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beppu committed Feb 13, 2009
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Expand Up @@ -250,4 +250,201 @@ deficits ever. So there's no money, no place to go, and
old guarantees go down the drain. Nothing is left
between you and "pure" capital.

Another big change in the functioning of the A-deal
consists in the geographical fragmentation of old
homogenous A-deal areas. As I already pointed out in
1983, all three deals are present everywhere. But there
used to be blocs or regions, like North America or
Western Europe, with a certain predominance of the A-
deal. This antediluvian attempt -- created by Roosevelt
and Stalin in Yalta -- to divide the planetary proletariat
along geographical demarcation lines, has definitely
been undermined by the crisis of the respective deals on
both sides. This doesn't mean that there will be fewer or
less-pronounced divisions; the end of the divisions
would be the end of the machine. But what we see now,
more and more, is a kind of leopard-skin pattern of all
the deals. New York or Los Angeles resemble almost
Third World cities, whereas the center of Rio looks like
a cleaner mid-town Manhattan. The predominant deal
can differ from one neighborhood to the next. A-deal
areas become fortresses in a jungle of various C-deals
and some B-deal leftovers. The price the Machine had to
pay to use the instrument of division called "nation"
(solidified in turn by "blocs"), a certain minimal homo-
geneity of incomes, has obviously risen too high. There
is no more national economy, just multinational compa-
nies operating all over the planet, wherever profits can
be made the easiest. The "New World Order" is just the
predator's dream of an unlimited hunting ground. The
Gulf War was not a national war, but an operation for
the world economy as such. The U.S. Army was just
hired to do the job: a new type of planetary Pinkertons.
Living in an A-deal country guarantees less and less --
you can be as poor in the U.S. as in Brazil, or as rich in
India as in Switzerland.

The crisis and dispersion of the deals is transforming
the planetary functioning of the Machine. Instead of dif-
ferent bosses (or blocs) we're now confronted with
purely anonymous systems of control and sanctions. Be
it called "free market," "law" (with the U.S. "cops of the
world" to enforce it), "democracy" or "productivity,"
power is exerted over us and by "us" via manifold cir-
cuits of selection and the self-regulating mechanisms for
the allocation of goods. The typical pseudo-boss struc-
tures of the nineties will be institutions like the IMF, the
World Bank, and certain UN agencies. There is nowhere
to go to protest; nobody seems in charge, and those who
represent companies or states stand there wringing their
hands, blaming market forces or the deficits. Ideologists
announce the "end of history," and in a certain sense,
they're right): "their" history is ending, and we never
needed one.

The new leopard-skin geometry of the deals would
seem risky, if the Machine couldn't trust the achieved
social atomization and all the automated barriers of
qualification, lifestyle, income, race and sex. Living
close together in the same cities and minging on a daily
basis, the single workers behave like little spaceships,
each on its individual couse. Not afraid of organization-
al short-circuits between these atoms, the Machine can
give them a kind of micro-autonomy, and dissipate deci-
sion-making all over the pattern. No "ruling" is needed
to be in power. But "things" happen...

While there is no use to weep about the old deals,
the new menu of deals looks even less appetizing. There
is no way back -- we're out in the open and a ferocious
wind blows. We must choose now if we want to duck
and hide in our precarious shelters, or if we use the wind
for our purposes -- to fly kites or propel our sail boats.
To the new geometry of the Machine we can answer
with a new proletarian geometry, taking advantage of
the new possibilities. With the collaspe of socialism not
only ideolgical mystifications have vanished, but new
contacts with hundreds of millions of ex-B-workers
have become possible. The migrations of C-workes to
the North bring numerous fresh encounters and cultural
exchanges.

The "end of history" and the fact that we all now face
the same bosses (or boss-mechanisms) can bring togeth-
er workers of the most different backgrounds, and can
help to get rid of all the smoke screen illusions about
progress and politics. The next time -- _this_ time -- we
aren't going to play around with replacing (powerless)
governments and tinkering with legitimation and repre-
sentation; we're ging to deal with the _real_ thing.
Instead of waiting for the next recovery, we can build
our own circuits of survival. Why wait for the next job?
Why not use our creative potentials for ourselves? Must
the East really wait for economic help from the West?
Can't farmers and city-dwellers just organize and create
self-sufficient country or city communities?

The new migrations greatly facilitate what I called
"dysco" (solidarity and commuication across deal-bar-
riers). On cultural and neighborhood levels, many initia-
tives have grown in the past years. It is exactly the issue
of "land" (housing, social spaces) that has brought
together workers of different deals. Land-prices and
therefore rents have been used all over the planet to
restructure territories, to push out unproductive people,
and to create the new cocoon-type housing facilities for
some A-workers ("gentrification"). But, even for them,
rents have become unbearable, and so some common
activity is possible. Not surprisingly, the Machine is try-
ing to use all kinds of racist and xenophobic resentments
to block such dyscos. It has even unearthed the most
ridiculous nationalisms -- especially in Eastern Europe
-- to spoil the newly possible dysco parties. It tries to
divert the struggle for land from itself and pit workers
against workers.

The distribution of different deals in the form of
smaller pockets makes the mechanism of the Machine
more flexible, disperses risks of big "accidents," gener-
ally increases the "heat" and overall productivity. while
it tries to get away from many more "natural" limits (via
genetic engineering, cyborgs, virtual realities, fusion
and/or solar energy) it is still vulnerable. The ultimate
"vision" of a sterile, immune self-reproducing automa-
ton living on decaying human and natural compost --
the A-deal Cyborg-Machine reducing the rest of the uni-
verse to mere C-deal waste -- is not yet real. But the
road is open.

There are strategic possibilities for the new proletarian
geometricians to stop this automatopia from happening.
for example, the Machine is still dependent on petrole-
um, and vital sources of this basic energy commodity lie
exactly in areas where new "fundamentalist" movements
are virulent: in the Near and Middle East and the ex-
U.S.S.R. Oil and land will be the key words for the con-
structive forces of refusal ("cnfusal?") of the Machine. If
metropolitan _dyscos_ could dirrectly cooperate with the
"fundamentalist" C-deal refusers in those areas, the
Machine could be slowly paralyzed, some usable wealth
could be funnelled to the South via the last petro-dollars,
and the land left by the retreating Machine be used for the
production of life and communal sovereignty. Sure, the
Gulf War was a kind of preventive blow to such thoughts.
But there's always another chance.

A common program for all the "confusers" -- a hid-
den anti-economic agenda -- can be found in the strug-
gles themselves. The words "proletarian geometry" sug-
gest a program: "proletarian" is derived from Latin _pro-
les_, meaning "children"; "geometry" contains _gaia_
("earth") and _meter_ ("measure," "middle"), but also
"mother" (as in "metropolis"). The "children of mother
earth" claiming their right to live -- what else could it
be about? The reason for the unreasonable behavior of
workers is (In Machine-language): better reproduction,
higher "social costs" -- life itself?

In a certain way, our hidden program is therefore
"matriarchal," and surely anti-patriarchal. This program
is very old; it's actually the _original_ program, the history
of ancient struggles. New research suggests that the
beginning of the present patriarchal Machine is not just
lost in mythological mists, but that it started around
3000 B.C., as desperate tribes invaded formerly matriar-
chal civilizations.[2] Correcting my sloppy remarks about
the beginning of centralized domination, it becomes
clear that matriarchy created urban cultures of high
diversification, and without the tyrannies of the later
"asiatic mode of production." The palaces of Chatal
Hüyük (7000 B.C.) and Knossos (ending 1400 B.C.) are
vast, but not intimidatingly monumental; they show no
signs of fortifications, but express urban wealth and joy
of life. They prove that non-patriarchal cultures needn't
be dull, rural or "hapily" stagnant. They were in full
technological and social development (on another path
of progress) when the patriarchal "accident" happened.
Centralized systems of command were also used in
matriarchal societies in times of emergency or natural
catastrophe, as a kind of exceptional criss management.
As soon as things went back to normal, the center of
power dissolved, and the regular procedures of "slow"
and "communal" rule resumed. Now it seems that
around 3000 B.C. a drought in Inner asia produced a
prolonged period of stress and migrations. For many
peoples (later known as "Indo-Europeans"), adaptation
to the new climate wasn't possible, so they started prey-
ing on agricultural societies in Mesopotamia, India and
Eurasia. This, in turn, produced emergency rules in
those societies and a process of mutual "patriarchaliza-
tion" that couldn't be reversed -- till now. So what
we're dealing with at the moment is nothing else than a
temporary anomaly within the normal matriarchal
course of human affairs. (When Marx talks about "his-
toric necessity," he's just rationalizing this abnormal
state of emergency: 8000 years of matriarchy versus
3000 years of patriarchy.)




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