
                           <hi>Tempore E.</hi> 1. <hi>tit Avowry</hi> 10<gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                              <desc>•</desc>
                           </gap>. <hi>&amp; Reg. orig. so.</hi> 9. <hi>a.</hi>
                        </note> Si verò liber homo <hi>(by the opposite of the title</hi> (Rusticus) <hi>I conceive generally</hi> Tenants in ancient demesne, <hi>which are not allow<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ed the addition of Freeman, and Copyholders)</hi> convictus fuisset, esset in misericordià Regis, &amp; insuper refunderet de proprio, ad opus D. Regis, quantum fuerit per eum celatum, sicut &amp; Rusticus.</p>
                     <p n="35">
                        <hi>XXXV.</hi> Statutum fuit, quod quilibet Baro cum Vicecomite faceret districtiones super homines suos, &amp;, si per defectum Baronum, districtiones factae non fuissent, caperetur de dominico Baronum quod super homines suos restaret reddendum, &amp; ipsi Barones ad homines suos inde caperent: &amp; libera feoda Ecclesiarum parochialium de hoc Tallagio excipiebantur, &amp; omnes excaet. Baronum quae fuerunt in manu Domini Regis, commu<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>nicaverunt.</p>
                     <p n="36">
                        <hi>XXXVI.</hi> Serganteriae D. Regis, quae non erant de feodis militum, exci<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>piebantur:<note place="margin">
                           <hi>
                              <gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                                 <desc>•</desc>
                              </gap>o. li.</hi> 6. <hi>Avow<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ry</hi> 267.11. <hi>li.</hi> 4. <hi>fo.</hi> 31. <hi>b.</hi>
                        </note> 
                        <hi>Take it of Graund or petit Serjeanty, and it fully accords with some Term Books, of later times allowed, and published.</hi>
                     </p>
                  </div>
                  <div type="part">
                     <head>Capitula Placitorum Coronae D. Regis,</head>
                     <p>
                        <note place="margin">
                           <hi>Hoveden part</hi> 2. <hi>fo.</hi> 445.</note>
                        <hi>WHereof</hi> Hugh Bardulph, Roger Arundel, <hi>and</hi> Geffrey Harset, <hi>Ju<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>stices in Eire through the Northern parts, held Plea.</hi>
                     </p>
                     <p n="37">XXXVII. De omnibus assisis, &amp; de magnis assisis, usque ad X. libra<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tas terrae, &amp; infrá.</p>
                     <p n="38">XXXVIII. De Advocationibus Ecclesiarum, &amp; capiantur coram eis ele<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ctiones magnae assisae per mandatum D. Regis, vel ejus capitalis Justittae.</p>
                     <p n="39">XXXIX. De Ecclesiis vacantibus vel non vacantibus, quae fuerunt de donatione D. Regis.</p>
                     <p n="40">XL. De Excaetis D. Regis.</p>
                     <p n="41">XLI. De Donationibus &amp; de valectis, &amp; puellis, quae sunt, vel esse debent, in donatione D. Regis, &amp; de valentiis terrarum suarum, &amp; si quis eorum vel earum sit maritatus, &amp; inquiratur cui, &amp; per quem, &amp; à quo tempore.</p>
                     <p n="42">XLII. Quae viduae non finierunt pro se maritandis, &amp; finis capiatur ad opus D. Regis.</p>
                     <p n="43">XLIII. De Serganteriis D. Regis, quis ea habet, &amp; per quem, &amp; quantum valent, &amp; qui finem non fecerunt ad auxilium Domini Regis <hi>(look before in</hi> art. xxxvii.) &amp; qui fecerunt, &amp; finis capiatur.</p>
                     <p n="44">XLIV. De usuris Christianorum, &amp; eorum catallis, qui sunt mortui.</p>
                     <p n="45">XLV. De illis, qui sunt in misericordiâ Regis, &amp; non amerciati.</p>
                     <p n="46">XLVI. De purpresturis D. Regis.</p>
                     <p n="47">XLVII. De viis D. Regis estreciatis.</p>
                     <p n="48">XLVIII. De thesauris inventis.</p>
                     <p n="49">XLIX. De malefactoribus &amp; eorum receptoribus.</p>
                     <p n="50">L. De fugitivis retatis, reversis post ultimam assisam.</p>
                     <p n="51">
                        <pb n="33" facs="tcp:108529:105"/>LI. De omnibus ponderibus, &amp; mensuris, &amp; ulnis renovatis, &amp; si IV. homines <hi>(refer hither the</hi> xxxii. <hi>Article)</hi> qui sunt attornati ad haec custodienda in unaquâque villâ, fecerint quod inde statutum est, &amp; si attachiaverint transgressores illius assisae, &amp; si non attachiaverint, prout debent, puniantur sicut ipsi transgressores.</p>
                     <p n="52">LII. Totum vinum illius qui vendidit contra assisam, capietur ad opus D. Regis, &amp; praetereà Dominus vini &amp; venditores, sint in misericordiâ Regis.</p>
                     <p n="53">LIII. <hi>Of defaults in the Commissioners, appointed for levying the aids.</hi>
                     </p>
                     <p n="54">LIV. De Custodibus portuum maris, si quid receperunt quod non red<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>diderunt, &amp; si mercedem aliquam receperunt pro jure Regis retinendo, &amp; si quis aliquid receperit, qui non fuerit ad hoc attornatus.</p>
                     <p>
                        <hi>The Justices of the Forest,</hi> H<gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                           <desc>•</desc>
                        </gap>gh <hi>of</hi> Nevill <hi>chief Justice,</hi> Hugh Wac, <hi>and</hi> Ernise <hi>of</hi> Nevil <hi>made their Circuits, authorised by the King's Commission; that in every County, where they were to pass, they should call before them</hi> ad placita forestae, <hi>Archbishops, Bishops, Earls, Barons, all Free-holders, the chief of every Town, and IV. Yeomen</hi> ad audienda praecepta Regis.</p>
                  </div>
                  <div type="part">
                     <head>Haec est assisa D. R. &amp; haec sunt Praecepta de forestis suis in Anglia, facta per assensum &amp; Consilium Archiepiscop. &amp; E<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>pisc. &amp; Abbat. Comit. &amp; Bar. &amp; Militum totius regni.</head>
                     <p n="55">LV. <hi>THat none should trust, in hope of easie composition for offences, touching Venison, or other matters of the Fo<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>rest, but that Justice should be done to the Convict,</hi> qualis facta fuit tempore Henr. avi patris D. Regis <hi>(viz.)</hi> ut amittant oculos &amp; testiculos.</p>
                     <p n="56">LVI. <hi>That none presume to keep Bowes, Arrowes, Grey-hounds, or other Dogs in the King's Forest,</hi> nisi habeant ipsum R<gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                           <desc>•</desc>
                        </gap>gem ad Warrantum suum, vel aliquem alium, qui eum possit inde warrantizare.</p>
                     <p n="57">LVII. Quod nullus donet vel vendat aliquid ad destructionem bosci sui, vel ad wastum quae sit infrà forestam Regis, sed concedit bene quod capiant de boscis suis quod necesse eis fuerit, sine wasto, &amp; hoc per visum forestarii sui &amp; viridariorum suorum.</p>
                     <p n="58">LVIII. Quod omnes illi, qui boscos habent infrà metas forestae D. Regis, ponant idoneos forestarios in boscis suis, de quibus forestariis ipsi, quorum bosci fuerint, sint plegii, vel tales inveniant plegios idoneos, qui possunt emendare, si forestarii in aliquo forisfecerint, quod D. Regi pertineat.</p>
                     <p n="59">LIX. <hi>That the King's Foresters take special survey, lest other Mens Woods,</hi> intrà metas forestae, <hi>be destroyed;</hi> &amp; sciant benè illi, quorum bosci fuerint, quòd de ipsismet, vel de eorum terris, capietur emen<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>datio, &amp; non de alio.</p>
                     <p n="60">LX. Quod sui forestarii jurent, quod secundùm omne posse suum, tene<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>bunt ejus assisam, qualem eam fecit de forestis suis, &amp; quòd non vexa<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>bunt milites, neque probos homines, de hoc quod D. Rex iis concessit de boscis eorum.</p>
                     <p n="61">LXI. <hi>That in every County, where he hath Venison, there be placed XII.</hi> milites, ad custodiendam venationem suam &amp; viride in fore<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>stis suis, &amp; quod IV. milites ponantur ad adgistandos boscos suos, &amp; ad
<pb n="34" facs="tcp:108529:106"/>
recipiendum pannagium suum, &amp; custodiendum &amp; defendendum.</p>
                     <p n="62">
                        <hi>LXII.</hi> Quod nullus adgistet boscos suos infra metas forestae <hi>(I think you had need translate</hi> metas <hi>into</hi> regard <hi>oft-times among these Or<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ders)</hi> antequam bosci eorum adgistentur; Et est sciendum quod incipit adgistamentum D. Regis XV. Dies ante Festum S. Michaëlis; &amp; durat XV. Dies post Festum S. Michaëlis.</p>
                     <p n="63">
                        <hi>LXIII.</hi> Si forestarius ejus habet in Custodiâ suâ dominicos boscos regis, &amp; bosci illi destructi fuerunt, &amp; non possit nec sciat justam causam mon<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>strare, quare bosci destruantur, nihil aliud capiatur de forestario illo, nisi proprium corpus suum.</p>
                     <p n="64">
                        <hi>LXIV. If any Clergyman offend in the Forest,</hi> non dubitent Fore<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>starii in eos manus imponere, ad eos resistendos &amp; capiendos, ipse enim eos inde Warrantizabit.</p>
                     <p n="65">
                        <hi>LXV. That every three Years view be taken of all Assarts, as well new as old, and of all purprestures, and of all wasts of the woods, and that they be severally inrolled.</hi>
                     </p>
                     <p n="66">
                        <hi>LXVI. That Archbishops, Bishops, Barons, Knights, Freeholders and all Yeomen of the Land, appear at the Summons</hi> Magistri Forestarii sui, ad placitanda placita de forestis suis.</p>
                     <p n="67">
                        <hi>LXVII.</hi> Ne aliqua Caretta exeat Chiminum in Forestâ Regis, neque porci sint in Forestâ Regis tempore de Foinesun, <hi>(it is now</hi> à foetatione, <hi>called the Fence, or rather the Fawnes Month)</hi> scilicet XV. Diebus antè nativitatem S. Joannis Baptistae, &amp; XV. Diebus post idem Festum.</p>
                     <p n="68">
                        <hi>LXVIII. Who so shall offend in taking the King's Venison, and be thereof attainted, shall have Judgment of loss of his Eyes and Genitals;</hi> Qui autem forisfecerit in Forestâ Regis de viridi, sive per cul<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>paturam, sive per esbrancaturam, sive per foditionem turvarum, sive per escoriationem morae, sive per culpationem de Subvemore, sive per essartum, sive per novam purpresturam; per sepem, vel fossatam; vel per <note n="*" place="margin">Al. renova<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tionem.</note> remo<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tionem molendini, vel cursus aquae, vel Bercariae; vel aliarum domorum, vel per foenum falcandum extra sepes vel extra fossata; erit in misericor<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>diâ Regis de pecuniâ suâ, nisi habeat viridarios, vel forestarios Regis ad Warrantum.</p>
                     <p n="69">
                        <hi>LXIX.</hi> Similiter qui arcus vel sagittas portaverint vel Canes duxerint sine Copulâ per forestam Regis, &amp; inde attaintus fuerit, erit in miseri<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>cordiâ Regis.</p>
                     <p n="70">
                        <hi>LXX.</hi> Videnda sunt in reguardo nova assarta &amp; vetera inbladata post ultimum reguardum, &amp; quo blado vel legumine inbladata sunt.</p>
                     <p n="71">
                        <hi>LXXI.</hi> Nova assarta in manu Regis, si vetera assarta inbladata sunt de frumento vel siligine, unaquaeque acra dabit regi XII. denarios de illâ vestiturâ, &amp; si inbladata fuerint de avenâ, vel hordeo, vel fabis vel pisis, vel alio legumine, unaquaeque acra dabit regi VI. denarios de illâ vestiturâ; Et sciendum est quod tempore Henrici Regis F. Mat. IMP. permissum erat intrà metas Forestae fossata fieri loco sepium.</p>
                     <p n="72">
                        <hi>LXXII.</hi> Exiit Edictum à Rege, ut quicunque in regno suo forisfecisset Clerico, aut alii viro religioso, non cogeretur satisfacere illi: sed si Clericus, aut alius vir religosus, forisfecisset alicui laico, statìm compelleretur ad sa<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tisfaciendum illi: unde factum est quod viri religiosi ad redemptionem co<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>acti sunt: <hi>The main end of all was Exchequer profit; which this</hi> Ri<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>chard <hi>too much labouring for by published Edicts at home, and con<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tending for by Arms abroad, at length lost it, and together unluckily his Life.</hi>
                     </p>
                  </div>
               </div>
               <div n="10" type="chapter">
                  <pb n="35" facs="tcp:108529:106"/>
                  <head>CHAP. X. </head>
                  <argument>
                     <p>King <hi>John</hi> and his Grand Charter.</p>
                  </argument>
                  <p>THE burden of the State after <hi>Richard</hi>'s death, was laid upon his Brother <hi>John</hi> Earl of <hi>Moreton.</hi> He in the immediate times after his Inauguration, made divers Laws, touching Sale and Prices of <hi>French</hi> Wines, reported in <hi>Roger</hi> of <hi>Hoveden</hi>'s Annals. But all conveniency of Merchandize and they were so incompetible, that they were almost as soon abrogated, as enacted.</p>
                  <div type="part">
                     <head>Consuetudines Scaccarii super debitis D. R. inquirendis.<note place="margin">
                           <hi>Roger de Hoveden pag.</hi> 463.</note>
                     </head>
                     <p n="1">
                        <hi>I.</hi> STatutum est in Angliâ, &amp; per praeceptum R. Joannis confirmatum, quod nullus Vicecomes recipiet aliquem ad praesentationem Baronis in Sene<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>schallum, qui non possit respondere de misericordiâ pertinente ad transgressionem fidei, si fortè in eam inciderit. Quod autem Seneschallus ad praesentationem Baronis, quod pacem faciat Vicecomiti de debitis domini sui ad Scaccarium, intelligendum est quod super Computum Vicecomitis mittatur in prisonam sta<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tutam, secundum legem Scaccarii, &amp; debitum Regis capiatur de catallis Domi<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ni sui, secundum legem Scaccarii: Quod si fidem praestitam non servaverit, ita quod ad Computum Vicecomitis non venerit, vel si venerit &amp; sine Licentiâ recesserit, corpus ejus capiatur, &amp; in prisonam ponatur statutam, nec deliberetur nisi per speciale mandatum D. Regis. Item mittatur ad terram Domini cujus seneschallus defecerit, &amp; de catallis suis solvatur pecunia quae debetur, secundum legem Scaccarii, &amp; si pecunia illa debeatur pro fine terrae, &amp; catalla non inveni<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>antur, unde pecunia illa solvatur, ipsa terra, pro quâ finis facta fuit, capiatur in manum D. Regis, &amp; teneatur donec illa pecunia solvatur, secundum legem Scaccarii.</p>
                     <p n="2">
                        <hi>II.</hi> In poenâ laesionis fidei, seneschallus, qui finem transgressus fuerit, nun<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>quam de hoc vel de alio debito per fidem suam credatur, vel recipiatur, nec do<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>minus credatur, vel recipiatur de hoc debito, nisi de gratiâ &amp; voluntate Regis, secundum legem &amp; consuetudinem Scaccarii.</p>
                     <p n="3">
                        <hi>III.</hi> Fecit <hi>(not long after)</hi> generalitèr acclamari, ut legalis assisa Panis in<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>violabitèr sub poenâ Collistrigiali observaretur:<note place="margin">
                           <hi>Matth. Paris pag.</hi> 278.</note> Quae probata fuit per pisto<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>rem Gaufridi filii P. Justitiarii Angliae, &amp; pistorem R. de Thurnam. Ita quod pistores poterint sic vendere &amp; in quolibet quarterio lucrari III. Denarios, ex<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ceptis brennio &amp; 2. panibus ad furn. &amp; 4. servientibus IV. obolos, 2. gra<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>cionibus 1. quadrantem, &amp; in busia III. denarios, &amp; in bultello obolum: <hi>with a proportionate price and weight 'twixt Corn &amp; Bread at large reckoned.</hi>
                     </p>
                     <p n="4">
                        <hi>IV. Celebrating the Christmas at</hi> Bristow,<note place="margin">
                           <hi>Idem pag.</hi> 303 <hi>&amp;</hi> 304.</note> Capturam avium per totam Angliam interdixit.</p>
                     <p n="5">
                        <hi>V.</hi> Praecepit per forestas totius Angliae sepes comburere, &amp; fossata complana<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>re, datis frugibus circumquâque bestiis ad devorandum.</p>
                     <p n="6">
                        <hi>VI. After transaction of that great controversie 'twixt the King and</hi> Innocent III. <hi>Bishop of</hi> Rome, <hi>publick Commandment was given for obser<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>vation and maintenance of the Laws of</hi> Henry <hi>his great Grandfather.</hi>
                        <note place="margin">
                           <hi>Hen.</hi> 1.</note>
                     </p>
                     <p n="7">
                        <hi>VII.</hi> Denuntiatum est praetereà Vicecomitibus, Forestariis aliisque Ministris Regis, sicut vitam suam diligunt, ne à quopiam aliquid violentèr extorqueant, vel alicui injuriam irrogare praesumant, aut scottalla alicubi in regno faciant, si<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>cut facere consueverunt.<note place="margin">
                           <hi>Idem pag.</hi> 32<gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                              <desc>•</desc>
                           </gap>.</note>
                     </p>
                     <p>
                        <pb n="36" facs="tcp:108529:107"/>
                        <hi>But notwithstanding those general forms of reformation, a more seri<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ous and recapitulated was desired by the whole Baronage; A grand Council is appointed at</hi> Paul<hi>'s in</hi> London, <hi>and there by</hi> Stephen <hi>Archbishop of</hi> Canterbury, <hi>is produced a Copy of</hi> Henry Beauclerk<hi>'s free Charter (which is before expressed) and the same delivered to the chief Clerk there, to be openly read &amp; pronounced. As soon as the Barons heard it, was a uniform consent, that maintenance and assertion of those liberties should rest, as of more dear account, in their Martial resolutions, than bloud or life. Nay in short space after, mutual combination by solemn Oath taken upon the Altar was made among them, that their band of Fealty dissolved (for so they deemed</hi> John<hi>'s Government had occasioned) their Swords should compel him to enseal their demands. To that place, which now only is called the Temple (then the new-Temple) where the King lay in War<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>like order, they go to execute their designs; He binding himself with an interlocutory Sentence, and giving caution of future satisfaction, takes day until</hi> Easter <hi>following; But all was no less delusory, than dilatory: Nor any thing done with a face of composition, until the appointed meeting of the King and Barons (whose part hourly encreased) in</hi> Renimed, alias Runingmede <hi>near</hi> Stanes <hi>in</hi> Middlesex; <hi>whereof in the marriage of</hi> Tame <hi>and</hi> Isis, <hi>thus sings no small Favourite of the Muses;</hi>
                        <q>
                           <l>
                              <note place="margin">
                                 <hi>Camden in agro Middle<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>sex.</hi>
                              </note>Subluit hic (i. <hi>Thames</hi>) pratum quod dixit <hi>Renimed</hi> Anglus,</l>
                           <l>Quo sedere Duces armis annisque verendi:</l>
                           <l>Regis <hi>Joannis</hi> cuperent invertere sceptrum,</l>
                           <l>Edwardi Sancti dum leges juraque vellent,</l>
                           <l>Principe contempto, tenebroso è carcere duci.</l>
                        </q>
                        <hi>Where an instrument of publick liberties, through mediation of what is above all law, Necessity, was, as you shall hear it speak, sealed and deli<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>vered to the Baronage.</hi>
                     </p>
                     <p>JOHANNES Dei gratiâ Angliae, <hi>&amp;c.</hi> Sciatis nos intuitu Dei, &amp; pro sa<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>lute Animae nostrae,<note place="margin">
                           <hi>Matth. Paris pag.</hi> 341. <hi>&amp; seqq.</hi>
                        </note> &amp; antecessorum omnium, &amp; haeredum meorum, &amp; ad hono<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>rem Dei, &amp; exaltationem S. E. &amp; emendationem regni nostri, per consilium venerabilium patrum nostrorum Stephani Cant. Archiep. totius Angliae Pri<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>matis, &amp; S. R. E. Cardinalis, Henrici Dublingensis Archiep. Will. Londoniens. Episc. Petri Wintoniensis, Jocelini Bathoniens. &amp; Glascon. Hugonis Lincoln. Walteri Wigorniens. Will. Coventrensis, Benedicti Roffensis Episcoporum, &amp; M. Pandulphi D. P. Subdiaconi, &amp; familiaris fratris M. Militiae Templi in Angliâ, &amp; Nobilium virorum Will. Marescalli Com. Penbriae, Will. Com. Sa<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>risburiensis, Will. Com. Warrenae, Will. Com. Arundel, Alani de Leweia Con<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>stabularii Scotiae, Warini F. Genoldi, Petri F. Herberti, &amp; Huberti de Burgo Senescalli Pictatiae, Hugonis de Nevilla, Matthaei F. Herberti, Thomae Basset, Alani Basset, Philippi de Albeni, Robert de Ropesle, Joannis Marescalli &amp; Jo<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>hannis F. Hugonis, &amp; aliorum fidelium nostrorum.</p>
                     <p n="8">
                        <hi>VIII.</hi> Inprimis concessisse Deo, &amp; hâc praesenti chartâ nostrâ confirmasse, pro nobis &amp; haeredibus nostris in perpetuum, quod Anglicana Ecclesia libera sit, &amp; habeat jura sua integra, &amp; libertates suas illaesas, &amp; ità volumus observari, quod apparet ex eo quod libertatem electionum, quae maxima &amp; magis necessaria reputatur Ecclesiae Anglicanae,<note place="margin">
                           <hi>V. stat. West.</hi> 1. <hi>cap.</hi> 5. <hi>art. cler. ca.</hi> 15. <hi>de Election.</hi>
                        </note> merâ &amp; spontaneâ voluntate ante discordiam inter nos &amp; Barones nostros manifestè motam, concessimus &amp; chartâ nostrâ con<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>firmavimus, à D. PP. Innocentio tertio confirmari, quam &amp; nos observabimus, &amp; ab haeredibus nostris in perpetuum bonâ fide volumus observari.</p>
                     <p n="9">
                        <pb n="37" facs="tcp:108529:107"/>
                        <hi>IX.</hi> Concessimus etiam, &amp; omnibus liberis hominibus nostris regni Angliae, pro nobis &amp; haeredibus nostris in perpetuum, omnes libertates subscriptas, ha<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>bendas &amp; tenendas eis &amp; haeredibus suis, de nobis &amp; haeredibus nostris. <hi>These premisses are in the grand Charter of</hi> Henry <hi>the III. commonly published in our printed Statutes, nor in any word of moment is there a difference found 'twixt this of</hi> John <hi>and that of</hi> Henry, <hi>until the prohibition of dis<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>paragement in marriage of young Wards; which thus commandeth,</hi> hae<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>redes maritentur absque disparagatione: <hi>to this is added in a continued sen<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tence;</hi> Ità tamen, quod antequàm contrahatur matrimonium, ostendatur Pro<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>pinquis de consanguinitate ipsius haeredis. <hi>The VII. and VIII. Chapters of Widows and their Quarentines, with that of the King's debtors, are also in like words following: But this of</hi> John <hi>hath this further additament.</hi>
                     </p>
                     <p n="10">
                        <hi>X.</hi> Si quis mutuo acceperit aliquid à Judaeis, plùs vel minùs, &amp; moriatur antequàm debitum illud persolverit,<note place="margin">
                           <hi>Merton cap.</hi> 5. <hi>Confer.</hi> 35. <hi>li.</hi> 6. <hi>fo.</hi> 61. <hi>Plo. Com. fo.</hi> 236. <hi>Bract. lib.</hi> 2. <hi>cap.</hi> 26. <hi>sect.</hi> 2. <hi>&amp; indicem ad Plo. Comm. part</hi> 1.</note> debitum illud non usuret quamdiù haeres est infra aetatem, de quocunque tenet; &amp; si debitum istud incidat in manus no<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>stras, nos non capiemus nisi catallum contentum in chartâ: <hi>who elsewhere seeks the true understanding of the Statute of</hi> Merton <hi>under title of usury, must still remain in an extravagant search, until he return to that exposi<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tion which lies here open.</hi>
                     </p>
                     <p n="11">
                        <hi>XI.</hi> Si quis moriatur, &amp; debitum debeat Judaeis, uxor ejus habeat dotem su<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>am, &amp; nil reddat de debito illo; Et si liberi ipsius defuncti, qui fuerunt infrà aetatem, remanserint, provideantur eis necessaria, secundùm tenementum quod fuerit defuncti: &amp; de residuo solvatur debitum, salvo tamen servitio domino<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>rum: simili modo fiat de debitis quae debentur aliis quàm Judaeis.</p>
                     <p n="12">
                        <hi>XII.</hi> Nullum Scutagium vel auxilium ponam in regno nostro, nisi per com<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>mune consilium regni nostri <hi>(according is a grant of</hi> E. 1. <hi>in</hi> Thomas <hi>of</hi> Wal<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>singham<hi>'s history)</hi> nisi ad corpus redimendum <hi>(in the</hi> Norman <hi>Customary it is</hi> Aide de rancon,<note place="margin">
                           <hi>Walsing. hist. E.</hi> 1.</note> 
                        <hi>which in an ancient Manuscript of</hi> xxi Ed. 1. <hi>in the case of</hi> Robert <hi>of</hi> Wentham, <hi>I have seen released between common Persons) and</hi> ad primogenitum filium nostrum militem faciendum, &amp; ad primogenitam filiam nostram semel maritandam; Et ad hoc non fiet nisi rationabile auxilium: simili modo fiat de auxiliis de Civitate Londoniense. <hi>Here is adjoyned the ge<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>neral Franchises of</hi> London, <hi>other Cities, Boroughs, Towns and Ports</hi> verbatim <hi>as in the IX. Chapter, which concluded ensues.</hi>
                     </p>
                     <p n="13">
                        <hi>XIII.</hi> Ad habendum commune consilium regni de auxiliis assidendis aliter quam in tribus casibus praedictis, &amp; de Scutagiis assidendis, submoneri faciemus Archiepiscopos, Episcopos, Abbates, Comites &amp; majores Barones regni, singilla<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tim per literas nostras; Et praetereà faciemus submoneri in generali per Vice<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>comites &amp; Ballivos nostros, omnes alios qui in Capite tenent de nobis, ad certum diem, scilicet ad terminum 40. dierum ad minus, &amp; ad certum locum; &amp; in omnibus literis submonitionis illius causam exponemus, &amp; factâ submonitione, negotium procedat ad diem assignatum, secundum consilium eorum qui praesentes fuerint, quamvis non omnes summoniti venerint.</p>
                     <p n="14">
                        <hi>XIV.</hi> Nos non concaedimus de caetero alicui, quod capiat auxilium de liberis hominibus suis, nisi ad corpus suum redimendum, &amp; ad faciendum primogeni<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tum filium suum militem, &amp; ad primogenitam filiam suam semel maritan<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>dam; &amp; ad hoc non fiat nisi rationabile auxilium: <hi>Unto the XVIII. Chap<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ter inclusively of</hi> Henries <hi>Charter from hence, are in both almost the same syllables; But whereas the printed close of the same Chapter, is,</hi> Salvis uxori ejus (i. e. <hi>of one that is dead)</hi> &amp; pueris suis rationabilibus partibus suis, <hi>here is further:</hi>
                     </p>
                     <p n="15">
                        <hi>XV.</hi> Si quis liber homo intestatus decesserit, catalla sua per manus pro<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>pinquorum
<pb n="38" facs="tcp:108529:108"/>
parentum &amp; amicorum, per visum Ecclesiae distribuantur <hi>(see Art. IX. in</hi> Hen. 1.) salvis unicuique debitis, quae defunctus ei debebat; <hi>and in divers old written Copies of the common and usual</hi> Magna Char<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ta<hi>'s, the self same words continue that Chapter; All is in both alike unto the end of the provision for safe conduct of Merchants; But there<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>to in this historical report succeeds,</hi>
                     </p>
                     <p n="16">
                        <hi>XVI.</hi> Liceat unicuique de caetero exire de regno nostro, &amp; redire salvò &amp; securè per terram &amp; per aquam,<note place="margin">
                           <hi>V. in H.</hi> 2. <hi>art.</hi> 5.</note> salvâ fide nostrâ, nisi in tempore guerrae per aliquod breve tempus propter communem utilitatem regni, exceptis impriso<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>natis &amp; utlagatis, secundùm Legem regni, &amp; gente contra nos guerrinâ, &amp; mercatoribus, de quibus fiat sicut supradictum est. <hi>What follows in either is the same as well in words as sence. And as we have now in every Man's hands a Charter of the Forest also distinct from the other, so had the Barons then to them granted; and very small or no difference is found between theirs and that, whose fore-front is since signed with King</hi> Henry<hi>'s Name.</hi>
                     </p>
                     <p>
                        <hi>I suppose it fit place and time here to give remembrance of an escaped, and in every impression that I have seen allowed, fault, in the VII. Article of the Forest Charter, which by little alteration, and thus pointing, is cor<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>rected;</hi> Nullus forestarius vel alius balivus de caetero faciat Scottallum, vel colligat herbas, <hi>(you may read</hi> garbas) vel avenam, vel bladum aliud, vel agnos, vel porcellos, nec aliquam collectam faciat (nisi, <hi>so is the Print but in King</hi> John<hi>'s Copy, and in divers Manuscripts of our Statutes, one having the subscribed authority of</hi> Exam. per Rot.<note place="margin">
                           <hi>In Bibliotheca D. Ro. Cotton à Connington Eq. Aurati.</hi>
                        </note> 
                        <hi>I have warrant to read, and distinguish with a full period at</hi> faciat, <hi>and turning</hi> nisi <hi>into</hi> &amp; <hi>go thus forward)</hi> &amp; per visum &amp; Sacramentum XII. Regardatorum, quando faci<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>unt reguardum <hi>(taking away the Point there)</hi> tot forestarii ponantur ad forestas custodiendas, quot ad illas custodiendas rationabilitèr viderint suf<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ficere; <hi>How much the sence differs, small observation soon discovers.</hi>
                     </p>
                     <p>
                        <hi>The concluding Date of these granted Franchises, and restored Laws,</hi> John Stow <hi>saith was,</hi>
                        <note place="margin">
                           <hi>Stat. Annal. pag.</hi> 258.</note> 
                        <hi>Given by our hand in</hi> Runingmede, <hi>betwixt</hi> Stanes <hi>and</hi> Windsor, <hi>the</hi> xvi. <hi>of</hi> June, <hi>the</hi> xvii. <hi>of our Reign: Unto which all the whole Realm was sworn. But the fluxile nature of this deceitful Prince, aided by Pope</hi> Innocent III. <hi>and his Nuntio</hi> Pandulph, <hi>soon loo<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>sed that kind of Royal faith and promise; As quick were the Barons (they by Oath had bound themselves to constrain him by Arms, if their expectations in his future carriage were frustrate) and ready to, and did, revolt. Death of the King prevented their projects, which for this pur<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>pose in the IX. Year of the succeeding</hi> Henry <hi>Fitz</hi> John <hi>(as the first page of our printed Volumes of old Acts of Parliament give to every Reader testimony) were with some ease attained, and by his Posterity, as the main freedom of the</hi> English <hi>Common-wealth, hath been since more than thirty times, by the true authority of the State, in their High-court, confirmed.</hi>
                     </p>
                     <closer>Soli Deo Gloria.</closer>
                  </div>
               </div>
            </body>
            <back>
               <div type="chronology">
                  <pb n="39" facs="tcp:108529:108"/>
                  <head>Chronologia huic nostrae inserviens EPINOMIDI.</head>
                  <p>
                     <table>
                        <row>
                           <cell>Ante CHRISTVM. <hi>M.C.VIII.</hi>
                           </cell>
                           <cell>
                              <hi>Brutus</hi> ille, quem Trojanâ aiunt, sed potissimum Bardi, stirpe oriundum, à quo post Samotheos (magis <hi>Semnotheos</hi>) sumus auspicati, sed aliena nempe &amp; dubia fide fertur adpulisse.</cell>
                        </row>
                        <row>
                           <cell>
                              <hi>CCCCXII.</hi>
                           </cell>
                           <cell>
                              <hi>Dunvallo Molmutius.</hi>
                           </cell>
                        </row>
                        <row>
                           <cell>
                              <hi>CCCLVI.</hi>
                           </cell>
                           <cell>
                              <hi>Martia</hi> R. <hi>Guinthilin</hi> Vxor.</cell>
                        </row>
                        <row>
                           <cell>
                              <hi>LV.</hi>
                           </cell>
                           <cell>
                              <hi>Julius Caesar,</hi> Is primum Romanis ostendit <hi>Britanniam,</hi> &amp; territa <hi>Britannis</hi> terga.</cell>
                        </row>
                        <row>
                           <cell>Ab Incarnato Deo. <hi>LII.</hi>
                           </cell>
                           <cell>
                              <hi>Claudio Caesare</hi> deducta <hi>Camalodunum</hi> colonia Insulaeque pars in praesidialem redacta provinciam.</cell>
                        </row>
                        <row>
                           <cell>
                              <hi>CLXXX.</hi>
                           </cell>
                           <cell>
                              <hi>Commodo</hi> Imp. obsignatam recepit palingenesiam <hi>Lucius</hi> Rex ab <hi>Elutherio</hi> PP.</cell>
                        </row>
                        <row>
                           <cell>Ab Incarnato Deo <hi>CDXLIX.</hi>
                           </cell>
                           <cell>
                              <hi>Britanniam</hi> Anglo-Saxones advehuntur, <hi>Theodosio</hi> Jun. Rom. Imp. Nec multis inde curriculis Annorum interceptis He<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ptarchas inter quae jam <hi>Anglia</hi> dispertita.</cell>
                        </row>
                        <row>
                           <cell>Sed Camdeno è fastis consu<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>laribus Beda &amp; Ninnio ra<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tionibus subductis <hi>CDXXVIII.</hi> Floruere <hi>DLXI.</hi>
                           </cell>
                           <cell>
                              <hi>Aethelbertus</hi> Rex <hi>Cantii,</hi> Primus Anglo-Saxonum (foelicissi<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>mo ducta sibi in uxorem auspicio <hi>Bertha</hi> Francorum Regis filia) Princeps Christianus.</cell>
                        </row>
                        <row>
                           <cell>
                              <hi>DCCCLXXII.</hi>
                           </cell>
                           <cell>
                              <hi>Alfredus</hi> seu <hi>Aluredus</hi> Rex.</cell>
                        </row>
                        <row>
                           <cell>
                              <hi>DCCCCLIX.</hi>
                           </cell>
                           <cell>
                              <hi>Edgarus</hi> Rex.</cell>
                        </row>
                        <row>
                           <cell>
                              <hi>MLXVI.</hi>
                           </cell>
                           <cell>
                              <hi>Willielmus Normanniae</hi> Dux <hi>Haroldum</hi> conserta in pla<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>nitie juxta <hi>Hastings</hi> in agro <hi>Suthsexiensi</hi> manu, atque <hi>An<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>glorum</hi> copias devicit. II. Nempe Id. <hi>Octobr.</hi> &amp; regio se in<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>signivit hic titulo.</cell>
                        </row>
                        <row>
                           <cell>
                              <hi>M.LXXXVIII.</hi>
                           </cell>
                           <cell>
                              <hi>Willielmus Rufus</hi> primi Filius.</cell>
                        </row>
                        <row>
                           <cell>
                              <hi>M.C.</hi>
                           </cell>
                           <cell>
                              <hi>Henricus</hi> primus <hi>Rufi</hi> Frater.</cell>
                        </row>
                        <row>
                           <cell>
                              <hi>M.CXXXV.</hi>
                           </cell>
                           <cell>
                              <hi>Stephanus Blesensis.</hi>
                           </cell>
                        </row>
                        <row>
                           <cell>Ab Incarnato CHRISTO <hi>M.C.LIII.</hi>
                           </cell>
                           <cell>
                              <hi>Henricus</hi> filius <hi>Matildis</hi> Imp. &amp; <hi>Galfridi</hi> Com. <hi>Andega<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>vensis.</hi>
                           </cell>
                        </row>
                        <row>
                           <cell>
                              <hi>M.C.LXXXIX.</hi>
                           </cell>
                           <cell>
                              <hi>Richardus</hi> primus <hi>Henr.</hi> Fil.</cell>
                        </row>
                        <row>
                           <cell>
                              <hi>M.C.LXXXXIX.</hi>
                           </cell>
                           <cell>
                              <hi>Joannes</hi> R. <hi>Richardi</hi> Frater.</cell>
                        </row>
                     </table>
                  </p>
                  <trailer>FINIS.</trailer>
               </div>
            </back>
         </text>
         <text xml:lang="eng">
            <front>
               <div type="title_page">
                  <pb facs="tcp:108529:109"/>
                  <pb facs="tcp:108529:109"/>
                  <p>TWO TREATISES Written by JOHN SELDEN OF THE INNER-TEMPLE, Esquire. The First, Of the ORIGINAL OF Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction OF TESTAMENTS: The Second, Of the Disposition or Administration OF Intestates Goods.</p>
                  <p>LONDON, Printed for <hi>Thomas Basset</hi> at the <hi>George</hi> in <hi>Fleet-street,</hi> and <hi>Richard Chiswell</hi> at the <hi>Rose</hi> and <hi>Crown</hi> in S. <hi>Paul</hi>'s Church-Yard. <abbr>MDCLXXXIII.</abbr>
                  </p>
               </div>
               <div type="table_of_contents">
                  <pb facs="tcp:108529:110"/>
                  <pb facs="tcp:108529:110"/>
                  <head>THE CONTENTS.</head>
                  <div n="1" type="part">
                     <head>PART I. Of the Original of Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction of Testaments.</head>
                     <list>
                        <label>CHAP. 1. THE Intrinsecal Jurisdiction not given to the Church by the Civil Law,</label>
                        <item>
                           <hi>Page 1</hi>
                        </item>
                        <label>CHAP. II. Nor by the Canon Law.</label>
                        <item>
                           <hi>p. 3</hi>
                        </item>
                        <label>CHAP. III. The Extrinsecal Jurisdiction by the Civil Law, in whom,</label>
                        <item>
                           <hi>ibid.</hi>
                        </item>
                        <label>CHAP. IV. In whom by the Canon Law,</label>
                        <item>
                           <hi>p. 4</hi>
                        </item>
                        <label>CHAP. V. Of the Intrinsecal Jurisdiction in the <hi>Saxons</hi> time,</label>
                        <item>
                           <hi>p. 5</hi>
                        </item>
                        <label>CHAP. VI. Whence <hi>Linwood</hi> thinks the Jurisdiction Intrinsecal came to the Church,</label>
                        <item>
                           <hi>p. 9</hi>
                        </item>
                        <label>CHAP. VII. Testimonies of King <hi>John</hi> and <hi>Henry</hi> the Third's time, that may serve to prove the Extrinsecal Jurisdiction then in the Temporal Courts,</label>
                        <item>
                           <hi>p. 11</hi>
                        </item>
                        <label>CHAP. VIII. Suits of Legacies personal in the Spiritual Court from the beginning of <hi>Henry</hi> the Third, of the beginning of that Course,</label>
                        <item>
                           <hi>p. 12</hi>
                        </item>
                     </list>
                  </div>
                  <div n="2" type="part">
                     <pb facs="tcp:108529:111"/>
                     <head>PART II. Of the Disposition or Administration of Intestates Goods.</head>
                     <list>
                        <label>CHAP. I. In whom it was in the time of the <hi>Saxons,</hi>
                        </label>
                        <item>
                           <hi>p. 15</hi>
                        </item>
                        <label>CHAP. II. In whom after the <hi>Normans</hi> until King <hi>John</hi>'s time,</label>
                        <item>
                           <hi>p. 17</hi>
                        </item>
                        <label>CHAP. III. In whom after the time of King <hi>John,</hi>
                        </label>
                        <item>
                           <hi>p. 18</hi>
                        </item>
                        <label>CHAP. IV. How that so granted by King <hi>John</hi>'s Charter in Parliament hath continued in practice,</label>
                        <item>
                           <hi>p. 20</hi>
                        </item>
                        <label>CHAP. V. Of that of <hi>bona Intestatorum in manus Domini Regis capi solebant,</hi>
                        </label>
                        <item>
                           <hi>p. 22</hi>
                        </item>
                     </list>
                  </div>
               </div>
            </front>
            <body>
               <div n="1" type="part">
                  <pb n="1" facs="tcp:108529:111"/>
                  <head>PART I. OF THE ORIGINAL OF Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction OF TESTAMENTS.</head>
                  <div n="1" type="chapter">
                     <head>CHAP. I. </head>
                     <argument>
                        <p>The Intrinsecal Jurisdiction not given to the Church by the Civil Law.</p>
                     </argument>
                     <p>
                        <seg rend="decorInit">T</seg>HE Jurisdiction of Testaments being either <hi>Intrin<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>secal</hi> or <hi>Extrinsecal,</hi> (that is) either touching Pro<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>bate, or Recoveries of Legacies: First for the <hi>Intrin<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>secal,</hi> it is clear that it came not to the Bishop by Imitation; or otherwise, from the Imperial Civil Law: for by the elder part of that Law, regularly the Probate or Aperture of Wills was before the <note n="(a)" place="margin">ff. Test. quem<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>admodum aperiant. per tot. Et vide etiam Auth. 74. c. 2. sit igitur Licentia.</note> 
                        <hi>Praetor.</hi> And afterward the obsignation, insinuation and Probate of them in <hi>Rome,</hi> was before the <hi>Magister Census,</hi> or <note n="(b)" place="margin">De Episc. l. 41. &amp; tit. de testam. l. 10. &amp; 23. &amp; Caput Theo<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>dos. li. 4. tit. 4. l. 4. Ubi visendus inter<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>pres vetus.</note> 
                        <hi>apud officium Censuale,</hi> as it were before the Barons of our Exchequer; and that continued into later time. And the same Officer by the name of <note n="(c)" place="margin">Authent. 44. &amp; ibid. Cujacius, &amp; vi<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>desis Gloss. Graeco<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>barb. <gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                              <desc>•</desc>
                           </gap>eursii in <gap reason="foreign">
                              <desc>〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉</desc>
                           </gap>.</note> 
                        <gap reason="foreign">
                           <desc>〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉</desc>
                        </gap>, or <hi>generalis</hi> in <hi>Constantinople,</hi> had the same authority: But also afterwards as well the <hi>Questor</hi>'s Seal, as that of the <hi>generalis</hi> became to be used at the obsignation, and his authority also in the Probate or Aperture.
<pb n="2" facs="tcp:108529:112"/>
And the Emperour <hi>Leo</hi> 
                        <note n="(d)" place="margin">Novel 44. for<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>mulas vet. Testam. aperiendorum, vide<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>sis I. Paul Regest. sen<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>rent. l. 4. tit. 6. &amp; Marculph. Formul. l. 2. c. 37. &amp; 38.</note> about the year 890. transferred all that herein belonged to the <hi>Generalis</hi> into the <hi>Questor</hi>'s place; yet so, that some other Civil Magistrates had the like authority: and what was done before these in <hi>Rome</hi> and <hi>Constantinople,</hi> was in other Cities be<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>fore their Chief Governours, as <hi>Defensores</hi> or <hi>Praefides</hi>: neither was the Church permitted to have to do with the Insinuation of Te<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>staments, but expresly forbidden by a rescript <note n="(e)" place="margin">C. de Episc. &amp; c<gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                              <desc>•</desc>
                           </gap>er. l. 41. repetita.</note> of the Emperour <hi>Justin:</hi> nor is any thing that gives it either among the <hi>Novells</hi> of the <hi>Greek</hi> Empire, or in the <hi>Lombarda,</hi> or <hi>Capitulares,</hi> which have <note n="(f)" place="margin">Hostiens. in pro<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>oem. sum. &amp; vetusti<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>o<gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                              <desc>•</desc>
                           </gap>es canonist. passim.</note> been reputed as parts also of the Imperial Law.</p>
                  </div>
                  <div n="2" type="chapter">
                     <pb n="3" facs="tcp:108529:112"/>
                     <head>CHAP. II. </head>
                     <argument>
                        <p>Nor by the Canon Law.</p>
                     </argument>
                     <p>NEither in any General Council, or other part of the received Canon Law, doth any Testimony occurr, that gives the Church this <hi>Intrinsecal Jurisdiction.</hi> But in the fourth Council of <note n="(a)" place="margin">Cap. 18.</note> 
                        <hi>Car<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>thage</hi> holden in the year 398. it was ordained, <hi>Vt Episcopus tuitionem testamentorum non suscipiat.</hi> And this being then established by two hun<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>dred and fourteen Bishops, was afterwards made a part of <note n="(b)" place="margin">Dist. de secular. negotiis, cap. 5.</note> the Decrees, or <hi>Canon</hi> Law, collected by <hi>Gratian,</hi> and published and au<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>thorized by Pope <hi>Eugenius</hi> the Third about 1150. and the Gloss upon that Canon interprets <hi>tuitio</hi> for <hi>Aperture</hi> or <hi>Probate.</hi> So also Pope <note n="(c)" place="margin">Ad c. nos qui<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>dem extra tit. de testament.</note> 
                        <hi>Innocent</hi> the Fourth understands it: <hi>publicatio</hi> (saith he) <hi>fieri non debet apud Episcopum</hi>; and he vouches that Law, <note n="(d)" place="margin">Tit. de Instrum. edit. S. ostens. 34. vid. D. D. ad c. nos quidem, &amp;c. si haere<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>des extra tit. de test. &amp; Linwood de test. c. item S. infin. &amp; cap. stat. S. approb.</note> 
                        <hi>Consulta ducalia tit. de Te<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>stament.</hi> to prove it. <hi>Speculator, Hostiensis</hi> and others of the same time, and generally the rest that follow them, make the <hi>Civil Law</hi> only the square of the Jurisdiction of the <hi>Probates</hi>; and so it is truly affirmed in our Books, that the <hi>Probate</hi> belongs not to the Church <note n="(e)" place="margin">2 R. 3. Test. 4.14 H. 7. fo. 12. <hi>b.</hi>
                        </note> by the Spiritual Law; neither is any such thing given by any later <note n="(f)" place="margin">Quod discimus ex Bullarii summa quam edidit S. Gua<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ranta.</note> Bull, or Decretal from the Bishop of <hi>Rome.</hi>
                     </p>
                  </div>
                  <div n="3" type="chapter">
                     <head>CHAP. III. </head>
                     <argument>
                        <p>The Extrinsecal Jurisdiction by the Civil Law, in whom.</p>
                     </argument>
                     <p>FOr the <hi>Extrinsecal</hi> Jurisdiction that gave <hi>Recoveries of Legacies,</hi> by the Imperial Civil Law, where the Legacies were <hi>in pios usus,</hi> the <note n="(a)" place="margin">C. de Episc. &amp; Cler. l. 28. Nulli, &amp; l. 49. si quis ad de<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>clinand. authentic. 135. c. 10. &amp; vid. c. 11.</note> Bishop of the Diocess sometimes by himself, some<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>times with the Civil Magistrate, provided for the execution of the Testators meaning: otherwise the Jurisdiction of Legacies, and what else falls under Testamentary disposition, was and <note n="(b)" place="margin">ff. de Petit. hae<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>red. &amp; tit. de legat.</note> is the Magi<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>strates only.</p>
                  </div>
                  <div n="4" type="chapter">
                     <pb n="4" facs="tcp:108529:113"/>
                     <head>CHAP. IV. </head>
                     <argument>
                        <p>In whom by the Canon Law.</p>
                     </argument>
                     <p>BUt by the <hi>Canon Law,</hi> the general care of execution of Testa<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ments is committed to the Bishop: yet I find not any <hi>Canon</hi> to that purpose received into the Body of that Law, now in authority, before the time of the <hi>Decretals</hi>; which have out of some Council of <hi>Mentz</hi> these words, <hi>viz.</hi> 
                        <note n="(a)" place="margin">Extr. de test. c. 6.</note> 
                        <hi>Si haeredes jussa Testatoris non impleverint, ab Episcopo loci illius omnis Res quae eis relicta est Canonice interdicatur, cum fructibus &amp; caeteris emolumentis, ut vota defuncti impleantur.</hi> Out of what Coun<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>cil of <hi>Mentz</hi> this is taken, I have not yet learned; <note n="(b)" place="margin">Lib. 15. c. 34.</note> but in the same syllables it occurrs in <hi>Burchard,</hi> that lived about six hundred years since, with the Marginal Note of <hi>ex Concilio Moguntino.</hi> What other Texts are, touching the power of the Canons over performance of Testaments, have reference to that course ordained by the Civil Law, where any thing was given <hi>in pios usus,</hi> not to a general Ju<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>risdiction; for so is the Canon <hi>Nos quidem extr. tit. de testam.</hi> Nei<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ther is that Canon <hi>Vltima Voluntas</hi> in <hi>C.</hi> 13. <hi>q.</hi> 2. taken out of S. <hi>Gregory,</hi> otherwise to be understood, if you interpret it as you ought by those <note n="(c)" place="margin">Videsis Greg. lib. 3. Epist. 9. &amp; lib. 9. Epist. 20.</note> places of <hi>Gregory</hi> whence it is taken: but the Canonists generally upon that Canon <hi>Si haeredes,</hi> take it, that <hi>executio testamentorum ad Episcopos spectat.</hi> And so those old ones Pope <hi>Inno<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>cent</hi> the Fourth, <hi>Bernard,</hi> and others of the rest deliver; and the <note n="(d)" place="margin">Vid. Gonzal. Zuarez Prax. Eccles. Lam. 2. Praelud. 2. Sect. 44. &amp; Zerula prop. Episcop. verb. leg. ad quaest. 9.</note> latter follow them, yet they commonly restrain it (and that in practice in other States) to Legacies given <hi>in pios usus.</hi> And in the Council of <hi>Trent,</hi> where twice the Bishops power over Testaments is provided for, <note n="(e)" place="margin">Sess. 12. de re<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>form. cap. 6. &amp; Sess. ult. de reformat. c. 4.</note> nothing is spoken of but Commutations of Lega<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>cies, and of such as are given <hi>in pios usus</hi>: yet from Ancient time both the <hi>Intrinsecal</hi> and <hi>Extrinsecal</hi> Jurisdiction of Testaments made of personal Chattels in <hi>England,</hi> hath been and is in the Church, ex<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>cept in places where special Custom excludes it: the original whereof being not sufficiently found in either of these Laws (the Civil and Canon) divers parts of which according to the various admission of several Estates have been much dispersed through <hi>Christendome,</hi> and some remain now exercised by <hi>imitation</hi> among us; It rests, that disquisition be made for it in the Monuments of the Kingdom, that according as they together with the Canons afford light, some con<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>jecture may be had touching the Antiquity and ground of it.</p>
                  </div>
                  <div n="5" type="chapter">
                     <pb n="5" facs="tcp:108529:113"/>
                     <head>CHAP. V. </head>
                     <argument>
                        <p>Of the Intrinsecal Jurisdiction in the <hi>Saxons</hi> time.</p>
                     </argument>
                     <p>THe Eldest Testament that I have seen made in <hi>England,</hi> is that of King <hi>Edgar</hi>'s time, made by <note n="(a)" place="margin">Lamb. Peramb. Cant. p. 548.</note> one <hi>Birthric</hi> a <hi>Gentleman</hi> or <hi>Thane</hi> (it seems) of great worth, and his Wife <hi>Elswith;</hi> wherein they devise both Lands and Goods; and in the end of the Will sayes her husband. <gap reason="foreign">
                           <desc>〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉</desc>
                        </gap>; <hi>And I pray for Gods love my leefe Lord, that he doe not suffer that any man our Testament do break.</hi>
                     </p>
                     <p>It may perhaps thence be collected, that the Protection or Execu<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tion of this Testament was within the Jurisdiction of the Lords Court, as also the Probate; and that especially, because divers <hi>Lords</hi> 
                        <note n="(b)" place="margin">Hensloes C<gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                              <desc>•</desc>
                           </gap>se 9. Rep. <hi>b.</hi>
                        </note> 
                        <hi>of Mannors</hi> have to this day the Probate of Testaments by Cu<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>stom continued, against that which is otherwise regularly setled in the Church. But the same Testament being for Lands as well as for Goods, it may be that this Clause had reference to the Lord in regard of the Land only, (to the Alienation of which, his Assent might be requisite) or to denote him for the Testators best friend, as one chosen Overseer of his Will; and indeed he desires all other good people to see his Will be not broken; which makes me only offer it, as what another mans fancy may work on: but I conceive not out of it enough to prove either way any thing touching the Ju<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>risdiction of Testaments.</p>
                     <p>Nor in the <hi>Saxon</hi> times appears any thing that can sufficiently direct us to know, how it was exercised here, unless out of that ex<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ample of <hi>Siwerth</hi> of <hi>Durham</hi>'s Testament, in the <note n="(c)" place="margin">In Bibliothec. Cottoniana.</note> Book of <hi>Ely,</hi> you may collect, that the Probate was supply'd in the life-time of the Testator by Inrolment, or leaving an Indented Copy of it with the <hi>Alderman</hi> or <hi>Sheriff</hi> of the County, in whose <hi>County-Court</hi> the most of proceedings of Temporal Justice, and of the Spiritual also (for the Bishop sate with him, as in his Consistory) were in the <hi>Saxon</hi> times: for so much perhaps may be conjectured out of it, as we faithfully here relate it. <hi>Siwerth</hi> in King <hi>Edgar</hi>'s time, lying sick at <hi>Lindane</hi> in the <hi>Isle of Elie,</hi> makes his Testament, and sends for <hi>Brithnorth</hi> Abbot of <hi>Elie,</hi> and divers of the Monks, and others of the Gentry; and the Abbot writes the Testament <hi>in tribus Chirographis, coram</hi> (so are the words of the Book) <hi>cunctis fecit recitari, lectum<expan>
                              <am>
                                 <g ref="char:abque"/>
                              </am>
                              <ex>que</ex>
                           </expan> fecit incidi, unamque partem Chirographi retinuit Siferthus, Alteram au<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tem dedit Abbati, tertiam vero misit statim per praefatum Brithelmum</hi> (that was one of the Gentlemen of the Countrey then present) <hi>Ailwino Aldermano, qui tunc temporis degebat in Elie, &amp; petiit ab illo ut suum Testamentum stare concederet, quomodo Abbas illud scripserat,</hi>
                        <note place="margin">In lib. concessisset.</note> 
                        <hi>&amp; ordinaverat apud Lindane coram praedictorum Testimonio virorum.</hi>
                     </p>
                     <p>
                        <hi>Cum itaque Ailwinus Alderman hoc audisset, &amp; Chirographum vidisset, remisit illico ad eum Wlnothum de Stowe cum Brithelmo, sciscitatusque est
<pb n="6" facs="tcp:108529:114"/>
ab eo quid aut quomodo vellet de Testamento suo: qui mox per eosd<gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                              <desc>•</desc>
                           </gap>m renuntiavit ei, sic suum Testamentum absque omni contradictione vel mu<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tatione se velle stare, sicut praefatus Abbas illud in Chirographo posuerat, quod ut Ailwinus Alderman audivit, totum concessit, ut staret sicut ipse Siverthus Testatus erat.</hi> But in deed, in it Lands lying in <hi>Durham</hi> were devised to the Abbey; and so, it was not only of personal Chattels.</p>
                     <p>The <hi>Saxon</hi> Laws are very silent of any thing touching Testaments; and we must remember, while we think of that example of <hi>Siwerth</hi> of <hi>Durham,</hi> that the Ecclesiastical and Temporal Courts of Common Justice, held as one by the Sheriff and Bishop, were not severed as now, into the Consistory, and County Court, until the <hi>Conqueror</hi> did it by a Law yet remaining and elsewhere published <note n="(d)" place="margin">V. Spicilegia in Eadmerum.</note>
                     </p>
                     <p>In what intercedes from this time, until about <hi>H.</hi> 2. I find not any Testimony that gives light to this purpose; as the <hi>Saxon</hi> Laws, so those of the <hi>Conquerour,</hi> and of <hi>H.</hi> 1. and <hi>H.</hi> 2. mention nothing that tasts of either kind of Jurisdiction of Testaments; only of a Charter of <hi>H.</hi> 1. extant in <hi>Matth. Paris,</hi> and in the <hi>Red Book</hi> of the Exchequer this occurrs, <hi>Si quis Baronum vel hominum meorum infir<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>mabitur, sicut ipse dabit vel dare jusserit pecuniam suam, ita datam esse concedo.</hi> This may perhaps seem to denote, that the Kings Court de<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>termined of Legacies, especially of the Kings Tenants.</p>
                     <p>But indeed it proves not so much. But the eldest passage that proves clear enough here, is that which makes the <hi>Intrinsecal</hi> Juris<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>diction to have been in the Church, and the <hi>Extrinsecal</hi> in the Kings Court; I mean that which is found in the Treatise attributed to <hi>Randall</hi> of <note n="(e)" place="margin">Lib. 7. cap. 6. &amp; 7.</note> 
                        <hi>Glanvill</hi> Chief Justice under <hi>H.</hi> 2. where he sayes, that <hi>if a Legacy be detained, the Executors or other friends of the Te<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>stator, were to get the Kings</hi> Writ <hi>to the Sheriff, commanding quod justè &amp; sine dilatione facias stare rationabilem divisum,</hi> (that is, the Be<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>quest or Legacy). <hi>N. sicut rationabiliter monstrari poterit quod eam <gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                              <desc>•</desc>
                           </gap>ecerit, &amp; quod ipsam stare dibeat, &amp;c.</hi> And it is plain by the words there preceding and subsequent, that it hath reference to moveable or personal possessions, not to Lands, <hi>&amp;c.</hi> So that it seems clear by that in <hi>H.</hi> 2. his time, the Jurisdiction of personal Legacies was in <hi>Secular Courts.</hi> But if the Issue in Secular Courts upon that Writ came to be, whether the Testament were true or no, or well made, or whether the thing demanded were <hi>in facto</hi> bequeathed, <hi>Tum</hi> (sayes he) <hi>placitum illud in Curta Christianitatis audiri debet, &amp; ter<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>minari, quià placitum de Testamentis coram Judice Ecclesiastico fieri debet, &amp; per illorum qui Testamento interfuerint testimonia secundum ju<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ris ordinem terminari</hi>: that is, as it must be understood, that upon issue of bequeathed or not bequeathed, of Testament made, or no Testament, the <hi>Tryal</hi> must have been otherwise than by the practice of the latter <note n="(f)" place="margin">29 Ed. 3.33. <hi>a.</hi> 44 Ed. 3.16. <hi>a.</hi> Perk. 493.22 H. 6.52.</note> Law, wherein the Testament is traversable, and the Traverse tryable in the Kings Court by <hi>Certificate</hi> to the Tempo<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ral Court from the Ecclesiastical, as at this day, of <hi>Institution, Bastardy,</hi> and <hi>Profession</hi> in Religion, and the like: and thence may it be well concluded, that at this time by the practised Law, the Probate or the Intrinsecal Jurisdiction was in the Church; for as the <hi>Institution,
<pb n="7" facs="tcp:108529:114"/>
Bastardy</hi> and <hi>Profession</hi> are to be certified, because within the Bishops Juris<gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                           <desc>•</desc>
                        </gap>iction. Some recorded Testimonies remain of the first and third, and the nature of the Marriage or Cohabitation (that directs in the second) is to be judged of only in the Spiritual Courts; so the <hi>Validity of the Testament,</hi> or the truth of this or that particular Legacy was to be certified from the Spiritual Court, because the Probate had there proceeded, and the Copy there remaining was most authentick; otherwise to what purpose should they have sent to the Spiritual Court in such a case?</p>
                     <p>But on the other side, as in the case of <hi>Institution, Profession</hi> and <hi>Bastardy,</hi> the consequence of them, which are objects of their Ex<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>trinsecal Jurisdiction, as <hi>Descent, Exclusion</hi> from Inheritance, gaining it by a descent cast, or legal making a Church full, or the like are determinable only at the Common Law; so the consequence of a Testament, that is, the Recoveries of Legacies, and such like, as it seems by that Writ, were in the Temporal, not in the Spiritual Court. I know the authority of that Treatise is suspected, and some of the best and ancientest Copies having the name of <hi>E. de N.</hi> which I have heard from diligent searchers in this kind of Learning, affirmed to have been sometimes <hi>E. de Narborough,</hi> and not <hi>R. de Glanvilla,</hi> it hath been thought to be anothers Work, and also of later time. But, as on the one side, I dare not be confident, that it is <hi>Glanvills,</hi> so I make little question, that it is as ancient as his time, if not his Work. The Tests of the Precedents of Writs under his name, the language, especially the name of <hi>Justitia</hi> alwayes for that which we now from ancient time call <hi>Justitiarius</hi>; and <hi>Justitia</hi> was so used in <note n="(g)" place="margin">Ita Jo. Salisbur<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>gensis de Nugis Cu<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>rial. lib. 5. cap. 15. &amp; 16.</note> Writers under <hi>H.</hi> 2. and the Law delivered in it tasteth not of any later Age. And howsoever it comes to pass, the <hi>Regiam Majestatem</hi> of <hi>Scotland</hi> pub<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>lished by Command of <hi>David</hi> the First under the time of our <hi>Hen.</hi> 1. hath for the most part the same syllables with this supposed <hi>Glan<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>vill,</hi> and expresly <note n="(h)" place="margin">Regiam Majestar. lib. 2. cap. 38.</note> the very passages and the Writ that we have now here noted for Testaments.</p>
                     <p>That Extrinsecal Jurisdiction of those times in the Secular Courts, was perhaps denoted by those words in the Testament of <hi>Theobald</hi> Arch-Bishop of <hi>Canterbury</hi> under King <hi>Stephen,</hi> 
                        <note n="(i)" place="margin">Jo. Sarisburg. Epist. 57.</note> 
                        <hi>Supremis</hi> (saith he) <hi>deficientium voluntatibus suum accommodant jura favorem,</hi> where he devises only personal things and uses. I think, <hi>Jura</hi> is rather to be taken for the Common Law, than the Spiritual; which is, in the most usual phrase of that time, designed by <hi>Canones.</hi>
                     </p>
                     <p>In this time of <hi>Hen.</hi> 2. divers fierce Controversies fell between the Law and Spiritual Jurisdiction, and the particulars of them are largely related at the end of <hi>Quadrilogus,</hi> in <hi>Gervase</hi> of <hi>Dover,</hi> in <hi>Roger</hi> of <hi>Wendover,</hi> in <hi>John</hi> of <hi>Salisbury,</hi> and <hi>Matthew Paris,</hi> but in him most abruptly; yet not the least mention is in them touching any matter of this Jurisdiction; and in the main Cases of our Spiritual Courts depending under <hi>H.</hi> 2. and sent by appeal to <hi>Rome,</hi> which yet remain in the Epistles of <hi>John</hi> of <hi>Salisbury,</hi> there is not one that touches up<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>on either of these Jurisdictions of Testaments in the Church; but in<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>deed there is one that may seem somewhat to prove for that which
<pb n="8" facs="tcp:108529:115"/>
we note out of <hi>Glanvill,</hi> concerning the Intrinsecal Jurisdiction at that time in the Temporal Court: for in an Appeal sent to Pope <hi>Alexander</hi> the Third, the Case, as <hi>John</hi> 
                        <note n="(k)" place="margin">Epist. 89.</note> of <hi>Salisbury</hi> relates it, was, that one <hi>Richard de Anestia in foro secularium Judicum petitionem haereditatis ad bona avunculi obtinenda instituit,</hi> against <hi>Mabile de Franck<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>villa,</hi> being Daughter to <hi>William</hi> of <hi>Sackvill,</hi> to whom the Plaintiff was Nephew by his Sister: and the point of the issue between the Daughter here and the Nephew, being upon the Bastardy of the Daughter, the Spiritual Court had the Tryal of it. If (<hi>bona</hi>) here be understood for Chattells, as in our Law it is, and so restrained, then was this <hi>petitio haereditatis,</hi> as a Suit for <hi>Sackvill</hi>'s Goods, grounded also, as it seems, upon a Testament of his: for in the rela<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tion of the Case also, <hi>Richardus insistebat,</hi> sayes the Author, <hi>institu<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tioni Avunculi, petitionem haereditatis instituens;</hi> and on the other side, <hi>Mabile maxime Patris novissimae voluntati innitebatur:</hi> which shews, that here was a Testament in the Case, and a Suit for what was challenged by it in the Temporal Court: But <hi>haereditas</hi> and <hi>bona,</hi> it is likely, included here (as by the Civil Law) all possessions of the Ancestor, both real of Inheritance, and personal, that is, the <hi>uni<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>versum jus defuncti,</hi> and not only our inheritance; although it doth also amongst some <note n="(l)" place="margin">Barth. ad tit. de summa Tr. l. 1. num. 42.</note> Civilians denote no more, if at least they understand aright what they say, while they write, that <hi>consuetudo est in Anglia quâ primogenitus succedit in omnibus bonis:</hi> and in this Case, if the Issue had been upon the Truth of the Testament, as it was upon the Bastardy, it had been referred also to the Spiritual Judges.</p>
                  </div>
                  <div n="6" type="chapter">
                     <pb n="9" facs="tcp:108529:115"/>
                     <head>CHAP. VI. </head>
                     <argument>
                        <p>Whence <hi>Linwood</hi> thinks the Jurisdiction Intrinsecal came to the Church.</p>
                     </argument>
                     <p>BY what is before delivered, it appears, that the <hi>Intrinsecal Ju<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>risdiction</hi> or <hi>Probate</hi> was in the Church; and that by express te<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>stimony, as anciently as the time of <hi>H.</hi> 2. and by all probability it was in setled use before that time, being spoken of in that Treatise called <hi>Glanvill</hi>'s, as a known course of proceeding: although indeed yet I could never see an express Probate in any particular case, elder than about <hi>H.</hi> 3. But the beginning or course of this <hi>Intrinsecal</hi> Ju<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>risdiction in the Church, is not for ought I have yet learned, extant: however <hi>Fairefaxe</hi> tells us, that it was by an Act of Parliament,<note place="margin">2 R. 3. tit. Testam. 4.</note> which perhaps he took from that of <hi>Linwood; Haec libertas (Ecclesiae) quoad approbationem hujusmodi</hi> (saith <hi>Linwood) fundatur super consensu Regio,</hi>
                        <note place="margin">Tit. de Test. C. stat. verb. Ecclesiae libert.</note> 
                        <hi>&amp; suorum Procerum (in talibus) ab antiquo, concesso.</hi> Where he means by <hi>in talibus,</hi> their power of committing of Administration of Inte<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>states goods, as it is plain by his quotation of that Constitution of Arch-Bishop <hi>Stafford tit. de immunitate Eccles. accidit. novitate perversas quidam etiam:</hi> That power was given, as I guess, by Parliament in King <hi>John</hi>'s time: but thereof more in due place. And <hi>Linwood</hi> ad<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>deth, <hi>Item fundatur super consuetudine in ea parte de scientia Regum Angliae, diutius conservata:</hi> Which is indeed, that it is founded upon the Common Law or Customary Law of the Kingdom; or that it hath like antiquity or original as other parts of the Common Law, that is, immemorial Custom. For though it be exercised according to the Civil and Canon Law in the Spiritual Courts, with some re<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ference had to the Customs of <hi>England;</hi> yet it is clear, that the power which the Spiritual Courts have to exercise it, is meerly by the Common Law; although we find not when it came first to them, no more than we find divers of our setled Courses and Maxims in the Common Law; touching which yet we can without much difficulty prove, that at such or such times they were not in pra<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ctice; as perhaps in the more ancient Ages, this was not in these Courts. But that it was originally belonging to the Crown, that is, to the <hi>Temporal Courts,</hi> which are all, and ever were derived from the Dignity Royal, is affirmed also, as in that cited in <hi>Hensloe</hi>'s Case, out of <hi>Jocelin</hi>'s History of the Arch-bishop of <hi>Canterbury,</hi> in a Writ <note n="(a)" place="margin">Cod. MS. Hosp. S. Leonardi in Bib<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>lioth. Cottoniam.</note> 2 <hi>H.</hi> 5. that prohibiteth the Arch-bishop of <hi>York</hi> to call the Ex<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ecutors of the Tenants of S. <hi>Leonard</hi>'s Hospital to prove their Wills before him; because as the words are, <hi>placita de cognitionibus scri<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ptorum in Regno nostro Angl. ad Nos, Co<gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                              <desc>•</desc>
                           </gap>onam &amp; dignitatem nostram spe<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>cialiter pertinent</hi>: and also they had time out of mind used to prove them before the Masters and Brothers of the Hospital. Here we see the <hi>Testaments</hi> reckoned as other <hi>Evidences,</hi>
                        <note place="margin">Hensloes Case apud v. cl. Ed. Cook par. 9. fo. 37, 38, 48.</note> the Tryal and Conusance whereof belongs only to the Temporal Courts: and at this day
<pb n="10" facs="tcp:108529:116"/>
by special Custom many Lords of Mannors have like <hi>Probate</hi> in their <hi>Courts Baron.</hi>
                     </p>
                     <p>
                        <note place="margin">That in <hi>France</hi> Pro<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>bates are in the Spiritual Courts.</note>By the way, for that which <hi>Fairefaxe,</hi> and others following him, tells us, that in all other Countries the <hi>Probate</hi> belongs to Lay-Judges, he is deceived, and deceives his Readers. Indeed, in the most places of other States it belongs to the Lay-Judges: but in <hi>France</hi> 
                        <note n="(c)" place="margin">Choppin. de Dom. Franciae lib. 2. pag. 230. Edit. 1588. &amp; videsis restam. Le<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>olodi Abbatis Flori<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ani Helgundi initio.</note> generally the Spiritual Judges, both before <hi>Fairefaxe</hi> his time and since, had this Jurisdiction of <hi>Probate,</hi> and so have had with<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>out controversie ever since the disputations about it and other parts of Jurisdiction had with some Clergy-men, by <hi>Coniers</hi> Attorney Ge<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>neral to <hi>Philip Valois,</hi> and <hi>Peter Dreux</hi> in behalf of the Duke of <hi>Britain,</hi> at such time as the Clergy had there so extended their Jurisdiction, <hi>Que les Fauxbourgs estoint trois fois plus grands que la uille,</hi> as <hi>Pasquire</hi> speaks of them.</p>
                  </div>
                  <div n="7" type="chapter">
                     <pb n="11" facs="tcp:108529:116"/>
                     <head>CHAP. VII. </head>
                     <argument>
                        <p>Testimonies of King <hi>John</hi> and <hi>Henry</hi> the Third's time, that may serve to prove the Extrinsecal Jurisdiction then in the Temporal Courts.</p>
                     </argument>
                     <p>FOr the <hi>Extrinsecal</hi> Jurisdiction, as it seems by <hi>Glanvill</hi> and other Testimonies, that it was in the Kings Courts under <hi>H.</hi> 2. and so by all probability before: so out of other Records of following time, somewhat may perhaps be collected to prove, that it continued long in them, as out of the <hi>Patent</hi> of King <hi>John</hi> for <hi>Oliver</hi> of <hi>Roch<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ford</hi>'s Testament, <hi>Sciatis</hi> (sayes <note n="(a)" place="margin">Patent. 3. Reg. Johan. membr. 6.</note> the King) <hi>Nos concessisse Testa<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>mentum Oliveri de Rupe forti sicut rationabiliter conditum est, &amp; apud S. Florentiam veterem &amp; Rupem fortem scriptum &amp; ordinatum. Quare volumus &amp; firmiter praecipimus quod nullus Executorum Testamenti ipsius impediat quin illud sicut rationabiliter conditum est faciant.</hi> Then out of that of <hi>Peter de Roches</hi> Bishop of <hi>Winchester,</hi> and Chief Justice of <hi>England,</hi> touching the Will of <hi>Adam</hi> of <hi>Gurdun, Rex</hi> 
                        <note n="(b)" place="margin">Rot. Claus. 16 Joh. Membr. 22.</note> 
                        <hi>Dom. P. Winton. Episc. Justic. Angl. &amp;c. Mandamus Vobis quod teneri facias Te<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>stamentum Adae de Gurdun quod fecit de Rebus suis mobilibus &amp; omnibus aliis in Angl. secundum dispositionem testamenti excepta terra quam de domino nostro habuit septimo Augusti. Teste meipso</hi>: this expresly gives some legal execution of a Testament made of personal things unto the <hi>Chief Justice</hi> of <hi>England.</hi> And in <note n="(c)" place="margin">Claus. 5 H. 3. part. 2. m. 7. &amp; 15.</note> 5 <hi>H.</hi> 3. <hi>Robert</hi> of <hi>Lexin<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ton</hi> having the possession of all the goods of <hi>Philip de Vletott</hi> the Te<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>stator, a <hi>Writ</hi> goes out to him to pay <hi>William</hi> Earl of <hi>Salisbury</hi> a debt of Ninety Marks out of them, and that the rest should be deli<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>vered to the Executors <hi>ad faciendum Testamentum</hi>; and another <hi>Writ</hi> was sent, that he should <hi>per visum &amp; Testimonium Execut.</hi> sell all <hi>Vletott</hi>'s goods, <hi>&amp; denarios quos inde fieri feceritis, salvo faciatis reponi sub sigillo vestro &amp; sigillo Executor. praedict. donec aliud mandatum no<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>strum inde habueritis.</hi> And in 7 <hi>Hen.</hi> 3. a <hi>Writ</hi> is directed to the Sheriff of <hi>Lincoln,</hi> 
                        <note n="(d)" place="margin">Claus. 7 H. 3. part. <gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                              <desc>•</desc>
                           </gap>. membran. 16. idem. id ipsum est quod habetur in commentario 9. v. c. Ed. Cooke, f. 38.6. sumptum est.</note> reciting, that whereas it appeared, that <hi>Ri<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>chard Fitz-dune</hi> dyed not Intestate, <hi>Ideo tibi praecipimus quod omnia Catalla ipsius Richardi in Manum nostram capta in balliva tua sine di<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>latione habere facias Priori de Noketon,</hi> and other Executors of his Testament <hi>ad faciendum inde rationabile testamentum:</hi> and other like <hi>Writs</hi> occurr in the Rolls of King <hi>John</hi> and <hi>H.</hi> 3.</p>
                  </div>
                  <div n="8" type="chapter">
                     <pb n="12" facs="tcp:108529:117"/>
                     <head>CHAP. VIII. </head>
                     <argument>
                        <p>Suits of Legacies personal in the Spiritual Court from the beginning of <hi>Henry</hi> the Third, of the beginning of that Course.</p>
                     </argument>
                     <p>BUt however it may seem by those Testimonies, that the Tempo<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ral Courts had some <hi>Extrinsecal</hi> Jurisdiction of Testaments in the time of King <hi>John</hi> and <hi>Hen.</hi> 3. it is clear, that in the beginning of <hi>H.</hi> 3. <hi>Suits for Legacies</hi> personal were in the Spiritual Courts, and that it seems from Custome setled in practice of the former times that were then newly past. And perhaps it might be in the more ancient times <hi>fori mixti,</hi> and as well exercised in the one, as in the other Court; as we have elsewhere shewed of the more ancient Ju<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>risdiction of Tithes; or it may be, that those <hi>Writs</hi> in the former Chapter, and the like, were but in case of Tenants being Testators, upon whose deaths all their goods were to be seised by the Sheriff, or other such Officer, and the debt (if any were) paid to the King, <hi>Et residuum relinquebatur Executoribus testamenti defuncti,</hi> as the words are, both of the Charters of King <hi>John</hi> and <hi>H.</hi> 3. <note n="(a)" place="margin">Cap. 15. magn. Char. quam etiam do<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>navit Johannes Rex, uti videre est apud Matth. Paris.</note> and per<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>haps by that Chapter of the Charter those <hi>Writs</hi> may be interpreted, and <hi>faciatis teneri testamentum</hi> may be but only an <hi>amoving</hi> of the Kings hands from the goods, that so the Executor might perform the Te<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>stament; for that the Spiritual Court did from the beginning of <hi>H.</hi> 3. exercise a Jurisdiction for recovery of Legacies, is infallibly proved by <note n="(b)" place="margin">
                           <p>2 H. 3. tit. pro<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>hib. 13.</p>
                           <p>4 H. 3. ibidem. 28.</p>
                           <p>6 H. 3. ibid. 17.</p>
                           <p>8 H. 3. ibid. 19.</p>
                        </note> Cases of 2, 4, 6, <hi>&amp;</hi> 8 <hi>Hen.</hi> 3. and the Attachments upon Prohibitions extant in Records of that time, are, <hi>quare secutus est placitum in Curia</hi> 
                        <note n="(c)" place="margin">Mich. 16 &amp; 17 H. 3. Rot. 15. &amp;c. &amp; 18 H. 3. coram W. de Raleigh, &amp;c. Rot. 36. in arce Londi<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>nensi.</note> 
                        <hi>Christianitatis de Catallis quae non sunt de Te<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>stamento vel matrimonio:</hi> and many such more are both in the <hi>Rolls</hi> and in <hi>Matth. Paris.</hi> It appears also in 2 <hi>H.</hi> 3. in the Case of <hi>Symon Fitz-Simon,</hi> that even that Suit for deviseable Land being devised, was thought to be good in the Spiritual Court <hi>ex Causa testamentaria,</hi> as if <hi>Laicum feodum versum esset in Catallum,</hi> until the devisee had recovered it: and after the recovery, <hi>iterum incipiebat esse Laicum feodum</hi>—as <note n="(d)" place="margin">Lib. 5. Tract. de exceptionibus, cap. 12. pag. 4091. <hi>b.</hi>
                        </note> 
                        <hi>Bracton</hi> sayes, where his Printed Copy is ex<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ceedingly corrupted. But it was clear Law in the time of this <hi>Bra<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>cton,</hi> who was a Judge in the <hi>Common Pleas</hi> in the latter part of <hi>H.</hi> 3. that <hi>locum</hi> 
                        <note n="(e)" place="margin">Idem fo. 4076.</note> 
                        <hi>non habet probatio in Causa testamentaria si Catalla legen<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tur &amp; inde agatur in foro Ecclesiastico:</hi> and he reckons that of Testaments <hi>inter spiritualia, &amp; spiritualibus annexa,</hi> which agrees exactly in the known and practised Consultations in the <note n="(f)" place="margin">Register. Orig. fo. 48. (<hi>b</hi>) &amp;c.</note> Register, <hi>placita de Catallis &amp; debitis, quae sunt de Testamento &amp; Matrimonio, ad forum Ec<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>clesiae specialiter dignoscimus pertinere, &amp;c.</hi> And although in case of Legacy, as in case of Tithes, the Jurisdiction that gave the recovery of them, was sometimes in the one, sometimes in the other Court, before it was restrained to the Spiritual only, yet it seems by those Cases of <hi>Henry</hi> the Third's time, which are Testimonies beyond exce<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ptions, that the Spiritual Jurisdiction over Legacies, was long before in practice; otherwise I guess that exception <hi>de Testamento, &amp; de Matrimonio,</hi> had not been so familiar in the Prohibitions of that
<pb n="13" facs="tcp:108529:117"/>
Age. And notwithstanding those Cases out of the Records of King <hi>John</hi>'s and <hi>Henry</hi> the Third his time, the Temporal Court not only prohibited not the Spiritual Court, espec<gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                           <desc>•</desc>
                        </gap>ally in <hi>H<gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                              <desc>•</desc>
                           </gap>nry</hi> the Third's time, but also had not any Conusance of Suits for personal Legacies; for neither have I ever met with any Suit in that kind in the Plea Rolls of <hi>H.</hi> 3. or King <hi>John,</hi> or <hi>Richard</hi> 1. (but very few are extant of the time of the two last) neither doth <hi>Bracton</hi> admit any such thing. And the Author of <hi>Fleta</hi> in the time of <hi>E.</hi> 1. tells us ex<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>presly, <note n="(g)" place="margin">Fleta lib. 2. cap. 57. Sect. Execu<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tor.</note> 
                        <hi>de Causa Testamentaria sicut nec de causa Matrimoniali Curia Regis se non intromittet.</hi> But the beginning of that practice of the <hi>Extrinsecal</hi> Jurisdiction in the Spiritual Court, is even as difficult to find, as that other of <hi>Probates. Linwood</hi> tells us, that <note n="(h)" place="margin">Ad tit. de te<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>stam. c. Statut. verb. Ecclesiast. libertat.</note> 
                        <hi>libertas quoad secundum scilicet, puniendum impedientes quo minus testamenta &amp; ultimae voluntates defunctorum procedant, ortum habet à privilegiis etiam in ea parte concessis, &amp; à consuetudine similiter de scientia Regum Angl. diutius observata:</hi> and further, <hi>potuit</hi> (saith he) <hi>habere ortum</hi> out of those <note n="(i)" place="margin">De Episc. &amp; Cler. &amp; nulli 28. &amp; siquis ad designan<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>dum, 49, &amp;c.</note> Laws in the Code that made the Bishop a Protector of Le<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>gacies <hi>in pios usus.</hi> It might be also in regard of the purpose of those Laws in themselves; and it were no great wonder, that the Ecclesi<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>astical Court might have gained Jurisdiction over all personal Lega<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>cies under colour of such as were given <hi>in pios usus:</hi> But perhaps it will not be admitted for probability enough, that any part of the Code being of the Imperial or Civil Law, was ever so received here in <hi>England,</hi> as that it could induce any alteration touching the Ju<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>risdiction of the Crown, that is, touching this <hi>Extrinsecal</hi> Jurisdiction which (as is shewed) did belong to the Temporal Courts: but who<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>soever will not admit of any such conjecture, must yet remember, that presently from King <hi>Stephen</hi>'s time, when the <hi>Civil Law</hi> was new born into the light, it having lain forgotten by the space of Six Hun<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>dred years before in the <hi>Western Empire,</hi> the Code and other parts of that Law were familiarly read by our <hi>English</hi> Lawyers; and I think as well by our Common as Canon Lawyers: to omit that Case of <hi>Mabile of Franchiville,</hi> wherein, it seems, a special regard was had to the Civil <note n="(k)" place="margin">Cod. de lib. Natur. l. 2. Matr. &amp; Author. 89, &amp;c.</note> Law, that permits not a meer Bastard and Succes<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>sion <hi>ex Testamento</hi> against a lawful Heir of Blood; for otherwise how could <hi>Richard</hi> the Uncle's Institution, as it seems by a former Will have made colour of right for him, against the latter Will which <hi>Mabile</hi> pretended, unless he relyed upon her being a Bastard. But I should think it probable enough, that the Original of this Jurisdi<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ction for Legacies, was out of the <hi>Canon Law.</hi> And that especially from that Canon <hi>Si haeredes, &amp;c.</hi> before cited; for although the <hi>Decre<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tals,</hi> wherein it stands now authorized for a general Law, were first published but in 24 <hi>H.</hi> 3. by <hi>Gregory</hi> the Ninth, and that we see by infallible testimony already brought, that Legacies before that time, were recoverable in the Spiritual Court, yet by likelihood that very Canon was inserted in all or some of those eight more ancient Com<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>pilations of the Canons authorized by some former Popes; (which is the more probable, because we find it also in <hi>Burchard</hi>) and so it might be, long before sufficient ground of this <hi>Extrinsecal</hi> Jurisdiction in the Ordinary; but I sought here for Authority more than I durst be bold in conjectures, which I leave to every mans judgement.</p>
                  </div>
               </div>
               <div n="2" type="part">
                  <pb facs="tcp:108529:118"/>
                  <pb n="15" facs="tcp:108529:118"/>
                  <head>PART II. OF THE Disposition or Administration OF Intestates Goods.</head>
                  <div n="1" type="chapter">
                     <head>CHAP. I. </head>
                     <argument>
                        <p>In whom it was in the time of the <hi>Saxons.</hi>
                        </p>
                     </argument>
                     <p>IN the <hi>Saxons</hi> time it was in the Lord of him that dyed (understand the Chief Lord) in case the Intestate were a Tenant, and dyed at home in peace: But in case he were no Tenant, or dyed in his Lords Army, then it was (it seems) as other Inheritance under the Jurisdiction of that Tempo<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ral Court within whose Territory the goods were: This may be proved out of the Laws of that time, which ordain, that upon the death of an Intestate, whom they call <hi>cwiale awe,</hi> the Lord <note n="(a)" place="margin">Canuti. leg. cap. 68.</note> is only to have the <hi>Heriotts</hi> due to him, which are al<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>so appointed by <note n="(b)" place="margin">Ejusdem leg. cap. 68.</note> the Laws of the same time, <hi>That by his</hi> (the Lords) <hi>advice or judgement his</hi> (the Intestates) <hi>goods be di<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>vided among his Wife and Children and the next of Kin, according as to every one of them of right belongs,</hi> that is, according to the nearness of Kindred, if no Children or Nephews from them be; for it must, I suppose, be understood, that the succession was such, that the Children excluded all their Kindred, and of their Kin<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>dred
<pb n="16" facs="tcp:108529:119"/>
the next succeeded, according to that in <hi>Tacitus</hi> 
                        <note n="(c)" place="margin">De moribus Germanorum.</note> of his <hi>Germans,</hi> whose Customs were doubtless mixt with our <hi>English Saxons, haeredes,</hi> sayes he, <hi>successoresque sint cuique liberi, &amp; nullum Te<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>stamentum.</hi> But it seems, Christianity afterward brought in the free power of making Testaments amongst them, <hi>Si liberi non sunt, pro<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ximus gradus in possessione fratres, patrui, Avunculi.</hi>
                     </p>
                     <p>But this is exprest only in case the Tenant dyed at home and in peace; for if he dyed in his <note n="(d)" place="margin">Canut. legibus, cap. 75.</note> Lords Army, both the Heriott was forgiven, and the Inheritance both of Goods and Lands was to be divided <hi>as it ought,</hi> which was, it seems, by the Ju<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>risdiction of the <hi>Temporal Court</hi> within whose Territory the Death or Goods were; for in that case, it is not said, that the Lords Judge<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ment was to be used, but that the Heirs should divide all; or, as the words in the <hi>Confessor</hi>'s Law are, <hi>habeant</hi> 
                        <note n="(e)" place="margin">Leg. Ed. Con<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>fess. cap. de hereto<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>chiis.</note> 
                        <hi>h<gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                              <desc>•</desc>
                           </gap>redes ejus pecuniam &amp; terram ejus sine aliqua diminutione, &amp; recte dividant interse</hi>; where the right of the Heir both to Lands and Goods is expresly designed, but the Judge that should give it them, not mentioned. Therefore it seems, it remained as other parts of the Common Law, under the Temporal Jurisdiction, as by the <note n="(f)" place="margin">F. S. Instit. de bonorum possessione.</note> Civil Law it is under the Pretors.</p>
                  </div>
                  <div n="2" type="chapter">
                     <pb n="17" facs="tcp:108529:119"/>
                     <head>CHAP. II. </head>
                     <argument>
                        <p>In whom after the <hi>Normans</hi> until King <hi>John</hi>'s time.</p>
                     </argument>
                     <p>UNtil King <hi>John</hi>'s time it seems the Jurisdiction over <hi>Intestates</hi> Goods, was as of other Inheritance also, in the Temporal Courts: yet no sufficient Testimony is found to prove it expresly; only when the Common Laws of those times speak of <hi>Intestates,</hi> they determine the succession by like division as those of the <hi>Saxon</hi> times. In Laws attributed to <hi>William</hi> the First we read,<note n="a" place="margin">Adjiciuntur In<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>gulph<gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                              <desc>•</desc>
                           </gap> Crolandensi MS. in Bibliotheca Cottoniana.</note> 
                        <hi>Si home morust sans devise, si departent les Infants l'erite inter sei per ovell.</hi> And after<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>wards in <hi>H.</hi> 1. <note n="(b)" place="margin">Apud Matth. Paris.</note> Laws, <hi>si quis Baronum vel hominum meorum prae<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ventus vel Armis vel infirmitate pecuniam suam nec dederit, nec dare disposuerit, uxor sua, sive liberi, aut Parentes, &amp; legitimi homines sui pro anima ejus eam dividant, sicut eis melius visum fuerit.</hi> Here is the <hi>first mention,</hi> as I remember, of any thing occurring in our Laws or Histories, of the disposition of the Intestates Goods, <hi>pro anima ejus,</hi> which indeed might have been fitly subjected to the view at least of the Church. But no mention as yet being of any Ecclesiastical Power that tends that way, I rather think that heretofore no use or practice was of Administration committed, direction given, or med<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ling with the Goods by the Ordinaries; but all was by the <hi>Friends</hi> or Kindred <hi>juxta Consilium discretorum virorum,</hi> as the words are in <note n="(c)" place="margin">Will. Novoburg. hist. l. 3. c. 22.</note> the Statutes made for such as should dye in the <hi>Holy War</hi> with <hi>Richard</hi> the First.</p>
                     <p>Neither doth that of <hi>Glanvill,</hi> which was written under <hi>H.</hi> 2. tell us of any thing of the Ordinaries Power in this case, although it hath express mention of <hi>Testaments,</hi> and the Churches Jurisdiction of them. Indeed we there find, that if no Executor be named, then <note n="(d)" place="margin">Glanvill. li<gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                              <desc>•</desc>
                           </gap>. 7. cap 6.</note> 
                        <hi>possunt propinqui &amp; consanguinei Testatoris,</hi> take upon them the Executorship, and sue in the Kings Court against such as hinder the due payment of Legacies; which also agrees well enough with that before cited out of the Laws of <hi>H.</hi> 1. Neither is there in <hi>Gualter Mapes</hi> his <hi>Apocalypsis</hi> (be<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ing a bitter Satyr against the Abuses of the Spiritual Courts in <hi>Henry</hi> the Seconds time) nor in <hi>John</hi> of <hi>Salisbury</hi>'s Epistles, that have many particulars of the exercised Jurisdiction of the Church, any thing oc<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>curring, that touches upon any Ecclesiastical Powers of this nature.</p>
                  </div>
                  <div n="3" type="chapter">
                     <pb n="18" facs="tcp:108529:120"/>
                     <head>CHAP. III. </head>
                     <argument>
                        <p>In whom after the time of King <hi>John.</hi>
                        </p>
                     </argument>
                     <p>BUt in that Charter of Liberties both for the Church and Laity made to the Baronage of <hi>England</hi> in the seventeenth of King <hi>John</hi> 
                        <note n="(a)" place="margin">Reperiuntur seorsimsaepius exem<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>plaria illius diplo<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>matis &amp; penes Math. Paris, Rogerum Wendover MS. &amp; Thom. Rudburne MS. extant, sed in Archivis non extant.</note> in <hi>Reningmead</hi> an express Ordinance is, <hi>That if any Free-man dyed intestate, his Chattels were to be disposed of by the hands of his next of kin, by the view of the Church,</hi> that is, direction and advice being thereto given by the Ordinary, as I understand, <hi>saving to all Creditors their debts</hi>: the words of it were, <hi>Si aliquis liber homo intestatus de<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>cesserit, Catalla sua per manus propinquorum, parentum, &amp; amicorum suo<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>rum, per visum Ecclesiae distribuantur; salvis unicuique debitis, quae defun<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ctùs eis debebat.</hi> That Charter of King <hi>John</hi> is almost the same sylla<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>bles with the common one that we now use by the name of the <hi>Grand Charter</hi> of 9 <hi>H.</hi> 3. exemplified by the Kings Patent of 28 <hi>E.</hi> 1. But this of Intestates, and two or three other Chapters for the Sub<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>jects Liberty, are more in that of King <hi>John</hi>'s, than is found in the Exemplification of 28 <hi>E.</hi> 1. However <hi>Matthew Paris</hi> and <hi>Roger</hi> of <hi>Wendover</hi> when they speak of <hi>H.</hi> 3. granting it, so refer their Rea<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ders to this of King <hi>John,</hi> that they tell us, that that of <hi>H.</hi> 3. was the self same in every particular; and therefore omit the repetition of it. And indeed, although in the common Printed <hi>Magna Charta</hi> of <hi>H.</hi> 3. and in the Roll also of 28 <hi>Ed.</hi> 1. in the <hi>Tower,</hi> where the Exemplification is,<note place="margin">V. Manuscriptum nostr. de Magn. Char<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ta, cap. 16. in fine.</note> this Ordinance touching <hi>Intestates</hi> be wanting, yet in very many of the ancientest Manuscripts of the old Statutes, that of <hi>H.</hi> 3. hath the same words as we have here transcribed it from King <hi>John</hi>'s, and that in the same place of his Charter as that in King <hi>John</hi>'s; that is, between the eighteenth Chapter, <hi>Si quis teneus, &amp;c.</hi> and the nineteenth, <hi>Nullus Constabularius, &amp;c.</hi> And it is to be understood, that the greatest Prelates of the Clergy of that time, as <hi>Canterbury, London, Winchester, Pandulphus</hi> the Popes <hi>Nuncto,</hi> the Master of the <hi>Temple,</hi> and divers other Bishops were on the Kings part, when that of King <hi>John</hi> was granted. And it is probable enough, that when they saw that a Charter of Liberties must of necessity be granted to the <hi>Baronage,</hi> they so wrought also, that they might insert this one for the advantage of their Episcopal Government. And they had good colour to think and perswade, that some such thing was fit for them, in regard it was now clearly taken, that some di<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>stribution was to be made <hi>pro anima intestati,</hi> the <hi>care</hi> of <hi>souls</hi> being the chiefest part of their common pretences for increase of their power and greatness. And hence I suppose, it soon came to pass, that the next of kin had the power of disposition committed by the Or<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>dinaries, and that in Letters or otherwise by vertue of that <hi>per visum Ecclesiae,</hi> which was, I think, the textual ground of right of com<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>mitting of Administration by the Clergy: This of King <hi>John</hi>'s being iterated in <hi>Henry</hi> the Thirds Charter (however omitted in the Ex<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>emplification) was it seems that provision spoken of in Cardinal <hi>Othobon</hi>'s <hi>Legatins, Proinde super bonis ab intestato decedentium,</hi>
                        <note n="(b)" place="margin">Cap. cum mor<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tis incerta.</note> so
<pb n="19" facs="tcp:108529:120"/>
are the words, <hi>provisionem quae olim à Praelatis Regni Angliae cum ap<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>probatione Regis &amp; Baronum dicitur emanasse, firmiter approbantes, di<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>strictius inhibemus ne Prelati vel alii quicunque bona intestatorum quo<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>cunque modo recipiant, vel occupent contra provisionem praemissam.</hi> What <hi>provision</hi> is it more likely that this was, than that of the Grand Charter both of King <hi>John</hi> and <hi>H.</hi> 3. and the words <hi>à Praelatis dicitur emanasse,</hi> justifies what we have conjectured of the purpose of the Prelates, when they saw they could not but yield with the King, to an establishment of Laws, by that Charter, made indeed in a Parliament of that age. The same I suppose that which is meant in the <note n="(c)" place="margin">Provinc. Con<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>stitut. tit. de immu<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>nitate Ecclesiae, C. accidit novitate.</note>Constituti<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>on of Arch-bishop <hi>Stafford,</hi> where it is taken for granted, that the Churches power of disposition of Intestates goods <hi>pro salute anima<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>rum &amp; in pios usus,</hi> was a thing <hi>consensu Regio &amp; magnatum Regni Angl. tanquam pro jure Ecclesiasticá<expan>
                              <am>
                                 <g ref="char:abque"/>
                              </am>
                              <ex>que</ex>
                           </expan> libertate ab olim ordinatum, &amp;c.</hi> Where <hi>Linwood</hi> modestly confesses, that he could not find in what Kings time this Ordinance was made. But <hi>Johannes de Athona,</hi> upon that of <hi>Otho<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>bon,</hi> though he rightly call that provision, <hi>Provisio Parliamentalis:</hi> yet most ignorantly and ridiculously <note n="(d)" place="margin">Jo. de Athona ad Legat. Othobonum c. cum mortis in<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>certa.</note> tells us, <hi>that the provision there understood, is the Statute of Westminster,</hi> 2. <hi>Cap.</hi> 21. <hi>cum post mor<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tem,</hi> which he makes also to have I know not what reference to the Statute of <hi>Glocester.</hi> But this slipt from him either in a dream, or through the utmost neglect of those infallible characters of truth, that the denoting of times affords us, for that <hi>Legatin</hi> of <hi>Othobon</hi> was made in <hi>London</hi> in <note n="(e)" place="margin">Praeter Annales obvios, Linwood ad C. quia verb. Octobo<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ni, tit. de constitutio<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>nibus.</note> 53 <hi>H.</hi> 3. and at such time as that <hi>Provision</hi> was yet extant in the <hi>Magna Charta,</hi> used by our Lawyers. But the Statutes of <hi>Westminster</hi> the second, and of <hi>Glocester</hi> were under <hi>E.</hi> 1. the one in the sixth, the other in the thirteenth of him; how then could <hi>Othobon</hi> think of it in his Legatin, or could <hi>John de Athona</hi> have thought so, if he had allowed the Title of his Gloss, which supposes in the point, that the Constitutions of <hi>Othobon</hi> were publish<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ed in the year 1248. which had it been in 1268. had agreed with truth; but doubtless the Numeral Letters of MCCLXVIII were transposed into MCCXLVIII. and thence only that Error.</p>
                  </div>
                  <div n="4" type="chapter">
                     <pb n="20" facs="tcp:108529:121"/>
                     <head>CHAP. IV.</head>
                     <argument>
                        <p> How that so granted by King <hi>John</hi>'s Charter in Parliament hath continued in practice.</p>
                     </argument>
                     <p>AFter that Law of the seventeenth of K. <hi>John,</hi> it seems the <hi>next of kin</hi> disposed of Intestates Goods by the testimony and direction of the Church; for so <hi>per visum</hi> denotes, as we see in <hi>per visum pro<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>borum &amp; legalium hominum</hi> in Writs of Summons and the like: but I have not seen any practice of it testified in King <hi>John</hi>'s time. And under <hi>H.</hi> 3. however it were omitted in his Charter at the Exemplifi<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>cation, the same <hi>visus Ecclesiae</hi> continued; so sayes <hi>Bracton</hi> that then lived, and was a Judge of that time, <hi>Si</hi> 
                        <note n="(a)" place="margin">Bracton. lib. 2. de acq. rer. dom. cap. 26. sect. 2.</note> 
                        <hi>liber homo intestatus &amp; subito decesserit, dominus suus nil intromittat de bonis defuncti, nisi de hoc tantum, quod ad ipsum pertineret, (sc. quod habeat suum Heriott.) sed ad Ecclesiam &amp; amicos pertinebit executio bonorum.</hi> Yet it seems al<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>so, that notwithstanding the right of the Church thus ordained, and the succession of next of kin so included in the Ordinance, both the Lords in some places, according to their former right, still usurp some power over the disposition of Intestates Goods, against the will of the Ordinaries: and on the other side also, the Ordinaries, instead of giving direction for a true disposition of such Goods, get possession of them, and commit them often, or at, least too great a part of them, to the use either of themselves, or of the Church, and so <hi>defrauded</hi> those to whom by the right of natural succession they pertained. For that of the Lords, <hi>Bracton</hi> his noting it as a thing denyed them, compared with what we find among Articles granted in the Synod of <hi>London</hi> held under <hi>Boniface</hi> Arch-bishop of <hi>Canterbury</hi> in 42 <hi>H.</hi> 3. proves it, <hi>Idem quod mortuo</hi> (so is the <note n="(b)" place="margin">In Annal. Bur<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tonensis coenobii penes v. cl. Thom. Allen Oxoniensem MS. A. 1257.</note> Article) <hi>laico sine Testamento non capiantur bona ipsius in manus dominorum. Sed inde solvantur de<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>bita ipsius, &amp; residua in usus filiorum suorum, &amp; proximorum indigenti<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>um pro salute animae defuncti in pios usus per Ordinarios committantur, nisi quatenus fuerit domino suo obligatus.</hi> Here we see by the way plainly that the distribution <hi>in pios usus,</hi> was the devising them among the next of kin, according to their nearness and want; not an im<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ploying them to other uses, at the Ordinaries arbitrary disposition. But also that the Ordinary did in this Age sometimes usurp the Goods of Intestates against the next of kin, is enough proved out of that Legatine Constitution of <hi>Othobon, cum mortis incerta, &amp;c.</hi> where it was ordained as you see before; so in the words of it, that they should not dispose of them otherwise than according as that Grant was in the <hi>Grand Charter</hi>; that is, to the benefit of the next of blood: But the Ordinaries had about this time, against the intent of that <hi>Charter,</hi> so abused the right of succession, that it was related <note n="(c)" place="margin">Innocent. 4. tit. de Simionia, c. ad Apostolicum.</note> for a constant truth, that the <hi>Custome in Britania</hi> was, that <hi>tertiae pars bo<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>norum decedentium ab intestato in opus Ecclesiae &amp; pauperum dispensanda, &amp;c.</hi> as <hi>Innocent</hi> the Fourth his words are, who lived and wrote in the time of <hi>H.</hi> 3. What other ground than the Ordinaries <hi>ill dealing</hi> with the next of blood was for that <hi>tertia pars</hi> I conceive not; unless the Pope
<pb n="21" facs="tcp:108529:121"/>
had some such other Testimony touching it, as we find in an old Manu<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>script Volume titled <note n="(d)" place="margin">MS in Thesau<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ro Cottoniano c. 31. de divisione haredi<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tatis.</note> 
                        <hi>Statuta Synodorum</hi> written in an hand of near seven hundred years since, being a Collection out of the Fathers and old Councils, made as it seems by some <hi>Britain</hi> or <hi>Irish-man,</hi> as we have elsewhere conjectured. In that <hi>Statuta Synodorum</hi> occurrs <hi>Orig. in lib. de haeredibus: pater moriens det tertiam partem filiis, &amp; tertiam Cae<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>sari, &amp; tertiam Ecclesiae; si non habuerit Ecclesiam, det pauperibus, &amp; si non habuerit Caesarem nec Ecclesiam, dividat inter filios &amp; pauperes.</hi> But what Author this is cited out of, I am equally ignorant, as I know not at all who was the Author of the whole Collection, or whence he had many other of his Authorities. And other things that Volume hath out of some old Synod of <hi>Ireland,</hi> which makes to our present purpose, if the Canons of that Synod had been at all binding in this State. And it was no such wonder, that some such practice might be under <hi>H.</hi> 3. for since also in the time of <hi>E.</hi> 3. the Church <hi>so usurped</hi> in their Jurisdiction of <hi>Probates,</hi> that they made the Executors wait on their Officials at uncertain and remote places, and then also put them, at times, to the Ransom of the fourth or fifth part of the Testa<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tors Goods, before they would give them <hi>Probate;</hi> which was com<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>plained <note n="(e)" place="margin">Parl. 21 E. 3. Cro. Hill. art. 51. &amp; consule si vis Parl. octab. Purif. 23 E. 3. art. 35. <hi>in Archiris.</hi>
                        </note> of in Parliament amongst the Grievances of the Com<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>mons.</p>
                  </div>
                  <div n="5" type="chapter">
                     <pb n="22" facs="tcp:108529:122"/>
                     <head>CHAP. V.</head>
                     <argument>
                        <p> Of that of <hi>bona Intestatorum in manus Domini Regis capi solebant.</hi>
                        </p>
                     </argument>
                     <p>FOr that of <hi>bona Intestatorum in manus Domini Regis capi solebant,</hi> for which is cited <note n="(a)" place="margin">Hensloes Case apud v. cl. Ed. Coke part 9. sect. 39, 40.</note> the Close Roll of 7 <hi>H.</hi> 3. <hi>Rot.</hi> 16. it is also most true, if rightly apprehended. All that appears in the Record is, that the King wrote to the Sheriff of <hi>Lincoln,</hi> that <hi>constat nobis per in<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>quisitionem nobis missam sub sigillo Stephani de Segrave, &amp; aliorum probo<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>rum &amp; legalium hominum, quod Richardus filius Dunae non obiit intesta<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tus,</hi> and therefore he commands, that the Sheriff should deliver all the Goods of the said <hi>Fitz-dune in manus nostras capta,</hi> to the Prior of <hi>Loketon,</hi> and others his Executors, <hi>ad faciendum Testamentum:</hi> neither are there any words that tell us of any <hi>capi solebant,</hi> or that these were taken in regard of dying intestate only. Indeed it appears not suffi<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ciently in the Writ, why they were taken; but it is most probable, that the <hi>seisure</hi> was for some debt due to the Crown from the Inte<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>state, which afterward not appearing, or being satisfied, or it appear<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ing that the Executors by the taking upon them the execution of the Testament, would subject themselves to the payment of it, it was fit enough to amove the Kings hands, and deliver all over to the Execu<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tors: He that well considers the Statute of <hi>Magna Charta cap.</hi> 18. <hi>Si quis tenens,</hi> and compares it with that of <hi>Bracton,</hi> where he tells us, that the Law was clear, that <hi>if any man dyed indebted to the King, the Sheriff might</hi> 
                        <note n="(b)" place="margin">
                           <gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                              <desc>•</desc>
                           </gap>racton. lib. 2. de acq. rerum dom. cap. 26. sect. 2.</note> 
                        <hi>imbreviare, &amp; attachiare cattalla defuncti,</hi> will soon see the probability of this, howsoever the words of the Statute are only of the Kings Tenants: And it concludes also, as if it were only in case of the death of a Testator in regard of <hi>relinquatur executoribus ad fa<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ciendum testamentum defuncti</hi>; but plainly, that <hi>ad faciendum, &amp;c.</hi> hath equal reference to the Intestates as to Testators: for no name of an <hi>Ad<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ministrator</hi> being then usually known, all were called <hi>Executors</hi> that medled with the <hi>Intestates</hi> Goods; and those Executors were <hi>executores qui faciebant Testamentum,</hi> that is, which instead of the Intestate <note n="(c)" place="margin">Ita facere te<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>stamentum nomine defuncti sumitur a<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>pud Canonici juris peritos. videsis Zebu<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>lam prax. Episcop. verb. legatum, sect. 8.</note> did take such order after his death with his Goods, as they thought he would have done if he had made a Testament; which may be con<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ceived also out of the use remembred in that time, wherein sick men being unable, neither having time to express their meaning, chose out some friends that might be <hi>super</hi> 
                        <note n="(d)" place="margin">Mos iste repe<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ritur apud Matth. Paris, histor. major, pag. 982. Ubi de Pontificia constituti<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>one de intestatis edit. Londinens.</note> 
                        <hi>hoc expressores &amp; exe<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>cutores;</hi> which friends appointing of Legacies (as if the Intestate had given them) and making disposition of Intestates Goods, were as Te<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>staments of those Intestates; and they did truly as Executors <hi>facere Testamentum defuncti,</hi> in which sense it might be spoken of any Execu<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tors or Administrators that intermedled in those times. And many Writs occurr in the Close Roll of King <hi>John</hi> and <hi>H.</hi> 3. that have ex<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>presly in them the <hi>amoving</hi> of the Kings hands from the Goods of the dead, when the seisure had been only for the debts to the Crown, ac<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>cording to the Statute of <hi>Magna Charta</hi> (which in substance is the Law at this day) and <hi>Bracton,</hi> by reason whereof, I see not cause enough,
<pb n="23" facs="tcp:108529:122"/>
why we should understand that of 7 <hi>H.</hi> 3. to prove any such thing, as a Custom of the Kings disposing or seising of the Intestates Goods, especially in regard that in the passages of the Law, Lawyers and Records of that time, no mention is of any thing that affirms it to be a Custom, or touches it as a common use.</p>
                     <p>But admit that in <hi>Fitz-dunes</hi> Case it had been so, that the taking of the Goods into the Kings hand, had been because of his dying <hi>Intestate</hi> only. It may therefore be accounted rather as a particular of the irre<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>gular practice of that time, than any example to prove a Custom; and whosoever is but acquainted with the course of the Records of King <hi>John</hi> and <hi>Henry</hi> the Third his time, must soon see Writs enough that agree not so much as with any setled course of Law, but taste ra<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ther of some sudden or arbitrary course of granting them. Indeed some two years before that of <hi>Fitz-dune,</hi> there is an example in <hi>Bedford<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>shire,</hi> that might seem more fully to prove what is collected out of the other: the Writ is thus, <hi>Rex</hi> 
                        <note n="(e)" place="margin">Clauf. 5 H. 3. par. 2. memb. 3.</note> 
                        <hi>Vicecom. Bedford salutem. Prae<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>cipimus tibi quod blada &amp; catalla quae fuerunt Roberti de Insula &amp; Rossiae uxoris ejus defunct. in Wahall &amp; Brokeberge arestari facias &amp; salvo cu<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>stodiri, donec discussum fuerit in curia nostra ad quem catalla illa pertinent, &amp; aliud inde praecipimus;</hi> but this is often enough seconded with other examples that have for the most part a mention of the Defuncts debts to the Crown, that it cannot otherwise be understood, but either as founded upon that Law of seising upon the Goods for debt to the Crown by Prerogative, or as an example (amongst many of other kinds) that discovers a more arbitrary course sometimes in proceed<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ing, than later time hath permitted. And according to one of those wayes (but the first that is upon the Statute of the <hi>Grand Charter</hi> is the fittest and most probable) must that also be interpreted, where <note n="(f)" place="margin">Claus. 17 H. 3. memb. 8.</note> 
                        <hi>H.</hi> 3. sends a Writ to the Sheriff of <hi>Rutland</hi> to <hi>command him, that notwithstanding that</hi> Robert de Weston <hi>a Parishioner of</hi> Weston <hi>were drowned, and dyed intestate,</hi> he should yet <hi>facere Willielmo de S. Lando</hi> (that is, to the Parson of the Parish) <hi>habere nomine Ecclesiae suae id quod ad eum pertinet, habendum de catallis quae fuerunt praedicti Roberti, secundum consuetudines partium illarum:</hi> that was for the <hi>mortuarie,</hi> which pro<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>perly and under that name then was determinable in the Spiritual Court.</p>
                     <p>But surely we must conclude, that if there were any such practice by the Officers of the Crown in the time of <hi>Hen.</hi> 3. to seise <hi>Intestates</hi> goods generally, it was not so much the Law of the time; for if so, the Records could not be but as full of examples of it, as the time was of the death of Intestates, which questionless were very ma<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ny; but some such temporary usurpation, as in 31 <hi>H.</hi> 3. Pope <hi>Inno<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>cent</hi> the Fourth here had for a while executed by his Ministers the <hi>Fran<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ciscans</hi> and <hi>Dominicans,</hi> in not only getting into his own hands, but also to his own use, all the <hi>Goods of the Clergy-men</hi> that dyed <hi>Intestate</hi> through <hi>England,</hi> which as <hi>Matthew Paris</hi> that then lived, relates it,<note n="(g)" place="margin">Matth. Paris, fo. 959. Edit. Lon<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>dinens.</note> 
                        <hi>cum audisset dominus Rex, detestans Romanae Curiae augmentosam &amp; mul<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>tiplicem avaritiam, hoc fieri prohibuit, comperiens illud ad damnum Regni &amp; suum redundare praejudicium.</hi> Afterward in the time of <hi>Edw.</hi> 1. it appears by the Statute of <hi>Westm.</hi> 2. <hi>cap.</hi> 21. <hi>cum post mortem, &amp;c.</hi> that
<pb n="24" facs="tcp:108529:123"/>
the Goods of <hi>Intestates</hi> did come <hi>ad Ordinarios disponend<gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                              <desc>•</desc>
                           </gap>
                        </hi>; which agrees with that of <hi>Bracton</hi> before cited, and iterated in the same syllables in <hi>Fleta</hi> 
                        <note n="(h)" place="margin">Fleta l. 2. c. 57.</note> which was written under <hi>E.</hi> 1. And the disposi<gap reason="illegible" resp="#APEX" extent="1 letter">
                           <desc>•</desc>
                        </gap>ion of <hi>Intestates</hi> Goods was enquired after in those dayes <note n="(i)" place="margin">Quod videre est in Cro. Wigorn. Ecclesiae in Biblioth. Cott. sub initio E. 1.</note> an ongst Ar<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ticles of Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction. And afterwards by the Statute of 31 <hi>E.</hi> 3. the Ordinary was compelled to commit the administration of Intestates Goods to the next of kin: after which Statute the name of <hi>Administrator</hi> was common as their Office; and by that name such to whom the Ordinary committed were sued, although before that time they were suable by the name of <hi>Executors,</hi>
                        <note place="margin">28 E. 3. fo. 21. <hi>a.</hi>
                        </note> and perhaps also by the name of <hi>Administrators:</hi> 
                        <note n="(k)" place="margin">Videsis 25 E. 3. fo. 54. <hi>a.</hi> sed &amp; plura in l. 9. Vir. cl. E. Cook par. 5. fo. 82. &amp; par. 9. f. 39. &amp; 40. &amp; 19 Ed. 3. tit. Cove<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>nant. 24.</note> but that name is scarce found (as I think not at all) given a Defendant to an Action brought before se<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>ven years after the Statute of 31 <hi>E.</hi> 3. And in the Parliament Rolls of 17 <hi>Ed.</hi> 3. the <hi>Administrators</hi> are designed only by the <hi>Ceux que<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>sont per l' Evesque ordines en lieu des Executors,</hi> where a Petition is of<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>fered <note n="(l)" place="margin">Quindena Pasch. 17 E. 3. Artic. 49.</note> by the Commons, that such might have the like Actions as their <hi>Intestates</hi>: but the King answers, <hi>Quant à ceux qui devient inte<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>state le Roy voet que l' Evesque eit action en tien case depuis que il doit re<g ref="char:EOLhyphen"/>sponder as autres.</hi> But from that of 31 <hi>E.</hi> 3. saving only the alteration by 21 <hi>H.</hi> 8. the Law hath continued uniformly to this day.</p>
                     <trailer>FINIS.</trailer>
                     <pb facs="tcp:108529:123"/>
                  </div>
               </div>
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